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PART I Political History. 


Dr. R. C. Majumdar, M. A., Ph. D., 

Professor, Dacca University, 

Author of Corporate Life in Ancient India, Outline of Ancient 

Indian History and Civilisation, Qurjara-Pratlharas, 

Early History of Bengal, The Arab Invasion 

of India, etc. 


Published ? 
Asoke Kumar Majumdar, 

Ramna, Dacca. 

All Rights Reserved 

To be had of the following book-sellers : 

1. Chuckervertty Chatterji & Co. 

15, College Square, Calcutta. 

2. Book Company 

4/4A, College Square, Calcutta. 

3. Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot. 

Saidmitha Street, Lahore. 

4. Greater India Society 

21, Badnr Pagan Eoiv, Calcutta. 

5. Asutosh Library 

5, College Square, Calcutta, or 

Patuatuly, Dacca (Bengal). 




The Dutch Savants 

whose labours have unfolded 

a new and glorious chapter 

of the 
History of Ancient Culture and Civilisation 

of India 
this volume is dedicated 

in token of 

the respect, admiration, and gratitude 
of the author. 


The first volume of Ancient Indian Colonies in the 
Far East, dealing with the colony of Champa, was published 
in 1927. Various causes have delayed the publication of the 
second volume. One of them is a change in the planning of 
the different volumes. Originally I had intended to deal with 
the history of Kamboja (Cambodia) in the second volume. As 
the wonderful monuments of this kingdom were to constitute 
an important part of the volume, I paid a visit to Cambodia 
in order to obtain a first-hand knowledge of them. There, 
in my conversation with the Archaeological authorities, I came 
to learn for the first time that many novel theories were being 
advanced regarding the age and chronological sequence of 
the monuments of Angkor Thorn. I was advised to put off 
the publication of my book until these had been fully explored. 
Acting upon this advice I took up the history of Malayasia 
which was to have formed the third volume. My knowledge 
of Dutch being very poor at the time, I had to spend a long 
time in mastering the contents of relevant books and Journals 
which are mostly written in that language. Hence it has taken 
me nearly nine years to prepare and bring this volume before the 
public. The interval between the first and the second volume 
has further been prolonged by several urgent pre-occupations. 

It is needless to dilate on the difficulty of working on the 
subject in India, without any possible help or advice from 
any competent authority, and without any adequate library. 
It would be hardly an exaggeration to say that the small 
collection of books on the subject, which I have patiently 
acquired for Dacca University during the last seven years, 
is the best in India, but it is still very far from being adequate 
or satisfactory. The study of the Indian Colonisation in 
the Far East is still at its very infancy in this country. The 
Greater India Society and its Journal are notable recent 


enterprises, but the establishment of a Central Institute with 
facilities for the study of the subject is still a great desideratum. 
At the time when I took up the task of writing a series of 
studies on Indian Colonisation, the Society had not yet come 
into existence, and there was no book, big or small, on the 
subject in English language. As regards Java, the remark 
still holds good, save for a small pamphlet published by the 
Society, and a book on Indo-Javanese literature, published by 
one of my pupils after the first draft of this book was ready. 
I state these facts, not with the motive of claiming any special 
credit, but with a view to craving the indulgence of the readers 
for the many shortcomings which will be found in this pioneer 

When the book was completed, it proved too bulky for one 
volume, and hence I thought it advisable to divide it into 
two parts. The first part, now published, deals with the 
political history and the system of administration. The 
second part, now in press, deals with law, society, art, 
religion, literature, and the economic condition of Suvarnadvlpa. 

I have experienced considerable difficulty in the spelling of 
proper names. As regards the Javanese names of persons 
and places, I have followed the Dutch spelling, substituting y, 
ch y and ^^ respectively, for dj\ ij, and oe. I have also used y 
and v respectively for j and ?/>, except where these occur at 
the beginning of a word. The modern Javanese personal 
names are spelt exactly as in Dutch. As regards the Chinese 
names, I have followed the English, French, and Dutch 
spellings, according to the source from which I derived my 
knowledge of them. 

Originally I intended to insert in this volume a complete 
collection of j Javanese inscriptions on the lines followed in 
Volume I. But while this volume was in progress, my pupil 
Mr. Himansu Bhusan Sarkar, M. A., a research-scholar working 
under me, took up this work, and has now practically 
completed it. I hope his 'Collection of Javanese Inscriptions' 

will shortly be published, and hence I do not think it necessary 
to add a third part dealing with the Javanese inscriptions. 

As at present planned, the Second Part of this volume, 
referred to above, will be published before the end of 1937. 
The Third Volume, dealing with Kamboja (Cambodia and Siam), 
will be published in two separate parts, one containing the 
history, and the other the collection of inscriptions. I hope 
these will be out before the end of 1939. Volume IV, forming 
the sixth book of the series, and containing a general review 
of Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East, will, I hope, 
be published by 1941. 

The task of writing these volumes has been a painful and 
laborious one, particularly as I have to work, for the most 
part, in a remote Mofussil town, under heavy pressure of 
administrative and other duties. I can only crave the 
indulgence of my generous readers for the many errors which 
must necessarily have crept into this book. My sole excuse 
for the choice of this difficult undertaking is the general 
apathy and ignorance in this country about this important 
branch of study. If I succeed in removing them even to a 
small extent, I shall consider my labours amply rewarded. 

Ramna, Dacca. 1 


The 7th of December, 1936. ) 



Introduction ... ... ... i 

Abbreviations ... ... ... x i 

Additions and Corrections ... ... xvii 

Maps 1. Malayasia ... \ f . 

2. Central and Eastern Java J lacln P' L 

Book L The Dawn of Hindu Colonisation. 


L The Land ... ... ... 1 

II. The People ... ... ... 9 

III. Prc-Hindu Civilisation in Malayasia ... 26 

IV. Suvarnadvlpa ... ... ... 37 

V. Early Hindu Colonisation in Malay Peninsula 65 

VI. Early Hindu Colonisation in Java ... 91 

VI T. Early Hindu Colonisation in Sumatra ... 116 

VIII. Eurly Hindu Colonisation in Borneo ... 125 

IX. Early Hindu Colonisation in Biili ... 132 

X. Hindu Civilisation in Suvarnadvlpa up to the 

end of the Seventh Century A.D. ... 138 

Book II. The Sailendra Empire. 

I. The Sailcndra Empire ( up to the end of the 

Tenth Century A.D.) ... ... 149 

II. The Struggle between the Sailendras and the 

Colas ... ^ ... ... 167 

III. Decline and Fall of the Sailendra Empire 191 

Appendix ... ... ... 204 


Book III. Rise and fall of the Indo-Javanese Empire. 

Chapter Page 

I. The Kingdom of Matarfim ... 229 

II. Else of Eastern Java ... ... 255 

III. The Kingdom of Kadiri ... ... 276 

IV. The Dynasty of Singhasari ... ... 292 

V. The Foundation of Majapahit ... 308 

VI. The Javanese Empire ... ... 319 

VII. Downfall of the Empire ... ... 339 

VIII. Sunda ... ... ... 356 

Book IV. Downfall of Hindu Kingdoms in 

I. End of Hindu Rule in Sumatra ... 363 

II. End of Hindu Rule in Malay Peninsula ... 378 

III. End of Hindu Rule in Java ... ... 401 

IV. End of Hindu Rule in Borneo ... 412 
V. The Bali Island ... ... ... 419 

VI. Political theory and public administration in Java 429 


I propose to deal in this volume with the Hindu colonisation 
in Malay Peninsula and the Malay Archipelago. For this 
entire region, now known as Malayasia, I have used the name 
Suvarnadvipa. My authority for the use of this Indian name 
in this wide sense is set forth in Chapter IV. 

In this volume I have followed the same plan as was adopted 
in the case of the earlier volume on Champa. I have tried 
to bring together such information as we possess of the political 
history of the different regions constituting Suvarnadvlpa, 
and have also dealt with the various aspects of civilisation 
of their people, viz., religion, literature, law and administration, 
social and economic conditions, and art. I have not discussed 
such general themes as the nature of Indian civilisation, 
the influence of the Pallavas or of South India on the 
civilisation of Sumatra and Java, the origin of art and alphabet 
of these regions, and similar other questions which are 
pertinent to the subject. These will be discussed in a 
subsequent volume. 

Although Suvarnadvlpa is a mere geographical expression 
and a congeries of states, it came to be on two occasions, 
at least, almost a political entity. First, under the Sailendra 
kings from the end of the eighth to the beginning of the 
eleventh century A.D., and, secondly, in the palmy days of 
the Empire of Majapahit. Even in other periods, there has 
almost always been a close political relationship, be it friendly 
or hostile, between its constituent parts, such as we do not 
meet with between any of them and the outside world. 
Even now the predominance of the Malay-speaking people 
all over the area serves as a bond of unity, which is also 
artificially maintained to a large extent by common subjection 
to the Dutch. Those considerations would be a further 
justification of the choice of Suvarnadvipa as a historical unit, 


Our knowledge regarding the Hindu colonies in the 
various small islands which dot the Pacific is very meagre, 
and this volume primarily deals with the Indian colonies 
settled in the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Java, Bali, and 
Borneo. The sources of information on which the accounts 
are based will be found in detail in the body of the book, 
but it may be convenient to give a general idea of them at 
the very outset. 

The sources may be broadly divided into two classes, 
indigenous and foreign. Among indigenous sources, again, 
the two most important sub-divisions are (1) archaeological, and 
(2) literary. 

The archaeological evidence consists mainly of inscriptions 
and monuments, as coins play but little part in unfolding 
the history of these countries. As regards inscriptions and 
monuments, Java offers the richest field, and those in tho 
other regions are far inferior both in quality and quantity. 

The Sanskrit inscriptions of Java were studied by Kern, 
and may now be conveniently consulted in his collected works 
(Kern V. G.). The Kavi inscriptions have been collected 
in two works by Cohen Stuart (K. O.) and Dr. Brandes 
(O. J. O.). Other inscriptions have been noticed or edited 
in the publications of the Dutch Archaeological Department, 
particularly in O. V. 

The monuments of Java are principally described in 
three series of archaeological publications, m%^ (1) Rapporten 
(2) O. V. and (3) Arch. Ond. 

The last named series really consists of three monumental 
works on Candi Jago, Candi Singasari, and Barabudur. 
While one volume is devoted to each of the first two, that on 
Barabudur consists of five big volumes. Two of these contain 
only plates, and of the three volumes of texts, two give the 
archaeological, and one, the architectural description of the 
great monument. It may be noted that the two volumes on 
archaeological description have been translated into English, 


As regards the island of Bali, we have a collection of 
inscriptions in Epigraphia Balica, Vol. I, by P. V, Stein 
Callenfells. The results of more recent archaeological investiga- 
tions are given by Stutterhcim in 'Oudheden Van Bali 7 . 

The monuments of Sumatra and Borneo, which are in 
Dutch possession, have been described in O. V. For those 
of Malay Peninsula we have got a preliminary account by 
M. Lajonquierre in B. C. A. I, 1909 and 1912. 

As regards the literary sources of history, there are two 
works in Java which may claim the highest rank : 

The first is Nagara-Krtiigama, a poem written during the 
reign of Hayam Wuruk, by Prapanca, who held the high 
office of the Superintendent of the Buddhist Church in the 
court of that king. It was composed in 1365 A.D., and, 
although primarily concerned with the career of the king, 
gives other historical informations of high value. It has been 
translated by Kern (V. G., Vols. VII, VIII) and re-published 
by Krom. 

The second is a prose work called Pararaton. It is a sort 
of historical chronicle beginning with the life of Ken Angrok, 
and continuing the history of Java down to the end of the 
Hindu rule. It gives dates for most of the events, but these 
have not always proved to be correct. The book has no 
doubt a genuine historical background, but the incidents 
mentioned in it cannot always be regarded as historical 
without further corroboration. The book was originally 
edited and translated by Brandes (Par.), and a revised edition 
has been published by Krom. 

There are other modern historical works in Java arid Bali, 
called Kidung, Babads, and Sajara which have preserved 
traditions regarding their ancient history. These have been 
referred to in detail in the chapter on Literature, Similar 
works exist in Malay Peninsula, e.g., Sajarah Malayu. 

Besides historical works, Java and Bali are rich in literature 
of all kinds to which a detailed reference will be found in 
the chapter on Literature. 


A very large part of this literature still exists in manuscripts 
alone, but a few important texts have been ably edited, 
some with a Dutch translation. There are very learned and 
comprehensive catalogues of Javanese manuscripts by Vreede, 
Brandes, and Juynboll. Among the published texts may be 
mentioned, Rainayana, Mahabh&rata (portions only), Bharata- 
yuddha, Arjunavivaha, Kunjarakarna, VrttasaScaya, Bhoma- 
kavya, Galon Arang, Tantri Kamandaka, Megantaka, Dreman, 
Lingga Peta, Nitisara, and various Kidung works, in addition 
to several religious texts and one law-book. The former 
include Sang hyang KamahaySnikan, a MahaySnist text, 
and Agastya Parva, Brahmanda Purana, and Tantu Panggelaran, 
all works of the nature of Purana, containing theology, 
cosmogony and mythology. The law-book is Kutara-manava, 
edited with notes and translation by Jonkcr. A fuller account 
of these will be found in the chapters on Literature and 

The foreign sources may be subdivided into two classes, 
the eastern and the western. To the former category 
belong the Chinese, and to the latter, the Indian, Greek, 
Latin, and Arabic texts. The Indian, Greek, and Latin 
sources contain stray references to Malayasia and its 
constituent parts, and occasionally, as in the case of 
Ptolemy's Geography and Marco Polo's accounts, some 
valuable geographical information. The Arab texts, 
consisting principally of travellers' accounts, arc also very 
valuable for a knowledge of the trade and commercial 
geography of the whole region. But these western sources 
do not offer much material for reconstructing the history of 
Malayasia. For this we have to turn to the Chinese texts 
which contain very valuable data for the political and cultural 
history of the entire region. 

The Chinese possessed special opportunities for obtaining 
first-hand informations about the different regions of Malayasia, 
as these had diplomatic and trade relations with China. 
The envoys from these lands to the imperial court f and th$ 

accounts of the Chinese ambassadors who visited them, 
must have furnished excellent materials to the official 
Chroniclers who incorporated accounts of these foreign lands 
in the histories of the Imperial dynasties. A number of 
Chinese travellers also visited these far-off lands and recorded 
short accounts of the countries visited by them. The traders 
from these lands also imparted valuable information to 
Chinese officials. Thus the Chinese annals possess a store 
of information about Malayasia, which in quality and quantity 
far exceed, in importance, what we know from other foreign 
sources. In view of this, and as frequent references have been 
made to these Chinese sources in the text, we give here a 
short account of the Chinese texts on which we have principally 

First, we have the famous Dynastic Histories. As is 
wellknown, there are twenty-four official Histories which 
deal with the history of China from the earliest time up to 
the end of the Ming dynasty (1643 A.D.). The first book, 
Che-ki, deals with the history of the country from the earliest 
time up to 122 B. C. The other books deal separately with 
the history of every dynasty which has since reigned in China. 
The history of each dynasty was written after its downfall 
with the help of the Government archives. It contains 
accounts of foreign countries "which have always been 
drawn up from the materials at hand, and may therefore 
be considered to refer to the time when the dynasty still 
existed, even if the time of their compilation and publication 
falls considerably later *". 

The following is a list of the Dynastic Histories, principally 
referred to in this book. The date, given within brackets, 
refers to the period covered by each. 

1. History of the First Sung Dynasty (420-478 A. D.) 

2. History of the Liang Dynasty (502-556 A. D.) 

3. Old History of the T'ang Dynasty (618-906 A. D.) 

I, Groeneveldt Notes, p. VII. 


4. New History of the Tang Dynasty (618-906 A. D.) 

E. History of the Sung Dynasty (960-1279 A. D.) 

6. History of the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty (1206-1367 A.D.) 

7. History of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1643 A. D.) 

Among the non-official accounts, those of Fa-hien and 
I-tsing (Record, Memoire) belong respectively to the fifth and 
seventh centuries A. D. After a long interval we come across 
regular accounts from the twelfth century onwards. These 
are enumerated below with brief notes. 

1. Ling-wai-tai-ta, by Chou kii-fei, Assistant Sub-Prefect 
in Kui-lin, the capital of Kuang-si. It was composed in 
1178 A. D. 

2. Chu-fan-chi by Chau Ju-kua, Inspector of Foreign 
Trade in Fu-kicn. The date of this work has been discussed 
on p. 193. 

The author had special facilities for obtaining information 
on the subjects treated by him from the foreign sailors and 
traders who frequented his port. Though he has relied on 
Liug-wai-tai-ta for several sections of his work, those dealing 
with San-fo-tsi and its subordinate states (which alone are 
mainly used in this book) seem to be based exclusively on the 
information gathered by him from Chinese and foreign traders 1 . 

3. Tao-i Chih-lio or "Description of the Barbarians of the 
Isles" by Wang Ta-yuan with the cognomen of Huan-Chang. 
He visited, for purposes of trade, a considerable number of 
foreign localities during the period 1341-1367 and recorded 
what he had seen in this work. It is a personal and, conse- 
quently, trustworthy record. 

There are two dates in the work from which we may 
conclude that the author was already travelling in 1330, and 
that he probably put the last touches to his work after the 
summer of 1349. 

4-5. Ying-yai Sheng-lan by Ma Huan and Hsing-Cha Sheng- 
lan by Fei Hsin. Both Ma Huan and Fei Hsin accompanied 
I. Chau Ju-kua, pp, 22, 36. 


the famous eunuch Cheng Ho in some of his voyages. These 
voyages were undertaken at the command of the Emperor with 
a view to exploring foreign lands for commercial purposes and 
demonstrating to them the might and prestige of the Chinese 
Empire 1 . Some idea of these voyages may be obtained from 
the fact that in one of them Cheng Ho is said to have taken 
forty-eight vessels and 27,000 Imperial troops with him. Cheng 
Ho made altogether seven voyages between 1405 and 1433 AJX, 
and visited thirty-six (or thirty-seven) countries, in Malayasia, 
India, Arabia, and Africa. 

Both Ma Huan and Fei Hsin must have gathered materials 
for their work from the voyages they undertook. Ma Huan 
was attached to the suite of Cheng Ho as "Interpreter of 
foreign languages and writing to the mission ." Fei Hsin was 
'presumably a secretary or clerk'. Both of them had thus 
splendid opportunities of gaining first-hand knowledge about 
these foreign lands, and this invests their chronicles with a 
special importance. 

The original text of Ma Huan was revised by Chang Sheng, 
and Rockhill has made a confusion between the original and 
the revised text. The whole matter has, however, been clearly 
set forth by Pel Hot. 

Rockhill assigned the first publication of Ma Huan's work 
to a date between 1425 and 1432 A. D. Pelliot is, however, 
of opinion that the first edition of the work really appeared in 
1416, the date given in the preface to the work, soon after Ma 
Huan's first voyages in 1413-15 A. D. 

The work was evidently enlarged after the two subsequent 
visits in 1421-2 and 1431-3, and completed about 1433. But 
the book probably appeared in its final form only in 1451 A.D.* 

It is not necessary to refer in detail to the other Chinese 
works to which occasional reference has been made in the 
following pages. 

1. For full discussion on this point cf. T'oung Pao. 1934, pp. 303 ft. 

2. Cf. T'oung Pao, 1933, pp. 236 ff. 


Excepting the Indian texts, it has not been possible for 
me to consult the other sources in original. Fortunately, 
reliable translations by able and competent scholars are 
available for most of them. 

The Greek and Latin texts have been translated by 
Ccedfcs ( Ccedes-Textcs ), and the Arab Texts by Ferrand 
( Ferrand-Textes ), both into French. For the Chinese sources 
the following deserve special mention. 

I. Translation. 

1. Translation of Fa-hien's account by Legge. 

2. Translation of I-tsing's works by Takakusu and 
Chavanncs ( I-tsing-Record, I-tsing-Memoire ). 

3. Translation of Chan Ju-kua's work by Hirth and 
Rockhill ( Chau Ju-kua ). 

II. Translation of Extracts. 

4. W. P. Groeneveldt Notes on the Malay Archipelago 
and Malacca ( Batavia 1877 ). 

[ Supplementary Jottings T'oung Pao, Scr. I, Vol. VII, 
pp. 113 ff. ]. 

5. W. W. Rockhill Notes on the relations and trade 
of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the coasts of 
the Indian ocean during the Fourteenth Century. T'oung 
Pao, Serie II, Vol. XVI (1915), pp. 61 ff., 236 ff., 374 ff., 
435 ff., 604 ff. 

III. Critical Discussion. 

6. P. Pelliot Deux Itineraires de Chine en Indio & la 
fin du VIII 8 sifccle ( B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, pp. 132-413 ) 

7. Schlegel Geographical Notes. T'oung Pao, Ser. I, 
Vol. IX. ( pp. 177 ff, 191 ff, 273 ff, 365 ff ) ; Vol. X ( pp. 33 ff, 
155 ff, 247 ff, 459 ff ) ; Ser. II, Vol. II ( pp. 107 ff, 167 ff, 
329 ff. ) 


8. J. J. L. Duyvendak Ma Huan re-examined ( Verhand. 
der. Kon. Ak. van Wetensch., Afd. Lettcrkunde, N. R M d. 
XXXII, no 3, Amsterdam, 1933. ) 

9. P. Pelliot Lcs Grands Voyages Maritimes Chinois 
au Debut du XV e sifecle ( T'oung Pao, Vol. XXX, 1933, 
pp. 236-452 ; Vol. XXI, pp. 274 ff. ) 

[ This is by way of review of the preceding book. ] 
Before leaving this subject we must also mention the works 
of Ferrand who has collected all the sources of information 
about Sri-Vijaya and Malayu-Malakka in two articles in 
Journal Asiatique ( J.A. II, XX ; J.A. II, XI-XII ). 

Of the modern historical works dealing with the subject, 
those by Raffles, Fruin-Mees, With, and Veth have all been 
cast into shade by Kroni's 4 Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis' 
which is bound to remain the standard work on the political 
history of Java for many years to come. Krom's other 
work, Inleiding tot de Hindoe-Javaansche Kunst, is equally 
valuable for the history of Javanese art. It is with pleasure 
and gratitude that I recall the fact that these two books formed 
the foundation of my study of Javanese history, and I have 
freely utilised them in the following pages. The second edition 
of the first named work reached my hands after the first draft 
of this book was composed. Although I have utilised the new 
edition in the revision of my book, references given are 
mostly to the first edition. 

For the religious history of Java the works of Goris and 
Pigeaud (Tantu), and the numerous articles by various scholars, 
have been of the greatest assistance to me as they are sure 
to prove to others. 

As regards Literature, the Catalogues of Manuscripts 
( Cat. I, II, III ), and the works by Berg (specially Hoofdlijrien, 
Mid. Jav. Trad, and Inleiding), Pandji Roman by Rassers, and 
several articles, notably the one by Berg in B. K. I., Vol. 71 
( pp. 556-578 ), have been most useful to me. Not being 
acquainted with the Kavi language, I had to derive my 


knowledge of Javanese literature mainly from these and the 
few translations of texts that have been published so far. 

Of the secondary sources for the history and civilisation 
of Malayasia, by far the most important are the learned 
articles contributed to T. B. G. and B. K. I, the organs of the 
two famous institutions that have done yeoman's work in 
rescuing from oblivion the glorious past of Java and the 
neighbouring islands. These articles touch upon every aspect 
of the subject and are of inestimable value to anyone who 
seeks to study the history of Indonesia. 

It will be seen from the above that our data regarding 
the history of the different regions is very unequal. While 
we possess, in an abundant degree, evidences, both literary 
and archaeological, for the history and civilisation of Java, 
these are very meagre when we come, for example, to Borneo. 
Between these two extremes we may place, in order of 
adequacy of historical materials, Bali, Malay Peninsula, and 

It would be wrong, however, to imagine that the degree 
of importance, which should be attached to the different regions, 
is in any way proportionate to the extant evidences regarding 
them. The absence of evidence available to us may be quite 
accidental. The archaeological evidence is mostly perishable, 
save in the case of massive monuments such as we find in 
Java. As to the Chinese evidence, the Chroniclers could only 
record events when there was any intercourse with one of these 
states. A state would come in and go out of their history 
according as it sent any embassy to China ( or rice versa ) 
or ceased to 'do so. The absence of evidence, therefore, should 
not lead us to infer the political insignificance of a state, far 
less its non-existence, 


A. B. I. A. = Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology 

(Published by Kern Institute, Leyden). 

Ann. Rep. Arch. Surv.= Annual Report of the Archaeological 
Survey ot India. 

Arch. Ond.=Archaeologisch Onderzock op Java en Madura 
(By the Commission appointed in 1901), 3 volumes 
dealing respectively with Tjandi Djago, Tjandi 
Singasari, and Barabudur. 

Arch. Surv.= Archaeological Survey Report (Provincial). 

B. C. A. I.=Bulletin dc la commission Archaeologique de 


Beal= Buddhist Records of the Western World, Translated 
from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang by Samuel Beal 
(London, 1906). 

B. E. F. E. O.=Bulletin de 1'Ecole Frangaisc d'Extr&me-Oricnt, 

Berg-Hoof cllijnen = Hoof dlij nen der Javaansche Litteratuur- 
Geschiedenis by C. C. Berg (1929) 

Berg-Inleiding=Inleiding tot de studio van het Oud-Javaansch 

Bib-Jav=Bibliotheca Javanica 

B. K. I^=Bijdragen tot dc taal-, land- en Volkenkunde van 
Nederlandsch-Indie, uitgegcven door het Koninklijk 
Instituut voor de Taal-, land- en Volkenkunde van 
Nederlandsch Indie 

Cat. L= Supplement op den Catalogus van de Javaansche en 
Madoerecsche Handschriften der Leidsche Univer- 
siteits-Bibliotheek by Dr. H. H. Juynboll. Leiden, 
VoLI (1907), Vol. II (1911), 


Cat. EE. - Supplement op den Catalogus van de Sundaneesche 
Handschriftcn en Catalogus van Balineesche en 
Sasaksche Handschriften der Leidsche Universi- 
teits-Bibliotheek by Dr. H. H. Juynboll (1912). 

Cat. III. = Catalogus van de Maleische en Sundaneesche Hand- 
schriftcn der Leidsche Universiteits-Bibliotheek 
by Dr. H. H. Juynboll (1890). 

Cat. IV.=Juynboll-Catalogus van 's Rijks Ethnographisch 

Chau Ju-kua=Chu-fan-chi* by Chau Ju-kua. Translated by 
P. Hirth and W. W. Eockhill. St. Petersburgh 

Coedes-Textes=Textes d'auteurs Grecs et Latins relatifs a 
1' Extreme-Orient depuis le IV e stecle Av. J. C. 
jusqu'au XIV sifecle. Kecueillis et traduits par 
George Coedfes (Paris-Ernest Leroux, 1910). 

Cohn-Ind.=Indische Plastik von William Cohn (Berlin, 1923) 

Congres I=Handelingen van het eerste Congres voor de taal-, 
land- en volkenkunde van Java, 1919 (Albrecht 
& Co-Weltevreden). 

Coomaraswamy=Ananda K. Coomaraswamy History of Indian 
and Indonesian Art (1927). 

Crawfurd-Dictionary=A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian 
Islands and Adjacent Countries by John Crawfurd, 
London (1856) 

Encycl. Ned. Ind.= Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch-Indie, 
Second Edition (1919). 

Ep. Carn.=Epigraphia Carnatica. 

Ep. Ind.=Epigraphia Indica. 

Fa-hien=A record of Buddhistic Kingdoms by Fa-hien. Tran- 
slated by J. Legge (Oxford, 1886). 

Feestbundel=Feestbundel uitgegeven door Koninklijk Bataviaa- 
sch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 
bei gelegenheid van zijn 150-jarig Bestaan 1778- 
1928 (G.KolflFA Co, 1929), 

Ferrajid-Texte8=r Relations de Voyages etTextes.Geographiques 
Arabes, Pereans et Turks relatifs a PExtrSme- 
Orient du VHI* au XVHP sifecles by Gabriel 
Ferrand, 2 Vols (Paris-Ernest Leroux 1913-14). 

Foucher-Etude, I=tude sur 1'Iconographie Bouddhique de 
l ; Inde by A. Foucher (Paris, 1900). 

Foucher-Etude, II.=Do-Paris, 1905 

Friederich-Bali=An account of the Island of Bali by Dr. R. 
Friederich (Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo- 
China and the Indian Archipelago, Second Series, 
Vol. II, London, 1887). 

Fruin-MeesGeschiedenis van Java by W. Fruin-Mees. 
Part I (2nd Edition, Weltevreden, 1922). 

Gerini-Researches= Researches on Ptolemy 's Geography of 
Eastern Asia by Colonel G. E. Gerini, London 

Goris=Bijdrage Tot de kennis der Oud-Javaansche en 
Balincesche Theologie by R. Goris. Leiden, 1926. 

Groenevcldt-Notes= Notes on the Malay Archipelago and 
Malacca compiled from Chinese Sources by W. P. 
Grocneveldt. V. B. G. Vol. XXXIX, Part I. 
(Batavia, 1877) 

I. A. L.= Indian Art and Letters. 
I. C.== Indian Culture (Calcutta). 
I. H. Q.=Indiaii Historical Quarterly (Calcutta). 
Ind. Ant, = Indian Antiquary. 

Indian Art=The Influences of Indian Art. Published by the 
India Society 1925. 

I-tsing-Memoire=Memoire compost a 1'epoque de la grande 
dynastic T'ang stir les Religieux Eminents qui 
allerent cherchcr la loi dans les pays d'occident 
par I-tsing. Translated by E. Chavannes (Paris 


I-tsing-Record=A Record of the Buddhist religion ad 

practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (A.D. 

671-695) by I-tsing. Translated by J. Takakusu 

(Oxford, 1896). 
J. A.=Journal Asiatique. 
J. A. S. B.=Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1865- 


J. A. S. B. N. S.-Do, New Series (1905-1934). 
J. A. S. B. L.=Do (Letters, from 1935). 
J. Bo. Br. R. A. S.= Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society. 
J. B. O. R. S.= Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research 


J. F. M. S. M.= Journal of the Federated Malay States Museum. 
J. G. I. 8.= Journal of the Greater India Society. 
J. I. H.= Journal of Indian History. 
J. Mai. Br. R. A. S.= Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society. 
Jonker Wetboek=Een Oud-Javaansch Wetboek vergeleken 

met Indischc Rcchtsbronnen by J. C. G. Jonker 

(Leiden, 1885). 

J. R. A. S. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great 

Britain and Ireland. 
J. Str. Br. R. A. S.= Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society. 

Kernpers=The Bronzes of Naltmda and Hindu Javanese 
Art by Dr. A. J. Bernct Kempers (Leiden) 
(Originally published as an article in B. K. I. Vol. 
90, pp. 1-88). 

K. O.=Kawi Oorkonden'in Facsimile Met Inleiding en Trans- 
criptie by Dr. A. B. Cohen Stuart (Leiden, 1875). 

Krom Geschiedenis=Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis by Dr. 
N. J. Krom (Martinus Nijhoff, Hague, 1926). The 
second Edition ( 1931 ) is indicated by Krom- 
Geschiedenis 1 . 


Krom-Kunst=Inleiding tot de Hindoe-Javaansche Kunst by 
Dr. N. J. Krom (Martinus Nijhoff, Hague, 1923). 

Levi-Texts= Sanskrit Texts from Bali by Sylvain Levi 

(Gaekwad Oriental Series). 
Mid. Jav. Trad.==Bcrg De Middeljavaansche Historische 

Traditie (1927). 
Nag. Kr.=Nagara-Krtagama Edited by H. Kern (V. G. Vols. 

N. I. O. N.=Nederlandsch Indie, Oud en Nieuw 

Not. Bat. Gen.=Notulen van dc Algemecne en Bestuurs- 
vergaderingen van het Bataviaasch Genootsehap 
van Kunstcn en Wctcnschappen. 

O. B.=Oudheden van Bali by Dr. W. F. Stuttcrheim (Singradja, 

O. J. O.=Oud-Javaansche Oorkonden. Nagelaten Transcrip- 

ties van Wijlen Dr. J. L. A. Brandes. Uitgegeven 

door Dr. N. J. Krom ; V. B. G. Vol. LX. (Batavia 

and the Hague, 1913.) 

O. V.==Oudhcidkundig Vcrslag (Rapporten van den Oudheid- 
kundig Dienst in Nederlandsch Indie, Series I, 
1912-1919 ; Scries II. 1920 etc.) 

Par=Pararaton of Hot Bock der Koningen van Tumapcl en van 
Majapahit door Brandes ; Tweede Druk door Dr. 
N. J. Krom (V. B. G. Deel LXII), 1920. 

Poerbatjaraka-Agastya=Agastya in den Archipel by Poerba- 
tjaraka (Lesya) (Leiden, 1926). 

Raffles- Java The History of Java by Sir Thomas Stamford 
Raffles, 2nd Edition (London, 1830). 

Rapporten=Rapporten vande Commissiein Nederlandsch-Indie 
voor Oudheidkundig Ondcrzoek op Java en 
Madura, 1901 etc. 

Rum-Serams=Dc Rum Serams op Nieuw-Guinea of Het 
Hinduismc in het Oosten van onzen Archipel door 
Dr. D. W. Horst (Leiden, 1893). 


Sarkar-Literature= Indian Influences on the Literature of Java 
and Bali, Calcutta, 1934. 

Sastri-Colas='The Colas' by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, 
Madras, 1935. 

S. I. Ep. Rep. = Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy. 

S. I. L= South Indian Inscriptions. 

Tantu=De Tantu Panggelaran by Th. Pigeaud (Hague, 1924). 

T. B. G.=Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volken- 
kunde van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van 
Kunsten en Wetenschappen (1853 cfr.), Batavia. 

V. B. G.=Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap 
van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Batavia. 

V. G.=Verspreide Geschriften van Prof. Dr. H. Kern. 


Page 7, 1. 5. Mr. Oldham has definitely identified Paloura 
with the "existing village of Paluru at the 
northern extremity of the Gaiijam district, 
about 6 miles N.E. of Ganjam town/' (J.B.O.R.S., 
Vol. XXII, pp. 1 ff.). 

Page 25, f.n. 2. Reference may be made to the following 
statement : "The Malay Peninsula is the 
fatherland of the Malays who colonised centuries 
ago Sumatra " ( Toung Pao 1898, p. 370.). 

Page 27, 11. 8-16. For a recent example in the neighbourhood 
of Vanasari ( Jogyakerta ), cf. T. B. G., 1935, 
pp. 83 ff. 

Page 29, f.n. 1. Add at the end : "and 'History of Malaya (1935) 
Chapter I." 

Page 81, 1. 5. The scholars are now inclined to refer the 
seal to about 600 A.D. Cf. J. Mai. Br. R.A.S., 
Vol. XII ( 1934 ), p. 173 ; Vol. XIII ( 1935 ), 
p. 110 ; J.G.I.S., Vol. II, p. 71. 

Pages 96-7. Mr. H. B. Sarkar suggests (J.A.S.B., Vol. XXIX, 
pp. 17-21) that as a result of the conquests 
of Skandagupta, a large body of Sakas from 
Gujarat, under a local chieftain, probably Aji 
Saka by name, emigrated to Java and introduced 
the Saka Era. The arguments in support of 
this theory do not appear to me to be very 

Page 99. paras 1-2. Dr. J. Przyluski holds that 'the most 
ancient travellers did not make a clear 
distinction between the islands of Java and 
Sumatra, and these two great islands formed 
the continent of Yava. Probably for Ptolemy 
and for all the ancient geographers Yava is 
Java-Sumatra/ (J.G.I.S., Vol. I, p. 93) 


Page 106, 11. 9-11. A Shell inscription is engraved at Ci-Aruton 
below the foot-prints of king Parnavarman. 
Dr. K. P. Jayaswal reads it as "Sri Purnna- 
varmanat" ( Ep. Ind., Vol. XXII, p. 4 ), but 
it is, at best, doubtful. 

Mr. F. M. Schnitger draws attention to a reference to 
Tarumapur in an inscription of Kulottunga (S.LI., Vol. Ill, 
Part 2, p. 159). It is about ten miles north of Cape Comorin, 
the region from which Agastya worship spread to the 
Archipelago. Schnitger finds in the name Taruma an 
additional argument for the southern origin of Purnavarman 
(T.B.G., 1934, p. 187.). 

Page 142, 11. 4-5. Cf. also Schlegel's views ( Toung Pao, 
Ser. II, Vol. II, pp. 109 ff. ). 

Book I 



Chapter I. 


The Malay Peninsula and the Malay Archipelago constitute 
together the region known as Malayasia. Although this name 
is not in general use, we prefer to adopt it as it very nearly 
coincides with the group of ancient Indian colonies in the Far 
East with which we propose to deal in this volume. 

The Malay Peninsula forms the most southerly part of 
the mainland of Asia. It is a long narrow strip of land 
projecting into the China sea and connected with the mainland 
by the Isthmus of Era. In spite, however, of this connection 
with land, the peninsula belongs, geographically, to the Malay 
Archipelago and not to the Asiatic continent. The Malay 
Archipelago is also designated Indian Archipelago, East 
Indies, Indonesia, Asiatic Archipelago or Insulinde. It 
begins with the large island of Sumatra which lies to the 
west of the Malay Peninsula and is separated from it by the 
Straits of Malacca. The narrow Sunda Strait parts Sumatra 
from the neighbouring island of Java to its south-east. Java 
is the beginning of a series of islands lying in a long chain 
in the direction from west to east. These are Bali, Lombok, 
Sumbawa, Flores and a number of small islands which almost 
stretch upto New-Guinea. A little to the south of this line 
are the two important islands, Sumba and Timor. 

A similar chain of islands lies to the north, along a line 
drawn through the centre of Sumatra towards the east. It 


begins with Borneo, the largest island in the archipelago. 
Next comes Celebes, and then the large group of islands 
known as the Moluccas or Spice islands. 

Beyond all these islands, numbering more than six thousand, 
lie the large island of New Guinea to the east and the group 
of islands known as the Philippines to the north. 

The Archipelago is separated from Indo-China in the 
north by the South China Sea and from Australia in the south 
by the Timor Sea. To the west there is no large country 
till we reach the shores of India and Africa, the intervening 
sea being dotted with hundreds of islands. The most important 
of these, beginning from the cast are Andaman, Nicobar, 
Ceylon, Maldives, Laccadives and Madagascar. 

As Wallace has pointed out, it is seldom realised that the 
dimensions of the Archipelago are really continental. "If 
transferred to Europe and the western extremity placed on 
lands' End, New-Guinea would spread over Turkey." It 
extends over 50 degrees of longitude (100 to 50) and nearly 
25 degrees of latitude (10S. to 15N.) 

It is a very singular characteristic of the Archipelago that 
one part of it, including Borneo, Celebes, Sumatra, Java and 
Bali is separated by shallow sea from Asia, and the other 
part, including New Guinea, Flores, and Lombok is similarly 
separated from Australia. Between these two parts, however, 
the depth of the sea has been found to be from 1000 to 3,557 
fathoms, although in some places, as between Bali and Lombok, 
the two regions are separated by a strait not more than 
15 miles wide. The study of the fauna corroborates the natural 
difference between these two regions, and we might accordingly 
divide the Archipelago into an Asiatic and an Australian Zone. 

Wallace, who has gone more deeply into this question 
than any other scholar, postulates from the above premises 
that Sumatra, Java, Bali and Borneo formed at one time a 
part of the continent of Asia. He describes their evolution 
into separate islands as follows : 


"Beginning at the period when the Java Sea, the Gulf of 
Siam, and the straits of Malacca were dry land, forming with 
Borneo, Java and Sumatra a vast sothern extension of the 
Asiatic continent, the first movement was probably the sinking 
of the Java Sea as the result of volcanic activity, leading 
to the complete and early separation of Java. Later Borneo, 
and afterwards Sumatra, became detached and since 
then many other elevations and depressions have taken 

Similar observations are made by Wallace regarding other 
parts of the Archipelago. As we arc mainly concerned with that 
part of it alone which includes Sumatra, Java, Bali and 
Borneo, we need not pursue these interesting investigations 
any further. 

A detailed account of the more important islands will be 
given separately when we deal with them individually in 
subsequent chapters. Here we need mention only a few 
general characteristics of the Archipelago. 

The equator passes almost through the centre of the 
Archipelago, and, excepting the northern half of the Philippines, 
nearly the whole of the Archipelago lies within ten degrees 
of latitude on cither side. In consequence warm summer 
prevails throughout the year and the only change of seasons 
is that from dry to wet. The whole of this region is within 
the influence of the monsoons but free from hurricanes. 

The Archipelago is eminently a mountainous region and a 
volcanic band passes through it "in a sweeping curve 
five thousand miles long, marked by scores of active and 
hundreds of extinct craters. It runs through Sumatra and Java, 
and thence through the islands of Bali, Lombok, Flores to 
Timor, curving north through the Moluccas, and again north, 
from the end of Celebes through the whole line of the 
Philippines. The zone is narrow ; and on either side the 
Malay Peninsula, Borneo, Celebes, and New Guinea have np 


known volcanoes, and are apparently not subject to serious 
disturbances/' 1 

The geographical position of Malayasia invested it with a 
high degree of commercial importance. Situated on the highway 
of maritime traffic between China on the one hand and western 
countries like India, Greece, Rome and Arabia on the other, 
it was bound to develop important centres of trade and 
commerce. The route to China from the west lay either through 
the Straits of Malacca or along the western coast of Sumatra 
and then through the Sunda Strait. Thus Sumatra and 
Malay Peninsula, and, to a certain extent, Java also profited 
by this trade. The main volume of this trade must always have 
passed through the Straits of Malacca, and sometimes, perhaps, 
the goods were transported by land across the Isthmus of Kra 
in order to avoid the long voyage along the eastern and western 
coasts of the Malay Peninsula. 

Malayasia has been famous in all ages for its timber and 
minerals and almost enjoyed the monopoly in spices. This 
was undoubtedly the main reason why the western nations 
were attracted to this corner of Asia from very early times. 
This was particularly true of India and China which were the 
nearest countries to the Archipelago that possessed a highly 
developed civilisation from an early period. 

There was a regular maritime intercourse between India 
and the Far East as early at least as the first century A. D. 
This is definitely proved by the statement in the Periplus that 
ships from Indian ports regularly sailed to Chrysc, and there 

I, The preliminary account of the Archipelago is based on the 
following works : 

(a) Major C. M. Enriquez Malaya ( Hurst and Blackett, 1927 ). 

(b) John Crawfurd Dictionary of the Indian Islands and adjacent 
countries ( London, 1856 ). 

(c) A. Cabaton Java, Sumatra and the other islands of the 
Dutch East Indies (T. Fisher Unwin, 1911 ). 


was a brisk trade relation between the two. 1 As we shall see 
later Chryse was a vague name applied to Malayasia. 

The further statement in the Periplus, that after Chryse 
"under the very north, the sea outside ends in a land called 
This," is of singular importance, inasmuch as 'This' undoubtedly 
stands for China. As Clifford has pointed out, this tends 
to prove "that the sea-route to China via the Straits of Malacca 
even though it was not yet in general use, was no longer 
unknown to the mariners of the cast." This is confirmed by 
the fact that not long afterwards the sailor Alexander sailed 
to the Malay Peninsula and beyond ; for, to quote again 
from Clifford, "it may safely be concluded that the feasibility 
of this south-eastern passage had become known to the 
sea-farers of China long before an adventurer from the west 
was enabled to test the fact of its existence through the means 
of an actual voyage." 2 

The author of the Periplus docs not seem to have possessed 
any definite information or accurate knowledge of the Far East. 
The reason seems to bo that there was no direct communication 
between the Coromandcl coast and the Far East, but the voyage 
was made from the Gangctic region either direct or along the 
coast of Bay of Bengal. This follows from the fact that 
whenever Chryse is mentioned in the Periplus it is invariably 
associated with the Ganges. As this aspect of the question 
has not been generally recognised I may quote below the 
relevant passages from SchofPs translation. 

1. Referring to the Chola country the author says ; "Among 
the market-towns of these countries, and the harbours where 
the ships put in from Damirica (Tamil land) and from the north, 
the most important are, in order as they lie, first Camara, then 
Poduca, then Sopatma ; in which there are ships of the country 

1. The Periplus of the Erythraean sea ( edited by W. H. Schoff 
Longmans, 1912 ) pp, 45-48- 

2, Ibid. p. 260. 


coasting along the shore as far as Damirica ; and other very 
large vessels made of single logs bound together called sangara ; 
but those which make the voyage to Chryse and to the Ganges 
are called eolandia^ and are very large." (p. 46) 

2. "After these, the course turns towards the east again, 
and sailing with the ocean towards the right and the 
shore remaining beyond to the left, Ganges conies into 
view, and near it the very last land towards the east, 
Chryse." (p. 47) 

3. "And just opposite this river (the Ganges) there is an 
island in the ocean, the last part of the inhabited world 
toward the east, under the rising sun itself ; it is called 
Chryse." (p. 48) 

Thus there is hardly any doubt that to the author of the 
Periplus Chryse is closely associated with the Gangetic region. 
The last sentence in the first passage may be taken to imply 
a direct voyage to Chryse, but it is at least very doubtful. 
Besides, it is to be remembered, that the author of the Periplus 
himself says that the coasting voyage was the order of the day, 
and he narrates the striking discovery by Hippalus of a direct 
voyage to the west coast of India from African shore. 1 It is 
difficult to believe that the author would not have referred to 
a direct voyage from the Coromandcl coast to the Far East, if 
such a course was known in his time, at least in passage 
No. 1. quoted above. 

This view is confirmed by Ptolemy. He refers to the 
aplieterium, immediately to the south of Paloura, where the 
vessels bound for the Malay Peninsula "ceased to follow the 
littoral and entered the high seas"*. 8. L6vi has shown that 
the city of Paloura, which played such an important part 
in the eastern ocean trade of India was the same as the 
famous city of Dantapura, in Kalinga, which figures so 

i. Ibid. p. 45. 

3. Ptolemy. ( M'c. Crindle ), pp. 66, 69. 


prominently in the Buddhist literature. Thus even in 
Ptolemy *s days there was no direct voyage from the Coromandel 
coast, but in addition to the coastal voyage along the Bay of 
Bengal from Tamralipti, a direct voyage to the east was 
made from Paloura near modern Chicacole. 1 It is difficult, 
therefore, to accept the view, generally held on the authority 
of the Periplus, that there was a direct voyage between 
South India and the Far East in the first century A. D. 8 

It cannot, of course, be maintained that a direct voyage 
between South Indian ports and Malay Peninsula was an 
impossible one. All that we learn from Ptolemy is that the 
usual point of departure for the Far East was near Paloura. 
It is possible, however, that occasionally ships sailed direct from 
Coromandel coast to the cast, or via Ceylon and Andaman 
Islands to the coast of Sumatra. 8 

The fame of Paloura or Dantapura, in Kaliiiga ( the 
coastal region between the Mahanadl and the Godavarl ), 
was no doubt due, at least to a great extent, to its 
importance as the point of departure for the Far East. That 
probably also explains why the Chinese referred to Java and 
other islands of the Archipelago as Kling, no doubt an 
abbreviation of Kalinga. All these point out to Kalinga as 
the particular region in India which was more intimately 
connected, through its port Paloura, with the Far East in 
the early period. 

There were important ports on the opposite coast also. 
In the Malay Peninsula we have reference to Takkola in 
classical writings, to Kala by Arab writers and to Singapore 
and Malacca by the Portuguese. In Sumatra the most important 

1. J. A. 1925, pp. 46-57. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil held the view that 
the apheterium was situated near the mouth of the Godavarl (Ancient 
History of the Deccan pp. 86-88) 

2. Cf. e. g. Krom's emphatic opinion in Geschiedenis, p. 53. 

3. For the probability of such voyage in pre-historic times cf. Chap. II. 


port was Srl-Vijaya. Others will be referred to in due course. 
On the whole, therefore, we can easily visualise Malayasia 
as a fairly extensive region between the continents of Asia 
and Australia, enjoying peculiar advantages of trade and 
commerce, both by its geographical position as well as by its 
native products. From a very early period it had intercourse 
with China on the north, Australia and the Pacific islands on the 
south and east, and India and various islands in the Indian 
ocean on the west. It was more intimately connected with 
Burma and Lido-China on the north, as their inhabitants 
were allied to its own. 

Chapter II 


A detailed discussion o the people or peoples that inhabited 
Malayasia before the advent of the Hindus belongs to the 
domain of anthropology. It is beyond the scope of the present 
work to dwell upon this question at length and I propose, 
therefore, merely to give in broad outline the salient facts 
on which there is a general agreement among scholars. 

It is usual to divide the population into three main strata : 
(1) The primitive races (2) the Proto-Malays and (3) the 
Malays. 1 

(1) The Semang and the Sakai of the Malay Peninsula 
may be taken as fair specimens of the wild tribes that inhabited 
the region in primitive times. The Semang Negritos belong 
to the earliest stratum of population which has survived in 
the peninsula. They now occupy "the wooded hills in the 
north of the peninsula, in Kedah, Pcrak and northern Pahang : 
with occasional communities like the Temo in Ulu Bera and 
Ulu Rompiii in south Pahang". "They are dark, with woolly 
hair, and flat, spreading noses, feeble chins, and lips often 
everted : and sometimes they are almost pigmies in size. 

But for a bark loin-cloth, they are naked They have no 

form of agriculture whatever, and live upon jungle produce 
and by hunting, fishing and trapping. Their distinctive weapon 

I. The account of the tribes is taken from Major C. M. Enriquez 1 
excellent book "Malaya an account of its People, Flora and Fauna" 
(Hurst and Blackett 1927) Chs. V-VIII. The quotations are also from 
this book. A detailed account of the manners and customs of the 
primitive people is given by I. H. N. Evans in "Ethnology and 
Archaeology of the Malay Peninsula" (Cambridge, 1927) and by R. J. 
Wilkinson in "A History of the Peninsular Malays" 3rd Edition 
Singapore (1923). 



is the bow and poisoned arrow. They live under over-hanging 
rocks or leaf-shelter and build no houses." 

The Sakai occupy the mountains of south-east Perak and 
north-west Pahang. They resemble the Semang in many 
respects and the two have interbred to a considerable extent. 
"In colour the Sakai vary from brown to yellow, and are lighter 
even than Malays. The hair is long and black, the nose finely 
cut and tilted, the eyes horizontal and half-closed and the chin 
sharp and pointed. They tattoo the face in certain districts 
and sometimes wear a ring or a porcupine's quill through the 
nose. Their distinctive weapon is the blow-pipe with which 
they arc extremely skilful. As a rule they live in huts 
sometimes placing them up trees at a height of 30 feet from the 

(2) A number of wild tribes to be found all over Malayasia 
are called Proto-Malays, as their languages are distinctly 
Malay. The Jakun who occupy the south of the Malay 
Peninsula may be taken as a fair specimen of this type. "They 
are coppery in colour, with straight smooth black hair of 
Mongolian type. The cheek-bone is high, the eyes are slightly 
oblique. Though inclined to be nomadic, they usually practise 
some form of agriculture, and live in fairly good houses." 

The Proto-Malay type is met with all over Malayasia. The 
Batak, Achinese, Gayo and Lampongs of Sumatra, the Dayaks, 
Kayan, Kenyah, Dusun and Murut of Borneo, and the aborigines 
of Celebes, Ternate and Tidore all belong to this type. 
Some of them are cruel and ferocious. The Batak, for example, 
are said to be cannibals who eat prisoners and aged relatives. 
. The Kayan and Kenyah are noted for their frightful cruelty 
and their women seem to have a genius for devising tortures 
for captives, slaves and strangers. Others are more civilised. 
The Dayaks of Borneo, although head-hunters for ritualistic 
purposes, are described as 'mild in character, tractable and 
hospitable when well used, grateful for kindness, industrious, 
honest and simple ; neither treacherous nor cunning, and so 


truthful that the word of one of them might be safely taken 
before the oath of half a dozen Malays/ 

(3) The Malays, who now form the predominant element of 
the population of Malayasia, have been divided by Wallace 
under four great heads 1 : (1) The Malays proper who inhabit 
the Malay Peninsula and the coastal regions of Sumatra and 
Borneo ; (2) the Javanese of Java, Madura, Bali and parts of 
Lombok and Sumatra ; (3) the Bugis of Celebes ; and (4) the 
Tagalas of the Philippines. 

Wallace describes the Malay as follows : "In character 
he is impassive. He exhibits a reserve, diffidence and even 
bashfulness, which is in sonic degree attractive, and leads 
observers to think that the ferocious and blood-thirsty qualities 
imputed to the race arc grossly exaggerated. He is not 
demonstrative. His feelings, of surprise or fear, arc never 
openly manifested, and arc probably not strongly felt. He is 
slow and deliberate in speech. High-class Malays are 
exceedingly polite, and have all the quiet ease and dignity of 
well-bred Europeans. Yet all this is compatible with a reckless 
cruelty and contempt for human life, which is the dark side of 
their character." 

Having given a short description of the various peoples, 
we may now proceed to trace their origin and affinities from 
racial and linguistic points of view. Both these questions 
are beset with serious difficulties and the views of different 
scholars are by no means in complete agreement. We must, 
therefore, content ourselves by merely quoting the view of one 
eminent authority in each line of study, referring the readers, 
who seek further information, to special treatises on the subject. 

Mr. Roland B. Dixon has summed up as follows the racial 
history of the Malay Peninsula. 9 

1. Wallace Malay Archipelago, Vol. II, p. 439. 

2. Roland B. Dixon The Racial History of Man (Charles 
cribner's Sons, New York, London, 1923) p. 275. 


"The oldest stratum of population was the Negrito Palae- 
Alpine which survives to-day in comparative purity only among 
the Andamanese. With this was later blended a taller Negroid 
people, of mixed Proto-Australoid and Proto-Negroid types, 
to form the Semang. This Negroid population is still 
represented among some of the hill-folk in Burma, such as the 
Chin, is more strongly present in Assam and dominant in the 
greater part of India. Subsequently to the formation of Semang 
a strong immigration came into the Peninsula from the north, 
of the normal Palae- Alpine type, of which perhaps some of 
the Karen may be regarded as the last survivors. From the 
fusion of these with the older Semang was derived the Sakai 
and some, perhaps, of the Jakun ; the later and less modified 
portions of this wave forming the older Malay groups of to-day. 
Finally in recent times came the Mcnangkabau Malays from 
Sumatra who have overlain the earlier group throughout the 
south." The statement in the last sentence that the Malays 
came from Sumatra, is, perhaps, no longer valid, as we shall see 

As regards language, it has been recognised for a long time 
that the language of the Malays belongs to the same family 
as that of Polynesia and the name Malayo-Polynesian 
was applied to this group. Since then, however, Mclanesian, 
Polynesian, Micronesian and Indonesian (Malay) languages 
have all been proved to belong to the same family to which 
the new name Austro-nesian has been applied. The discovery 
of human skulls and the pre-liistoric stone implements in 
Iiido-China and Malay Archipelago has demonstrated the racial 
and cultural affinity between many of the races speaking these 
languages. 1 

There is hardly any doubt that the primitive wild tribes of 
Malayasia belonged to the palaeolithic age. Discoveries of human 
skulls and other pre-historic finds establish a sort of racial and 

I. For pre-historic finds cf. Tijdschr. Aardr. Gen. Vol. 45 (1928) 
PP- SS 1 "^; O. V. 1924 (127-133); 1926 (i74-i93) 1929 (pp. 23 ff). 


cultural affinity among large groups of them spreading over 
Indo-China, Indonesia, Melanesia, and as far as Australia. 
They were gradually ousted by the peoples speaking 
Austro-nesian group of languages and belonging to the Neo-lithic 
period. The time and nature of contact between all these 
races we have no means to determine. So far as we can judge 
from the analogy of similar events and the few facts that 
present themselves to us, the result of the conflict seems to be, 
that the original inhabitants were partly exterminated, partly 
incorporated with the new-comers, and partly pushed back 
to hills and jungles where some of them maintain a precarious 
existence upto the present day. 

Whether the conquering peoples all belonged to one race 
cannot be definitely determined. This view is at least in accord 
with the fact that their languages were derived from one stock, 
and it is also supported by prc-historic finds, as noted before. 
Be that as it may, there is hardly any doubt that they must have 
lived together in close bonds of union, before they were scattered 
over the islands in the Pacific ocean. 

"We can thus easily postulate a common home for this 
Austro-nesian group of peoples. Kern made a critical study of 
the question by considering the fauna and flora of this home- 
land as revealed by the common elements in the various 
languages of the group. By this process of study he placed 
the home-land of the Austro-nesians on the coast of Indo- 
China. 1 This view is corroborated by the fact that human 
skulls which are purely Indo-nesiari and prc-historic finds 
which are undoubtedly Proto-Indo-nesian have been found in 

I. Kern V. G. Vol. VI, pp. 105-120. Kern calls it "Secundaire 
stamland" (Second home), for he traces their origin further back to India, 
as will appear later (V. G. Vol. XV, p. 180). R. O. Winstedt has 
further supported this view by noting the occurrence of identical tales in 
the Indo-nesian and Mon-Khmer languages (J. Str. Br. R. A. S. No. 76, 
pp. iiQff). 

14 ffiE PEOPLE 

Ferrand has traced the early history of these peoples still 
further back, mainly on the authority of an account preserved 
by Ibn Said (13th cent.). He thinks that they originally lived 
in upper Asia as neighbours of the Chinese, and being 
driven by the latter, about 1000 B. C., came down to Indo- 
China along the valleys of the Irawadi, Salwin, Mekong 
and Menam rivers. Nearly five hundred years later they 
migrated again from this region to Malay Peninsula and 
various islands of the Indian Archipelago. 1 Of late, another 
theory has been advanced by Van Stein Callenfels. He 
infers from the remains of. their metallic objects that the 
original home of the Austro-nesians lies in the region of the 
Altai mountains.* 

It must be remembered, however, that considering the scanty 
and uncertain data on which the above conclusions are 
necessarily based, they can only be regarded as provisional. 
Nor should it be forgotten that the settlement of the vast region 
of Malayasia could not possibly have been a simple process of 
migration of a body of people from the mainland to each of the 
islands. There must have been currents and cross-currents 
from different quarters that swelled the tide, and we have to 
postulate migrations and emigrations, not only many in number 
but probably also varied in character. It will be outside the 
scope of this book to pursue the ramification of this fascinating 
problem any further. But there is another point of view 
regarding this question which is virtually connected with the 
subject-matter of this book and must be treated at some length. 
Recent linguistic researches have established definite connection 
between the languages of some primitive tribes of India such as 
Munda and KhiTsi with Mon-Khmer and allied languages 
including those of Semang and Sakai. The great philologist 
Schmidt has thus established the existence of a linguistic 

1. J. A. Il-XII (1918) pp. 120-123 ; I 9 I 9> P- 201. 

2. T. B. G. Vol. 64 (1924), p. 604. 


family, which is now called Austro-Asiatic. 1 Schmidt 
believes that 'the linguistic unity between these peoples which 
is now definitely established, points to an ethnic unity among 
them as well, though positive and satisfactory evidence on this 
point is lacking yet. )a 

"Schmidt has extended his studies even further and proposed 
to connect the Austro- Asiatic family with the Austro-nesian" 
to which, as stated above, the Malays belonged. Schmidt thus 
seeks to establish a "larger linguistic unity between Austro- 
Asiatic and Austro-nesian and calls the family thus constituted 
'Austric* " Here, again, Schmidt indicates the possibility of 
an ethnic unity among the peoples whose linguistic affinity 
is thus definitely assured. 

Schmidt thus regards the peoples of Indo-China and 
Indo-nesia as belonging to the same stock as the Munda and 
allied tribes 3 of Central India and the Khasis of North- 
eastern India. He regards India as the original home of all 
these peoples from which they gradually spread to the east 
and south-east. The following passage sums up his views in 
this respect. 

'In the same way as I have presented here the results of 
my investigations on movements of peoples who, starting 

1. Die Mon-Khmer-Volker etc. (1906) pp. 35 ff, 

I have used the French translation in B. E. F. E. O. Vol. VII. 
(pp. 213-263), VIII (pp. 1-35). A good exposition of Schmidt's view, 
so far as the linguistic aspect is concerned, is given in the introductory 
chapter in ''Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India" by Dr. P. C. Bagchi 
(Calcutta University, 1929) from which I have freely quoted. (The page 
marks within bracket in the text refer to this book). 

2. Schmidt, op. cit. cf. specially, p. 233. 

3. The Muncla group of language includes Kol, the more eastern 
Kherwari with Santali, Muncjarfc Bhumij, hirhor, Kocla, Ho, Turi, Asuri, 
and Korwa dialects and the western Kurku ; Kb aria ; Juang ; and the* 
two mixed languages Savara and Gadaba. (Dr. P. C. Bagchi, op. cit. 
p. VI.) 


from India towards the east, at first spread themselves over 
the whole length of Indo-Chinese Peninsula, and then over 
all the islands of the Pacific Ocean upto its eastern extremity, 
my attention has for long been drawn to another current 
which, in my opinion, also started from India, but turned 
more directly towards the south and touching only the 
western fringe of the Pacific Ocean proceeded, perhaps by 
way of New Guinea, towards the continent of Australia' 1 

Schmidt's views, like those of Ferrand and others noted 
above, must be regarded as only provisional. 2 But several 
other scholars have supported this view on entirely different 
grounds. Among them may be mentioned the names of 8. 
L6vi, J. Przyluski and J. Bloch. The relevant articles on 
this subject by these eminent scholars have been published 
together in English version by Dr. P. C. Bagchi. The 
following summary is derived almost entirely from this book 
entitled "Pro-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India/' 

'Prof. Thomson first maintained that Munda influence can 
be traced in the formation of Indian vernaculars. Recent 
studies have tried to establish that this influence can be 
traced further back. Prof. Przyluski has tried to explain a 
certain number of words of the Sanskrit vocabulary as fairly 
ancient loans from the Austro-Asiatic family of languages. 
Prof. Jules Bloch has proved that the question of the Munda 
substratum in Indo-Aryan can not be overlooked (pp. XI-XII) 

'But the problem has other aspects too, and it has been 
further proved that not only linguistic but certain cultural 
and political facts also of the ancient history of India can 
be explained by admitting an Austro-Asiatic element. In 

1. Schmidt, op. cit, pp. 248-249. A critical summary of Schmidt's 
view is given by Blagden "From Central India to Polynesia" (J. Str. 
Br. R. A. S. No. 53 p. 63). 

2. Recently Schmidt's view has been challenged by W. F. de Hevesy 
who denies the existence of the Austro-Asiatic family of languages 
(J. B. O. R. S. Vol. XX pp. 251 ff). 


1923 Prof. S. L^vi tried to show that some geographical 
names of ancient India like Kosala-Tosala, Auga-Vanga, 
Kalinga-Trilinga, Utkala-Mekala, and Pulinda-Kulinda, ethnic 
names which go by pairs, can be explained by the morphological 
system of the Austro-Asiatic languages. In 1926 Przyluski 
tried to explain the name of an ancient people of the Punjab, 
the Udumbara, in a similar way and affiliate it to the Austro- 
Asiatic group. In another article, the same scholar discussed 
some names of Indian towns in the geography of Ptolemy and 
tried to explain them by Austro-Asiatic forms (pp. XII-XIII). 

'In another scries of articles, Prof. Przyluski is trying 
to prove a certain number of Indian myths by the Austro- 
Asiatic influence. He studied the Mahabharata story of 
Matsyagaiidha and some legends of the nagl, in Indian literature, 
compared them with similar tales in the Austro-Asiatic domain, 
and concluded that these stories and legends were conceived 
in societies living near the sea, societies of which the civilisation 
and social organisation were different from those of the 
neighbouring peoples, the Chinese and the Indo-Aryans/ 
(p. XIII) 

The bearing of all these interesting investigations on the 
question under discussion has thus been admirably expressed 
by S. L<$vi. 

"We must know whether the legends, the religion and 
philosophical thought of India do not owe anything to this past. 
India has been too exclusively examined from the Indo-European 
standpoint. It ought to be remembered that India is a great 
maritime country, open to a vast sea forming so exactly its 
Mediterranean, a Mediterranean of proportionate dimensions 
which for a long time was believed to be closed in the south. 
The movement which carried the Indian colonisation towards 
the Far East, probably about the beginning of the Christian Era, 
was far from inaugurating a new route, as Columbus did in 
navigating towards the West. Adventurers, traffickers and 
missionaries profited by the technical progress of navigation, 


and followed under the best condition of comfort and efficiency 
the way traced from time immemorial by the mariners of 
another race whom the Aryan or Aryanised India despised 
as savages." (pp. 125-6) 

In other words, the cumulative effect of all these researches 
is to push back the first phase of Indian colonisation in the 
Far East to a time prior to the Aryan or Dravidian conquest 
of India. It will not perhaps be rash to imagine that, that 
colonisation was, at least partly, the result of Dravidian and 
Aryan settlements in India which dislodged the primitive 
peoples and forced them to find a new home across the seas. 1 

It may be noted, however, that conclusion of an almost 
opposite character has been arrived at by certain scholars. 
Krom, for example, believes that the Indo-nesians had colonised 
India in primitive times, and the later Aryan colonisation of the 
Far East was merely the reverse of that process. 2 This is in 
flagrant contradiction to the views of Schmidt and Lvi, and 
seems to be based mainly on the theory of Mr. J. Hornell. In 
his Memoir on u thc Origins and Ethnological significance of the 
Indian Boat Designs" Mr. Hornell "admits a strong Polynesian 
influence on the Prc-Dravidian population of the southern coast 
of India. He thinks that a wave of Malayan immigration 
must have arrived later, after the entrance of the Dravidians on 
the scene, and it was a Malayan people who brought from the 
Malay Archipelago the cultivation of the Coco-palm." (p. XVII) 

Two other observations by different scholars probably lend 
colour to this view. In the first place, Prof. Das Gupta "has 
brought out the striking analogy between some sedentary games 
of India (specially of the Central Provinces, Bengal, Bihar, 
Orissa and the Punjab) and those of Sumatra." (p. XVII) 

1. Kern also held similar view; cf. V. G., Vol. XV, p. 180. 

He held that they came from India, their ultimate home being 
Central Asia. This is not in conflict with his original view that the home- 
land of the Malayo- Polynesians was the eastern coast of Further India, 

2. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 38, 


Secondly, we have the following remarks made by 
Dr. J. H. Hutton with reference to some pre-historic monoliths 
of Dimapur near Manipur. "The method of erection of these 
monoliths is very important, as it throws some light on the 
erection of pre-historic monoliths in other parts of the world. 
Assam and Madagascar are the only remaining parts of the 
world where the practice of erecting rough stones still 

continues The origin of this cult is uncertain, but it appears 

that it is to be mainly imputed to the Mon-Khmer intrusion 
from the east." In his opinion these monoliths take the 
forms of Ufigam and yoni, and he thinks that they possibly 
originated in Indo-nesia. (pp. XVII-XVIII) 

In all these cases the similarity that undoubtedly exists may 
be explained by supposing either that India derived the practices 
from Indo-ncsia or that Indo-nesia derived them from India. 
The recent discoveries at Mohenjo-daro, 1 however, prove the 
existence of the cult of Linga and Yoni in the Indus Valley 
at least in the beginning of the third mUlenium B. C. Thus the 
migration of the cult towards the cast seems most probable. 
Considering the whole course of Indian history it seems more 
probable that the migration of the people and ideas was 
generally from India towards the east, and no tangible evidence 
has yet been obtained that the process was just the reverse. 
On the whole, therefore, the views of Schmidt and Sylvain Lvi 
appear far more reasonable than those of Horncll and Hutton. 

In view of a possible pre-historic connection between India 
and Malayasia, it is necessary to say something on the word 
Malaya which has given the name to the dominant race and 
the dominant language in Malayasia. It is a well-known fact 
that an Indian tribe called Malava ( var. Malava ) or 
Malaya (var. Malaya) is known from very ancient times. The 
common form, of course, is Malava, but the form 'Malaya' 
also occurs on their coins. In a discussion of these coins 
Mr. Douglas maintained that Malaya is the older form of the 

j. Marshall The Indus Civilisation, pp. 58 ff. 


tribal name. His conclusion rests chiefly on the Greek form 
of the name. "The Greeks" says he "called them the Malloi. 
Had the name Malava been in common use at that time, I feel 
sure that the Greeks would have transliterated the word as the 
Malluoi. This seems to me to show that the commoner form 
of the tribal name at the time of the Greek invasions was 
Malaya." 1 

Whatever we may think of this view, there is no doubt that 
both the forms were in common use. The form Malaya occurs 
in Mudrfi-Raksasa 9 and Malaya in an inscription found at 
Nasik. 8 The interchange of y and v is also attested by the 
alternative names of a Satavahana king as Pulumayi and 

The antiquity of the Mftlava Malaya tribe is proved by 
Panini's reference to it as a clan living by the profession of arms 
(ftyudhajivin). There is no doubt also that the Malavas were 
widely spread in different parts of India. Alexander met them 
in the Punjab, but their settlement in Rajputanfi is proved by 
the discovery of thousands of their coins at Nagar in Jaypur 
State 5 and the reference in the Nasik inscription mentioned 

The Indian literature also makes frequent references to the 
Malavas. The Mahabharata knows of various Malava tribes 
in the west, north and south. 6 The Eamayana and Matsya- 
purana include the Malavas among the eastern tribes 7 while 
various other texts refer to them as a people in one or other 
parts of India. 

i. J. A. S. B., N. S., Vol. XIX (1924). Numismatic supplement 
No. XXXVII, p. 43. 

2. Canto I, verse 20. 

3. Rapson Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhras etc , p. LVII. 

4. Ibid, fn. I. 

5. V. Smith Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, pp. 161 ff. 

6. cf. Mahabharata 11-32, III-si, VI-g, 87, 106. 

7. RamSyana IV-4O, V-22. Matsyapurana Ch. 1 14 V. 34. 


The wide spread of the Malavas may also be guessed from 
Indian dialects or toponyms connected with them. Mr. Grierson 
has referred to a Malavia dialect extending from Perozcpur to 
Bhatinda in the Punjab, and we have also the well-known 
Malayalam language of southern India. The well-known Indian 
provinces of Malava in northern India and Malaya-bar or 
Malabar in southern India still testify to the influence of that 
tribal name. The Malaya mountain, the source of Sandalwood, 
is referred to in Purftnas and other ancient literature as one 
of the seven Kulaparratas or boundary mountains in India. 
Lastly the famous era, beginning in 58 B. C., has been associated 
with the Malavas from the earliest times. 

The Buddhist literature also refers to Malaya country. The 
famous Lankavatara Sutra is said to have been delivered by 
the Buddha in the city of Lanka on the summit of the 
Malaya mountain on the border of the sea. The Buddhist 
reference to Malaya has been regarded by some as purely 
imaginary but the existence of a Malaya mountain in Ceylon 
is proved by Ptolemy and MahSvarnsa. That of a Malaya 
country and a Malaya mountain in the south of India also rests 
on definite grounds. The great Buddhist Vajrabodhi who came 
to China in A. D. 719 is described as a native of the Malaya 
country adjoining mount Potalaka, his father being preceptor 
of the king of Kancl. Hiuen Tsang places the country of 
Malakuta, 3000 li south of KaSci, and refers to its mountains 
Malaya and Potalaka. Alberuni also places Malaya 40 farsakhs 
(about 160 miles) south of KaSci. Thus we have both a 
Malaya country and a Malaya mountain in the extreme south of 
the Indian Peninsula. 1 There is no doubt that this name is 

i. S. L6vi in J. A. CCVI, pp, 65 ff. 
Walters On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, pp. 229-231. 
Ptolemy (M'c. Cr indie), p. 249. 

Geiger Mahavarhsa, p. 60. Sachau- Alberuni, Vol. I,, p. 200; 
cf. also B. E. F. E. Q. Vol. IV, p. 359. 


preserved in modern Malabar which the Arab Geographers 
call either Malaya-bar or simply Malay. 1 

While the Malava and Malaya can thus be traced as tribal 
or geographical names all over India, upto its north-western, 
eastern and southern extremities, the spread of this name across 
the sea is no less conspicuous. On the east, the famous 
Malays of Malayasia, the place names Malay and Malacca in 
the Peninsula, Malayu in Sumatra, 8 Mala or Malava for Laos 
and perhaps even Molucca islands in the eastern extremity of 
the archipelago, and on the west Maldives (Maladvlpa), and 
Malay the ancient name of Madagascar 8 testify to the spread 
of the name in Indo-China and along the whole range of the 
southern ocean. 

Now Ferrand has- drawn our attention to the fact that the 
Indo-nesian language, mixed with Sanskrit vocabulary, was 
current in Madagascar. Combining this fact with other 
traditional evidences he has come to the conclusion that 
Madagascar was colonised in ancient times by Hinduiscd 
Indo-nesians.* It is not necessary for the present to discuss 
the further implications of this theory as enunciated by 
Ferrand, and I must rest content by pointing out the bearing 
of the account of Malava Malaya, as given above, on this as 
well as several other theories. 

Now the theories of Schmidt, Lvi, Homell and Hutton 
(as modified by the discoveries at Mohenjo-daro) referred to 
above, all presuppose, or are at least satisfactorily explained by 

1. Ferrand Textes, p. 38 fn. 5, pp. 204, 340. 

2. "The name Malayu is very common in Sumatra. There are a 
mountain and a river of that name ; there are five villages called Malayu 
and a tribe of that name." T'oung Pao, series II, Vol. II, p. 115. 

3. Ferrand Textes, pp. 389, 396, 

4. J. A. II-XI1 (1918) pp. 121 ff. 

J. A. 1I-XIV (1919), pp 62 ff., pp. 201 ff. Krom, however, thinks 
that the Indo-nesian people colonised Madagascar before they came into 
contact with the Hindus. He attributes the Indian element in the 
language of Madagascar to later intercourse (Geschiedenis, pp. 38-9). 


a stream of migration of Indian peoples towards the east and 
south-east, to Assam, Burma, Lido-China and Malay Archipelago, 
both by land and sea. The migrations of the Malava tribe, so 
far as we can judge from the occurrence of geographical names, 
follow, as we have seen above, exactly this course, as we can 
trace them from the Punjab to Assam on the one side and to 
Malabar on the other. 

From Malabar we can trace the name in the east through 
Ceylon (Malava mountain in Lanka) and Sumatra (Malayu) to 
Malay Peninsula, perhaps even to Moluccos. On the west we 
can trace it from Malabar to Maldives and Madagascar. It is, 
no doubt, more reasonable to explain the linguistic facts 
observed by Ferrand in Madagascar by supposing a common 
centre in India, from which the streams of colonisation 
proceeded both towards the east as well as towards the west, 
than by supposing that Hindu colonists first settled in Malayasia 
and then turned back to colonise Madagascar. The people of 
Madagascar have a tradition that their ancestors came from 
Mangalore. 1 This place is located by Ferrand in the south 
of Malaya Peninsula, but it should not be forgotten that 
Mangalore is the name of a well-known place in Malabar Coast 
and is referred to by Arab writers as one of the most celebrated 
towns of Malabar. 2 

I do not wish to be dogmatic and do not altogether reject 
the views of Ferrand. But the known facts about the Malava- 
Malaya tribe in India seem to me to offer quite a satisfactory 
explanation not only of the problem of colonisation of 
Madagascar but also of the racial, linguistic and cultural 
phenomena observed by Schmidt, Hutton and Hornell. It is 
interesting to note in this connection that various words 
inscribed on the coins of the Malavas which have been 
provisionally explained as names of tribal leaders, are non- 
Sanskritic. Thus we have Bhapafnyana, Majupa, Mapojaya, 

1. J.A. Il-XiV (1919), p. 64. 

2. Ferrand Textes, p. 204. 


Mapaya, MagajaSa, Magaja, Magojava, Gojara, MaSapa, Mapaka, 
Pacha, Magacha, Gajava, Jamaka, Jamapaya, Paya. Whatever 
the language may be, it shows one peculiar Austro-nesian 
characteristic, which has been traced by Sylvain L6vi in certain 
geographical nomenclatures of ancient India, viz., the existence 
of a certain number of words constituting almost identical 
pairs, differentiated between themselves only by the nature of 
their initial consonants. Among the terms on the Malava 
coins noted above we may easily select two series of this 

1. Paya, Ma-paya, Ja-ma-paya. 

2. Gajava, Magojava. 

The tribe Malava-Malaya has played great part in the history 
of India. Its name is associated with an old language, the 
most ancient era and two important provinces of India. The 
Malaya tribe has played an equally dominant part in the Indian 
seas. It has been the dominant race in the Indian Archipelago 
and its name and language are spread over a wide region 
extending almost from Australia to African coast. I have 
shown above enough grounds for the presumption and it must 
not be regarded as anything more than a mere presumption that 
the Malava of India may be looked upon as the parent stock 
of the Malays who played such a leading part in 
Malayasia. It may be interesting to note here that Przyluski 
has shown from linguistic data that Udumbara or Odumbara 
was the name of an Austro- Asiatic people of the Punjab and 
also designated their country. 1 The Odumbaras were 
neighbours of the Malavas and the coins of the two peoples 
belong approximately to the same period. 3 Thus, prima 
facie there is nothing inherently objectionable in the 
assumption that the Malava-Malaya may also be the name of 
an Austro-Asiatic people. 

I. P. C. Bagchi Pre- Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India, 
pp. 149-160. 

a. V. A. Smith op. cit, pp. 160 ff., p. 166. 


If the presumption be held a reasonable one, we may refer 
to Ptolemy's account as an evidence that the Malays had spread 
to the Far East before his time. Ptolemy refers to mountain 
Malaia in Ceylon and cape Malcou Kolon in the Golden 
Khersonesus. Regarding the latter, M'c. Crindlc remarks as 
follows : "Mr. Crawford has noticed the singular circumstance 
that this name is pure Javanese signifying "Western Malays." 
Whether the name Malay can be so old is a question : but I 
observe that in Bastian's Siamese extracts the foundation of 
Takkhala is ascribed to the Malays." Thus indications are not 
wanting that various branches of the Malay tribe had settled in 
Malayasia before the second century A. D. There is a general 
tradition among the Malays of Minankabau that their parent 
stock came from India and settled in the western coast of 
Sumatra. 1 

Thus while it is impossible to arrive at any definite conclusion 
in this matter, pre-historic migrations of Austro-nesian tribes 
from India to Malayasia appear very probable, and if this view 
be correct, we may regard the Indian Malaya-Malava people as 
one of these tribes. 8 

1. Cf. Ferrand in J. A. il-XII, p, 77. 

2. Although I have arrived at the theory of the Indian origin of 
the Malays quite independently, it is only fair to note that Gerini 
made the same suggestion in his 'Researches on Ptolemy's Geography 
of Eastern Asia' (pp. 101 ff). I have not referred to his views as they are 
mixed up with a great deal of extraneous matters and some amount 
of fanciful etymological derivations. So far as I can see, his views 
rest primarily on the resemblances of geographical names. 

Gerini explains Maleou-Kolon as referring to two prominent Indian 
tribal names- Malay and Kola (Cola) of south India, and he traces many 
other south Indian tribal names in the Malay Peninsula (cf. pp. 102-3). 
He holds that Malacca was either a modification of Malaykolam or 
Malayaka (meaning the country of the Malays) or identical with Malaka, 
the name of a southern Indian tribe mentioned in the Mahabharata 
(p. 105). I have tentatively adopted this view in respect of both Malacca 
and Moluccos, With the exception of this and the statement that 


Chapter III. 

The Austro-nesian races must have occupied Malayasia 
for a pretty long time before they came into contact with the 
Hindus and imbibed their civilisation. In order, therefore, 
to estimate properly the influence of this new element we 
must have some idea of the civilisation which these indigenous 
races possessed before the arrival of the Hindus. 

Unfortunately the materials for such a study are very 
scanty. The actual remains left by these races do not difier 
very much from what is usually termed as 'pre-historic' and 
met with in various other countries. We may start with a brief 
account of them, beginning from Java 1 , where a more 
systematic study has been made of these materials than in 
other places. 

Laos is referred to as Malava (p. n?) I have not borrowed from Gerini 
any views or statements recorded in this chapter. 

I must also state that it is usually held, though without sufficient 
reason, that the term Malaya as designating the Malay Peninsula came 
into use only in the seventeenth century A.D. ( J. Mai. Br. R. A. S. 1930, 
p. 85), presumably in consequence of the migration of a large number 
of Malays from Sumatra, in the fifteenth century A. D. ( B. C. A. 
Iv I Q09, p. 184 ) Blagden refers to I-tsing's Malayu and infers 
that Malaya country par excellence* was in Central Sumatra, a fact 
agreeing very well with native Malay tradition on the subject which derives 
the origin of many of the Malays of the Peninsula from the old Central 
Sumatran state of Minangkabau ( J. Str. Br. R. A. S. No. 32 pp. 211- 
213). This view admits the possibility of the name Malaya being 
applied to the Peninsula at an earlier date. (cf. Crawford Dictionary 
pp. 250-252). 

i. The following sketch of the pre-historic remains of Java is based 
on (a) Krom Kunst Vol. i. pp. 121-26 ; (b) Krom-Geschiedenis, pp. 42-45. 


The pre-historic archaeological remains in Java may be 
classified as follows : 

I. Palaeolithic and neolithic implements such as axe-head 
chisel, pole and various weapons. 

II. Megalithic monuments for burying the dead. These 
are of three kinds. 

(a) Rock-cut caves, either rude or well-shaped. 

(b) The stone coffins, consisting of a long and deep 
rectangular chest with a cover curved like an arch on the outer 
side. Both the chest and the cover have thick walls, which 
are rough outside (probably due to long exposure) but polished 
within. The dead body was introduced through a hole at one 
end which was then closed by a flat stone. The hole was 
sometimes surrounded by decorative designs. The chest was 
also sometimes painted with straight and curved lines and 
primitive pictures of men and animals (tiger, birds etc). 

(c) The dolmens which were constructed by placing one 
big long stone over several other stones set upright in the 

Various articles arc found in these graves, such as beads, 
neolithic stone implements, copper rings for arms and legs, 
iron lance-point or short swords. Bronze articles are not, 
however, found in these tombs, though sporadic finds of chisels 
and axe-heads, made of bronze, by their likeness with neolithic 
implements of the same kind, indicate a knowledge of bronze 
before the period of later Hindu colonisation. 

III. In some places in western Java are found rough 
scratchings under human figures, engraved on rock. These 
scratchings have been regarded as pre-Hindu Inscriptions. 

IV. In certain places are found rows of pointed stones, 
occasionally along with very rude and almost monstrous human 
figures in stone, known as Pajajaran or Polynesian images. 

Although all these monuments are properly ascribed to the 
people or peoples who settled in Java before the Hindu 


colonisation, it should not be imagined that they are all to be 
dated before the introduction of that civilisation. They continued 
to be built throughout the Hindu period, particularly in those 
regions where the Hindu influence was comparatively weak. 
It may not be without interest to note that even to-day the 
megalithic tombs of the types II (b) and II (c) described above 
are in use among the people of Sumba. On the whole, 
therefore, while the monuments described above may justly be 
regarded as characteristic of the pre-Hindu settlers, they 
cannot all be described as remains of the pre-Hindu period. 

Attempt has been made to classify the pre-Hindti settlers 
in Java into distinct groups on the basis of the different types 
of monuments described above. But as sometimes the 
different classes of monuments arc found together in the same 
locality, such attempts cannot lead to any satisfactory 

The pre-historic remains of Sumatra mostly belong to the 
same classes as those of Java and need not be referred to in 
detail. We meet with megalithic dolmens and menhirs 
as well as rock-scratchings or inscriptions with human figures. 
In respect of this last alone Sumarta offers some striking 
peculiarities as we occasionally come across a unique type of 
human figures in stone. These are characterised by large eyes, 
broad jaws and thick lips. They have got a head-dress of the 
form of a cap, and a bag hanging from the shoulder. Their 
wrists and legs are covered and they are represented as either 
riding on elephants or engaged in. fighting with them. The 
rectangular back-pieces of some of these figures show that 
they were used to support a structure. 1 

I. Krom-Geschiedenis, p. 44 ; O. V. 1922, pp. 31-37- It is not 
possible to prove definitely that these figures are really pre-historic 
and not influenced by the later Hindu civilisation. From the 
evidence at our disposal it would, perhaps, be safer to regard these 
figures as belonging to the megaiithic period of culture. 


The pre-historic remains of the Malay Peninsula have not 
yet been studied to the same extent as those of Java and 
Sumatra. But enough has been discovered to show their 
general nature. 1 A number of caves containing palaeolithic 
implements, some of them of Sumatran types, have come 
to light. But the great majority of the stone implements 
hitherto discovered are neolithic. Most of them are axe or 
adze heads, and there is a total absence of knives, spear-heads 
or arrow-heads. Probably bamboo and hardwoods were used for 
these purposes. Among implements of rare type may be 
mentioned a hand-axe and quoit-shaped objects figured in plates 
XXXVI- VII of Evan's book. Rough cord-marked pottery, 
in imitation of ware made in a basket, and often with diamond- 
shaped reticulations, has also been found with the stone 

Certain tools of bronze or copper have been discovered, but 
they are distinctly rare, and it is doubtful whether there was any 
bronze age in the Peninsula. Ancient iron tools are also 
occasionally discovered, and we have some specimens of graves 
built of large granite slabs and 'cists' closely resembling the 
dolmen. On the whole the remains afford us the picture of a 
very primitive civilisation. 

Mention may also be made of what are popularly known as 
Siamese mines. These are circular pits, sometimes more than 
hundred feet deep and about two feet apart, and connected with 
one another by galleries at the base. 

Primitive stone implements have been obtained from various 
islands in the archipelago such as Borneo, Celebes, Timor, and 

i. The account of the pre-historic remains of Malay Peninsula 
is based mainly on "Papers on the Ethnology and Archaeology of the 
Malay Peninsula" by Ivor H. N. Evans M. A. (Cambridge, 1927). For 
a detailed account of the neolithic and palaeolithic implements, cf. 
R. O. Winstedt 'Pre-history of Malaya', in J. Mai. Br. R. A. S. 1932 
pp. I ff, 


Moluccas. These afford us the picture of a primitive people 
such as we meet with in other parts of the world before the 
dawn of civilisation. 

On the whole the actual archaeological finds in different parts 
of Malayasia lead to the conclusion that at the time of the first 
contact with the Hindus the people of Malayasia were in a 
primitive state of civilisation, and that in some regions 
they had not yet emerged from the state of barbarism. But 
the very fact that they had spread over so many different islands 
in the Archipelago forces us to admit that some of them had 
developed a high degree of skill in navigating the open sea, and 
it is only reasonable to hold that a people who could do this 
must have passed beyond the elementary stage of civilisation. 

Kern has made a serious attempt to form some idea of this 
civilisation. By a comparative study of the different Indo-nesian 
languages he has hit upon a number of roots or words common 
among them all. These may be reasonably regarded as 
having been in use when the Austro-nesian races lived together 
in Indo-China. With the help of these words, as well as by a 
study of those islanders who have been least affected by foreign 
intrusions, Kern has drawn a picture of the life led by the 
common ancestors of the peoples of Malayasia. It cannot, 
of course, be maintained that the civilisation which they had 
developed in Indo-China remained unaffected after they had 
moved to the various islands, for, according to local 
circumstances, it must have made further progress, or even 
received a set-back. But the picture of civilisation drawn by 
Kern may be regarded as a general background of our study. 
Without going into unnecessary and controversial details, 
we may give the following sketch of this civilisation on 
the authority of Kern. 

The Austro-nesians cultivated banana, sugarcane, cucumber 
etc. and were also acquainted with cocoanut and bamboo. 
Whether the cultivation of rice was known to the whole group 
is doubtful, but the section which peopled Malayasia 


certainly acquainted with it Among other articles of food 
may be mentioned lobster, prawn and turtle, which they got 
from the sea. They tended buffaloes, pigs, and probably also 
cows, which were employed for cultivation and supplied them 
with meat and milk. Hunting and fishing were very popular 
with them, and they were acquainted with iron weapons. 
Their clothes were made of barks of trees and they knew 
the art of weaving. They built houses of bamboo, wood 
and rattan. 

About their intellectual attainments it may be mentioned 
that they could count upto a thousand and possessed an 
elementary knowledge of astronomy, indispensable for navigation 
in open sea. Their religious beliefs, like those of all primitive 
tribes, may be characterised as Animistic. Everything in nature 
which excited their curiosity or apprehensions and before which 
they felt themselves powerless to act, such as storm, thunder, 
earthquake, conflagration etc., were conceived as work of spirits 
who must be satisfied with proper worship. They also 
regarded trees, rocks, rivers and other natural objects as abodes 
of spirits. But the most important classes of spirits were those 
of the ancestors who were regularly worshipped and were 
supposed to exercise great influence on the lives of their 

The dead bodies were either thrown to the sea, or left in the 
forests, to be devoured by wild animals, or to undergo a natural 
decomposition. For it is only when the bones alone were left 
could the soul of the dead leave the body and go back to its 
proper realm, there to enjoy an eternal life very much in the 
same way as on the earth below 1 . 

It may be noted that the picture drawn above is in full 
accord with what we know of the primitive tribes in India. It 

i. The summary is taken from "Fruin-Mees", pp. 5-6. For the 
linguistic discussion on which it is based, Cf. V. G., Vol. VI, pp. 107-120. 
As to navigation and the knowledge of astronomy Cf. V. G., Vol. VI., 
p. 24. For general account cf. V. G., Vol. XV, pp. 180-81. 


may also be reasonably held that the Indo-nesian settlers in 
Java and other islands, although mainly clinging to the old 
habits, introduced certain modifications therein. The monuments, 
described above, undoubtedly show that their method of disposing 
of the dead bodies had undergone a great change, and that they 
had made remarkable improvements in the art of stone- 
cutting. 1 It may also be presumed that the people of Java 
made further notable progress. It appears that the Javanese 
had developed various industries and excelled in making 
various articles of iron, bronze, copper, silver, gold, ivory, 
tortoise-shell, and horn of rhinoceros. It is to be remembered 
that tortoise and elephant are not to be found in Java and that 
gold, too, was found there only in small quantities. The work 
in ivory, tortoise-shell and gold, therefore, indicates active 
trade-relations with foreign countries from which they must 
have been imported. The rich fertility of the soil must also 
have made Java an emporium of grain. It is perhaps for this 
very reason that the Hindu traders who probably replenished 
their store of food from this fertile country on their way to 
China named the island 'Yava-dvlpa' or 'Island of Barley', a 
name which completely superseded in later times the indigenous 
name Nusa Kendeng. Thus we must hold that on the whole 
the Javanese possessed a high degree of civilisation. As to 
their religious beliefs and practices, the worship of spirits and 
ancestors seems to have played a dominant part in their every- 
day life. They built statues of these ancestors either of wood 
or stone, and also suitable temples to house them. A class of 
men called Zaman was believed to have been possessed of a 
peculiar faculty which enabled them to serve as a means of 
communication with the spirits of the ancestors. By suitable 
ceremonies in which dance, music, and burning of incense 

I. Fruin-Mees believes that some of the graves described above 
may belong to the primitive races who settled in Java before the 
immigration of the Indo-nesians (p. 7). This may be true, and in that 
case the Indo-nesian colonists in Java may be regarded as having learnt 
the art from these primitive peoples of Java. 


formed the chief part, the Zamans became the medium through 
whose mouth the spirits of the ancestors gave their blessings 
to, and directed the undertakings of, their descendants. The 
Zamans also were, therefore, held in great veneration. 

The Javanese also made distinct progress in astronomy. 
They calculated a month of 30 days according to the phases of 
the moon, and their year consisted of 12 months. The year 
was again divided into two parts, ten months of work and two 
of rest. Five days, or rather nights, formed a unit, and two 
such units formed the week, of which there were thirty in the 
working period of ten months or 300 days. 

While admitting that the people of Java had attained to a 
much higher grade of civilisation than their neighbours, it is 
difficult to accept the highly exaggerated picture which is 
sometimes drawn of it. We may, for example, refer to the 
views of the great scholar Brandes who held that the pre-Hindu 
Javanese had the knowledge of the following. 1 

1. The Wajang, a kind of shadow-play well-known in 
modern Java. 

2. Gamelan, modern Javanese music accompanying 

3. Metre. 

4. The art of weaving Batik cloth. 

5. The metal industry. 

6. Monetary system. 

7. Sea-voyage. 

8. Astronomy. 

9. Cultivation by means of artificial irrigation. 
10. State-organisation of a high order. 

A knowledge of some of these, for example, nos. 5, 7, and 
8, may be accepted without discussion and has already been 
referred to. The others are, however, open to serious objection, 

i. T. B. G., Vol. 32 (iSCg), pp. 122 ff. 


and Brandes' views in respect of them have been adversely 
criticised by eminent scholars. 1 

As regards Wajang, I have discussed the question in some 
details in an Appendix to Bk. V., Chap. III. It is admitted by 
all that this has never been known to any other Indo-nesian 
tribe outside Java (except where it was imported in later 
times from Java), that we first come across it in Java when the 
Hindu colonists were established there for centuries, that 
similar play called Chaya-nataka was undoubtedly known to 
the Hindus, and that the plot of the earliest type of Wajang 
in Java is invariably derived from the Hindu epics. Against 
this it is pointed out that the technical terms in Wajang 
are Javanese and not Sanskrit, and that Wajang is very 
closely connected with the ancestor-worship of the Javanese. 
But it is to be remembered that when a people adopt a foreign 
custom, or import a foreign article, they not only sometimes 
give them their own names but also adapt them to their own 
peculiar needs. Although Wajang is closely associated with 
ancestor-worship in Java to-day, there is nothing to show that 
it always has been so. It stands to reason that when it secured 
wide popularity in Java, it came to form an essential element 
in the ancestor-worship which played such a dominant part in 
the life of Javanese people. It may be urged in favour of 
this view that although ancestor-worship is a characteristic 
feature of all or most Indo-nesian tribes, Wajang has never 
been known to form a part of it outside Java. 

Gamelan, which is essentially bound up with Wajang may, 
on similar grounds, be regarded as Javanese adaptation of an 
Indian original. As to Batik the researches of Rouffaer and 
Juynboll * have established the facts that the industry is not 
known to any other island outside Java (except where it was 
directly imported from Java) and that the first reference to 

1. The observations that follow are mainly based on Krom 
Geschiedenis, pp. 45- 52. 

2. De Batik-kunst in Ned.- Indie en haar geschiedenis (1914-) 


the industry in Java belongs to a very late period, while from 
a much earlier period India has been a well-known centre for 
the mass-production and wholesale export of the commodity. 
Here, again, the only argument for a Javanese origin seems to 
be that the technical terms are Javanese. As Krom has 
rightly pointed out, even to-day the Javanese give indigenous 
names to new articles imported from America and Europe, 
and hence no weight should be attached to arguments based on 
indigenous character of the name. 

As to Javanese metric and system of coinage, Brandes 
himself puts forward the claim with a great deal of hesitation, 
and Krom has pointed out that there is absolutely no evidence 
in support of it. What Brandes claims as Javanese metre, and 
Javanese coins proper, make their first appearance after the 
Indian metre and Indian coins had remained in use for 
centuries. According to Brandes, these undoubtedly later 
phenomena are developments of old pre-Hindu state of things. 
We have, however, as yet had no evidence that there was any 
metre or coin in the pre-Hindu period. Besides, even if there 
were any, we are to suppose, that they absolutely went out of 
use during the many centuries of Hindu influence, only 
suddenly to come to light after an obscurity of over thousand 
years. Nothing but the very strongest positive evidence would 
induce us to believe in such an explanation, and such evidence 
is lacking for the present. l 

As regards the last two points, cultivation by means of 
irrigation, and developed political organisation, Brandes bases 
his conclusions on the use of indigenous technical terms. As 
has been shown above, this is by no means a satisfactory 
evidence. On the other hand, the irrigation system was not 
unknown to the other Indo-nesian tribes and might well have 
developed independently in Java even prior to the Hindu 

I. Berg points out the close connection between the Javanese 
metrics and Javanese phonetics, and regards it as an evidence of the high 
antiquity of Javanese metre (Berg-Inleiding, pp. 67-69). 


colonisation. As regards the state-organisation, we may well 
conceive that there was a certain political system, however 
rudimentary, though it is difficult to estimate the nature and 
degree of the organisation, as data for such estimate are 

Thus, of the ten points of Brandes, by which he tried to 
sum up the civilisation of the Javanese before they came 
in contact with the Hindus, Wajang, Gamelaii and Batik 
may be dismissed as improbable ; two others, metrics and 
monetary system, are most unlikely ; while two others, irrigation 
and highly developed state-organisation, are, at least, doubtful. 
The remaining three, viz., metal industry, sea-voyage, and 
elementary knowledge of astronomy, may alone be accepted as 
undoubtedly true. 

Chapter IV. 

SuvarnabhGmi (gold-land) and Suvarnadvipa (gold-island), 
as names of over-sea countries, were familiar to the Indians 
from a very early period. They occur in old popular stories 
such as have been preserved in the Jatakas, Kathakoa and 
BrhatkathS, as well as in more serious literary works, mainly 

Thus, according to a Jataka story, 1 prince Mahiijanaka 
sailed with some merchants in a ship bound for Suvarnabhumi, 
in order to get great riches there. Another Jataka story 8 
refers to a sea-voyage from Bharukaccha to Suvarnabhumi. 
The same journey is described in great detail in the Supparaka- 
Jataka. 8 

The original Byhatkatha is lost, but its stories have been 
partially preserved in the KathSsarit-sagara, Brhatkatha- 
maSjarl and Brhatkatha-61oka-samgraha. The Byhatkatha-lloka- 
samgraha gives us the story of Sanudasa, who sails for 
SuvarnabhGmi with a gang of adventurers, and undertakes a 
perilous journey by land after crossing the sea.* The 
Kathasarit-sagara contains a few more stories of the same type. 
First, we have the adventurous story of the great merchant 

1. Jataka Vol. VI. p. 22. 

2. Jataka Vol. III. p, 124. 

3. Jataka Vol. IV. p. 86. Jatakamala No. XIV. Both give 
practically the same details of the journey, but the latter adds that 
the journey was undertaken at the instance of the merchants of 
Suvagnabhumi who had come to Bharukaccha, It may be inferred that 
Suvapnabhumi was the destination of the voyage. 

4. Lacote Essai sur Gugatfhya et la Brhatkatha (pp. I75 ff ) 
English translation by Tabard, p. 131. See below, pp. 58 ff. 


SamudraSdra, who sailed in a ship for Suvarnadvipa, for 
purposes of trade, and ultimately reached its chief city 
Kalasapura. 1 Another merchant, Eudra, was shipwrecked on 
his way back from Suvarnadvipa. 9 It also relates the story 
of ISvaravarma who went to Svarnadvlpa for the purpose of 
trade. 8 We have also references to trading voyage to 
Suvarnadvipa in the romantic story of YaSahketu.* There is, 
again, the story of a princess of Kataha being shipwrecked near 
Suvarnadvipa, on her way to India. 5 

The KathakoSa relates the story of Nagadatta. Being 
anxious to go to a foreign land, in order to acquire wealth, 
he went on a sea-voyage with five hundred ships. His ships fell 
into the hollow of the snake-circled mountain and were rescued 
by the efforts of Sundara, king of Suvarnadvipa, who came 
to know of the danger of Nagadatta from a letter fastened to 
the foot of a parrot 6 

Among the more serious works containing references to 
SuvarnabhQmi, we may refer, in the first place, to Kautilya's 
ArthaSastra (Book II, Chap. XI) which refers to Aguru (aloe) 
of Suvarnabhumi. The following passage in MilindapaSha 
makes an interesting reference to a few centres of the over- 
sea trade of India : "As a ship-owner, who has become wealthy 
by constantly levying freight in some sea-port town, will be 

able to traverse the high seas and go to Takkola or 

Clna or Suvannabhumi or any other place where ships do 

congregate." 7 

1. Kathasarit-sagara (Taranga 54, verses 97 ff.) (Bombay edition 
of 1867, p. 276). 

2. Ibid, Tarahga 54, vv. 86 ff. 

3. Ibid, Taranga 57, vv. 72 ff. (p. 297). 

4. Ibid, Taranga 86, vv. 33, 62. 

5. Ibid, Taranga 123, v. no. 

6. KathSkosa Tr. by Tawney pp. 28-29. 

7. Milindapafiha, p, 359, Translated in S.B.E. Vol. XXXVI, 
p. 269. 


The Niddesa, a canonical work, also refers to sea-voyage to 
Suvarnabhflmi and various other countries. 1 The Mahakarma- 
Vibhanga illustrates des&ntara-vipaka (calamities of foreign 
travel) by reference to merchants who sailed to Suvarnabhumi 
from Mahakosali and Tamralipti. 8 

We may next refer to the Ceylonese Chronicle Mahavamsa 
which describes the missionary activities of Thera Uttara and 
Thera Sona in Suvarnabhtlmi. 3 The Mahakarma-Vibhanga 
attributes the conversion of Suvarnabhumi to Gavampati. 
The voyage of Gavampati to Suvarnabhumi is also related in 
the Sasanavamsa.* We learn from Tibetan sources that 
Dharmapala (7th cent. A. D.) and Dlpankara Atisa (llth 
century A. D.) visited Suvarnadvipa. 5 

The name and fame of Suvarnabhumi and Suvarnadvipa 
travelled far beyond the boundaries of India, and we find 
reference to both in Greek, Latin, Arabic, and Chinese writings. 

Pomponius Mela was the first to refer to the island of 
Chryse (gold)- a literal translation of Suvarnadvipa in his 
'De Chorographia', written during the reign of the emperor 
Claudius (41-54 A. D.). 6 The Chryse island is referred to 
in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century A. D.) 7 , 
and is mentioned by Pliny (c. 77 A. D.) 8 , Dionysius 
Periegetes (2nd. cent. A. D.), 9 Solinus (3rd. cent. A. D.), 10 

1. This passage is discussed below, pp. 56 ff. 

2. Mahakarma-Vibhanga Edited by S. Levi p. 50 ff. 

3. Geiger Mahavarftsa, p. 86. 

4. Mahakarma-Vibhanga p. 62 ; Sasanavamsa, p. 36. 

5. Sarat Chandra Das, Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow, 
p. 50 ; Kern Manual of Buddhism, p. 130. 

6. Coedes Textes, p. 12. 

7. Schoff's Translation, pp, 45-48. 

8. Coedes Textes, p. 15. 

9. Coedes, Textes, p. 71. The date of Dionysius is given as 
second century A.D. by Coedes. Tozer in his History of Ancient 
Geography (p. 282) assigns him to the first century A.D. 

jo. Coedes Textes, p. 86. 


Martianus Capella (5th. cent. A. D.), 1 Isidore of Seville 
(7th. cent. A. D), a the anonymous author of Cosmography 
(7th cent. A. D.), s Theodulf (8th. cent. A. D. ),* and 
Nicephorus (13th. cent. A. D.) 8 , in addition to several 
authors who reproduce the information given by Dionysius 

Ptolemy (2nd. cent. A. D.) does not refer to the island of 
Chryse, but mentions, instead, Chryse Chora a literal transla- 
tion of Suvarnabhfimi and Chryse Chersonesus, or Golden 
Peninsula. 7 The Chryse Chersonesus was evidently known 
to Marinos of Tyre 8 (1st. cent. A. D.) and is mentioned 
by Marcien (5th. cent. A. D.). e The only other writers who 
refer to it ar'; Eustathios (12th. cent. A. D.) 10 and Etienna 
(6th. cent. A. D. ) X1 who quote respectively Ptolemy and 
Marcien. Flavius Josephus (1st. cent. A. D.) refers to Chryse 
as a land in India and identifies it with Sophir. 1 * 

The Indian tradition of Suvarnadvipa was also known to 
the Arabs. Albenini refers to both Suvarnadvipa and 
Suvarnabhumi. "The islands of the Zabaj," says he, "are called 
by the Hindus Suvarnadvipa i. e. the gold islands". 18 

1. Ibid, p. 116. He writes the name as Chrysea. 

2. Ibid, pp. 136-137. 

3. Ibid, p. 149. He uses the form 'Chrisi*. 

4. Ibid, p. 150. 

5. Ibid, pp. 160-161. 

6. Etienne (6th. cent. A.D.), Eustathios (i2th cent. A.D.) ; cf. 
Coedes Textes, pp. 132. 157. 159- 

7. Coedes Textes, pp. 38-43, 53. 56, 60, 66. 

8. Ptolemy refers to Marines' estimate of the distance between 
Tamala and Chryse Chersonesus (Coedes Textes, p. 38.) 

9. Coedes Textes, p. 118. 

10. Ibid, p. 160 

11. Ibid, p. 132. 

12. Ibid, pp. l7-*8. 

13. Sachau's Transl. Vol. I, p. 210. 'Zabaj* is also written as 



Elsewhere he says : "The islands of the Zabaj are called the Gold 
Country because you obtain much gold as deposit if you wash 
only a little of the earth of that country". 1 Although the 
translator of Alberuiii has put, within brackets, Suvarnadvlpa 
after the expression, 'Gold Country', the phrase used by Alberuni 
is undoubtedly equivalent to Suvarnabhumi, rather than 
Suvarnadvlpa. In another place Alberuni has included 
Suvarnabhunii in the list of countries in the north-east, as 
given in Brhat-Samhita. 2 Many other Arab writers refer to 
Zabaj as the 'Golden land' or 'land of gold'. Among them may 
be mentioned Haraki (died 1138 A.D.) 3 , Yakut (1179-1229)*, 
Sirazi (died 1311 A.D.) 6 , and Buzurg bin Sahriyar 6 . 
Nuwayri (died in 1332 A.D.) calls Fansiir (Pansur or Baros on 
the western side of Sumatra) as the land of gold 7 . It may 
be noted also that Buzurg bin Sahriyar in one place calls 
Mankir the capital of the land of gold, though in other places 
he evidently follows the Arab tradition of identifying it with 
Zabaj 8 . 

The name Suvarnadvlpa was also not unknown to the 
Chinese. I-tsing twice mentions Kin-tcheu (gold-island) in 
his famous "Memoir on the pilgrimage of monks who visited 
the western countries in search of law", and uses it as a 
synonym of Che-li-fo-che or Sri-Vijaya. 

Having thus rapidly surveyed the wide prevalence of the 
knowledge of Suvarnadvipa and Suvarnabhumi in many 

1. Ibid, Vol. II., p. 106. 

2. Ibid, Vol. I, p. 303. 

3. J. A., Vol. CCII, p. 6. 

4. Ibid, p. 7. 

5. Ibid, pp. 8-9. 

6. Ibid, pp. 10-12. The date of this author is uncertain. Van der 
Lith places him in the loth century A.D., but Ferrand doubts it (Ferrand 
Textes Vol. II. pp. 564-5). 

7. J.A., Vol. CCII., p. 9. 

8. Ibid, pp, 10- 1 1. 

9. I-tsing Memoire (pp. 181, 187, p. 36, f.n. 3.) 



countries, extending over many centuries, we may now proceed 
to discuss in detail its precise location and antiquity of its 
colonisation by the Hindus. 

It is a striking fact that the contrast between SuvarnabhQmi 
and Suvarnadvipa, i.e., the Gold-land and the Gold-island, 
which we meet with in the Indian sources, is also faithfully 
reflected in the nomenclatures used by the western authors, 
some of them calling it an island, and the others, cither a land 
or a peninsula. Ptolemy, as we have seen, refers to both 
Chryse Chora (golden land) and Chryse Chersonesus (Golden 
Peninsula). He distinguishes them * as two different regions, 
evidently lying close to each other, as both of them adjoined 
Besyngeitai. We note a similar distinction even in the 
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. In para 56 of that work 
Chryse is called an island. In para 63, however, Chryse is 
referred to both as a 'land' near the Ganges, and 'an island' 
just opposite that river. 

Alberuni, as we have seen above, also uses both Suvarna- 
dvipa and Suvarnabhumi. 

Gerini was perhaps the first to give serious attention to 
this contrast. As he has drawn very important conclusions 
from this, we may quote his remarks at some length. 1 

"Marinos of Tyre and Ptolemy are the first to speak of 
the Malay Peninsula as the Golden Khersonese. The 
geographers that preceded them, among whom Eratosthenes, 8 
Dionysius Periegetes, and Pomponius Mela may be named, all 
refer to it instead as Khryse or Chryse Insula : the "Golden 
Isle", and so does long before them the Ramayana, under the 
name of Suvarnadvipa, which conveys the same meaning. No 
stress has, so far, been laid on this wide difference in representing 

1. Gerini Researches, pp, 77-/8. 

2. This is misleading. Gerini himself remarks elsewhere : "Doubtless 
Eratosthenes had heard of them (Chryse and Argyre) although no 
allusion in that sense is likewise met with in the surviving fragments of 
his work." (Ibid, p. 670 f.n. i). 


that region on the one part as an island and on the other as 
a peninsula. I believe, therefore, that I am the first to 
proclaim, after careful consideration, that both designations 
are probably true, each in its own respective time ; that is, 
that the Malay Peninsula, or rather its southern portion, 
has been an island before assuming its present highly 
pronounced peninsular character. The view I now advance 
is founded not only on tradition, but also upon geological 
evidence of no doubtful nature." 

Gerini then proceeds with the details of what he calls the 
geological evidence. 

Gerini's explanation, however, cannot be seriously considered. 
In the first place, it is to be noted that the word l dvlpa* means 
primarily *a land having water on two of its sides'. Thus 
'dvlpa* is not identical with 'island', and includes peninsulas and 
sometimes Doabs also. 1 As the foreign writers got their 
information from Indian source, they might have taken 'dvlpa' 
in the sense of 'island', whereas it was really a peninsula. 
Further, it is a well-known fact, that ancient sailors often 
represent one and the same country as consisting of a number 
of separate lands or islands ; for, as the journey was made from 
one port to another by open sea, the continuity of the region 
was always a difficult matter to ascertain. The Arabs, 
even down to a late period, represented Sumatra as consisting 
of a number of separate islands. As to Malay Peninsula, 
the subject of Gerini's discussion, Chavannes has pointed out 
that the Chinese geographers of the T'ang period regarded it 
as a series of islands. 8 

The real point of contrast, missed by Gerini, is the reference 
by one and the same author to two regions called Chryse, 
one of which is mainland, and the other, an island or peninsula. 
As we have seen above, this is the case with Ptolemy and the 

i. Cunningham's Ancient Geography Edited by S, N. Majumdar, 
Appendix I, p. 751. 

3. I-tsing Memoire, (p. 36. f.n, 3), 


author of the Periplus. The question, therefore, naturally 
arises, whether we should take Suvarnabhumi and Suvarna- 
dvipa as corresponding exactly to these two regions, both called 
Chryse by the western authors, one denoting a portion of the 
mainland (bhQmi), and the other, an island or a peninsula (dvipa). 

However tempting such a solution might appear at first, 
we must definitely reject it. As we have seen above, Albenmi 
applies the term Suvarnabhumi to the islands of Zabag which 
he elsewhere designates Suvarnadvlpa. Besides, the island of 
Sumatra, which is called Suvarnadvlpa in Chinese sources and 
is undoubtedly referred to by this name in later Indian 
literature, is designated as Suvarnabhiimi in an inscription found 
in the island itself. 1 

It is thus quite clear, that the term 'bhiirni' in the compound 
'Suvarnabhumi' should not be taken in the sense of mainland, as 
opposed to island or peninsula, but simply in the general sense 
of land or territory. 

This brings us to the question of the exact meaning of the 
term Suvarnabhumi. Pomponius Mela explains the name 
Chryse (gold) island by referring to an old tradition that the 
soil of the country is made of gold. Ho adds that cither the 
name is derived from this legend, or the legend is invented from 
the name. In any case he took Suvurimbhilmi to signify 'the 
country whose soil was gold'. This view was shared by a large 
number of ancient writers, 2 but Pliny takes a more rational 
view. Referring to Chryse he says : "I think the country 
abounds in gold mines, for I am little disposed to believe the 
report that the soil of it is gold/' Pliny's view is upheld by 
later authors, though some of them refer to the wide-spread 
tradition of the soil being gold. Dionysius Pcrtegetes seems 

1. Een Sumatraansche inscriptic van koning Krtanagara by 
N. J. Krom (Vers. Med, K. Akad. Weten Lctterkunde 5* reeks 
deel II. 1916. pp. 306-339) reproduced in J. A. ii-XX, pp. 179-80. 

2. According to Isidore of Seville the view was held by a majority 
of authors (Coedes Textes, p. 137). 


to explain the name as due to the strong rays of the sun which 
makes the soil look like gold. 1 

Among the Arab writers also, Harakl and Yakut take the 
view that the soil is gold, while Albcruni attributes the name 
to the fact that the country yields a large quantity of gold. 

There is hardly any doubt that the old tradition of the golden 
soil was derived from India. For the Puranas actually refer 
to a country, outside Bharatavarsa, the mountain and soil of 
which consist of gold 3 , and Divyavadfina describes in detail 
the difficulties which one has to surmount in order to reach that 
region of the earth where the soil is gold 3 . There is equally 
little doubt that the origin of the name Suvarnabhumi has to be 
traced to this belief, though a rational explanation was substituted 
afterwards. The word bkUmi in Suvarnabhuim, therefore, 
originally stood for soil or land in general, and there was no 
idea of contrasting it with \lvlpa', island or peninsula. 
It may be noted here, that we have also reference to cities called 
Suvarnapura. In an illustrated Nepalese manuscript, a picture 
is entitled "Suvarnnapure Sri-Vijaya-pure Lokanatha" or (the 
image of) Lokanatha (AvalokiteSvara) in Sri-Vijaya-pura in 
Suvarnnapura. Srl-Vijaya is the old name of a capital city in 
Sumatra. So Suvarnapura should be located there, and seems 
to be used as a designation for a region, rather than a town*. 
The Kathasarit-sagara also refers to Kaficanapura, a synonym 
of Suvarnapura, where the merchant ISvaravarman stopped on 
his way to Suvarnadvlpa 5 . In Sana's Kadambarl also we 
get a reference to "Suvarnapura, 6 not far from the eastern 
ocean and the abode of the Kiratas, 

1. CoedesTextes, p. 157. pp. 7i"73 

2. Cf. e.g., Matsya Purana. Ch. 113, vv. 12, 42. 

3. Mahantam Sauvarnabhumim prthivipradesarh (Divyavadana 
Cowell, p. 107). 

4. J. A. ii-XX, pp. 42-43- 

5. Tarahga 57, v, 76. 

6. Kadamvarl-Tr. by Ridding, pp. 90-91. 


Thus, in addition to the generic name Suvarnabhdmi, or gold- 
land, we have references to gold-island, gold-peninsula, and 
gold-city. It seeins to be quite clear, therefore, that Suvarna- 
bhumi was used primarily as a vague general designation of an 
extensive region, but, in course of time, different parts of it came 
to be designated by the additional epithets of island, peninsula 
or city. The original name, however, never went out of use 
altogether, for we definitely know that, even at a much later 
period, it used to denote Sumatra and portions of Burma. In 
order to have a general idea of the extent of the region to which 
the name Suvarnabhumi was applied, it is necessary to make a 
list of territories which we know on definite grounds to have 
borne that name in its primary or derivative form. 

The Periplus makes it certain that the territories beyond the 
Ganges were called Chryse. It does not give us any means to 
define the boundaries more precisely, beyond drawing our 
attention to the facts, that the region consisted both of a part of 
mainland as well as an island, to the east of the Ganges, and 
that it was the last part of the inhabited world. To the north 
of tliis region it places This or China. In other words, Chryse, 
according to this authority, has the same connotation as the 
Trans-Gangetic India of Ptolemy, and would include Burma, 
Indo-China, and Malay Archipelago, or rather such portions of 
this vast region as were then known to the Indians. 

Ptolemy's Cliryse Chcrsonesus undoubtedly indicates the 
Malay Peninsula, and his Chryse Chora must be a region to the 
north of it. 

Now, we have definite evidence that a portion of Burma was 
known in later ages as Suvarnabhumi. According to the 
Kalyani inscriptions (147G A.D.), RamaSSadesa was also called 
Suvannabhumi 1 , which would then comprise the maritime 
region between Cape Negrais and the mouth of the Salwin. 

i. Suvanijabhumi-ratta-saiiikhata Ramaflfiadesa ( Ind. Ant. 
Vol. 22. 1893, p. 151). 


According to Po-U-Daung Inscription (1774 A.D.), 'SuvannS- 
paranta, a designation usually syncopated into Sunaparanta or 
Sonnaparanta, included the country between the Lower Iravati 
and Chindwin and the Arakan Yoma. Now, AparSnta means 
'western end or extremity', and hence the region denoted as 
Suvannaparanta may be taken to denote the western end or 
extremity of Suvarnabhumi. Thus these two place-names 
would authorise us to apply the name Suvarnabhumi to a large 
portion of Burma, both maritime and inland, and this would 
also suit the location of Ptolemy's Chryse Chora 1 . 

There can also be hardly any doubt, in view of the statement 
of Arab and Chinese writers, and the inscription found in 
Sumatra itself, that that island was also known as Suvariia- 
bhumi and Suvarnadvlpa. Ferrand points out that even now 
Sumatra is designated by the Malays as Pulaw Ernsts or the 
island of gold (Suvarnadvlpa). 

But the Arab writers definitely imply that Suvarnadvlpa 
included a number of islands. Alberuni is quite clear on this 
point. "The islands of the Zabaj", says he, "are called by 
the Hindus Suvarnadvlpa, i.e., the gold islands". Ibn Said 2 
( 13th century A. D. ) definitely asserts that Zabag is an 
archipelago consisting of a large number of islands which 
produce excellent gold, and says that Sribuza (Sri-Viyaya in 
Sumatra) is the greatest of the islands of Zabag. The 
same view is implied by other Arab writers both before and 
after him. Thus, strictly speaking, the name Suvarnadvlpa 
is applied by the Arabs, on the authority of the Hindus, to 

1. Gerini Researches pp. 64 ff. There does not seem to be any 
adequate reason for excluding the maritime region, as Gerini has done, 
in locating Chryse Chora. Of course we must always bear in mind 
that it is a fruitless task to attempt to define the exact location of 
Ptolemy's place-names beyond a general indication such as we have 
given above. 

2. For the account of this and other Arab writers, cf. Ferrand J. A. 
ii XX, pp. 52 ff. 


a large group of islands, roughly corresponding to Malay 
Archipelago of the present day. Even as late as the 
sixteenth century A.D., Budhagupta, a Buddhist monk, visited 
two islands called Suvarnadvipa in the Eastern Sea. 1 

There are thus definite evidences that Burma, Malay 
Peninsula, and Sumatra had a common designation of 
Suvarnabhumi, and the name Suvarnadvlpa was certainly applied 
to Sumatra and other islands in the Archipelago. This does 
not, however, take away the possibility of other territories 
being designated by the one or the other name. Thus, on the 
whole, we shall not perhaps be far wrong, if we take Suvarna- 
bhumi and Suvarnadvlpa as general designations of Burma, 
Malay Peninsula, and Malay Archipelago, as hinted at in the 
Periplus. a But, keeping in view the literal meaning of the 
word dclpa, we should restrict the use of the name Suvarnadvlpa 
to the last two alone. 

We shall now proceed to discuss briefly some of the 
important localities in Suvarnadvipa which were definitely 
known to the Hindus in ancient times. 

As we have seen above, there is a reference to the island 
of Chryse (gold) in the Periplus. This is associated with the 
island of Argyre (silver) by many other classical authors, such 
as Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Solin, Martianus Capella, Isidore of 
Seville, and Theodulf. The origin of the name 'silver island' 
is explained in the same way as that of the 'gold island'. 

This close association naturally induces us to look for the 
two islands near each other. Now, as the name Suvarnadvipa, 
for the island of Sumatra, is well established, we might look 

1. 1. H. Q., Vol. VII. (1931)1 pp. 698, 701. 

2. The Chinese used the name 'Kouen louen' to denote Indo-China 
and Indo-nesia as a whole. Recently S. Le*vi has shown that in a Chinese- 
Sanskrit Dictionary this term is rendered by Sanskrit Dvipantara, 
which therefore means, not 'another island' as has been generally 
understood, but the 'Far East'. ( B. K. I. Vol. 88, 1931, pp. 621-627). 


upon the island of Java as corresponding to Argyre, and there 
are several facts which speak in favour of this supposition. 

It is somewhat singular that Ptolemy does not refer to the 
large island of Sumatra, at least under any easily cognisable 
name. The fact seems to be, that, like the later Arab writers, 
he regarded it as a series of islands, which he called (1) the 
group of five islands, the Barousai, and (2) the group of three 
islands, the Sabadeibai. 

Next to Sabadeibai Ptolemy places "the island of labadios 
(or Sabadios) which means the island of barley." It is said 
to be of extraordinary fertility and to produce very much gold, 
and to have its capital called Argyre (Silver-town) in the 
extreme west of it/ The explanation of the name leaves 
no doubt that Ptolemy's labadios corresponds to Sanskrit 
Yavadvlpa. 1 

Now, Ptolemy nowhere refers to the islands of Chryse and 
Argyre which figure so prominently in the writings of other 
western geographers both before and after him. 8 His Chryse 
Chersonesus may possibly represent the Chryse island of other 
writers, but we cannot say anything definitely on this point. 
The reference to an island with capital called Argyre, which is 
not far from his Chrysc Chersonesus, and situated quite 
close to Sumatra that undoubtedly bore the name Suvarna- 
dvipa (equivalent to Chryse island), justifies us, therefore, in 
identifying labadios as the Argyre island of other writers. 

Thus the islands of Chryse and Argyre, referred to by 
classical writers, would correspond to the well-known islands of 
Sumatra and Java or the Malay Peninsula and Java. 

This view is in full accord with what we find in the Periplus. 
The author thus describes the coastal regions of Bengal. "After 
these, the course turns towards the east again, and sailing with 
the ocean to the right and the shore remaining beyond to the 
left, Ganges comes into view, and near it the very last land 

1, For further discussion see Chaps. VI-VII. 

2. See ante. For further discussion see Chap. VI. 



towards the east, Chryse. There is a river near it called the 

Ganges And just opposite this river there is an island in 

the ocean, the last part of the inhabited world towards the east, 
under the rising sun itself ; it is called Chryse." 

Now, although the island of Sumatra or the Malay 
Peninsula is at a great distance, it is undoubtedly opposite 
the Ganges, in the sense, that if one sails straight towards 
the south from the mouth of that river, he would reach the 
island or the peninsula direct without coming across any other 
land. That the author meant a somewhat remote region is 
indicated by the expression, 'under the rising sun itself/ It 
may be a vague reference to the equatorial region, but, in any 
case, seems to indicate a sufficiently remote locality. It is 
also interesting to note that Pliny and other writers locate 
the islands of Chryse and Argyre as simply 'beyond the mouth 
of the Indus river/ Thus the expression, "opposite the Ganges", 
should not be understood in the sense in which we would 
employ it to-day, but in a general way only, and Malay Peninsula 
or Sumatra corresponds to the position fairly well. 

Apart from the general and somewhat vague use of 
Suvarnadvlpa, we may trace in Indian literature references to 
various localities within that region. The earliest reference of 
this kind, though equally vague in character, perhaps occurs 
in the ninefold division of Bharatavarsa as given in the 
Puranas. It has been argued with great plausibility that of 
these nine divisions, one alone corresponds roughly to India 
proper, and the other eight, therefore, designate other parts 
of what may be called Greater India. Mr. S. N. Majumdar 
who propounded this idea definitely identified one of these 
divisions, Indradvlpa, with Burma, and suggested that another, 
Kaserumat, might be Malay Peninsula. 1 But the question is 
not free from difficulties as has been pointed out by Mr. S. 
B. Chaudhury.* 

1. Cunningham Ancient geography of India, Edited by 
S. N. Majumdar, Appendix I. Sp. cf. pp. 752-754. 

2. Ind. Ant, 1930, pp. 204 ft. 


But when the later Puranas like Garuda and Vamana 
substitute Katsha and Simhala for Saiunya and Gandharva 
of the other Puranas 1 , we have a definite reference to a 
region in Malay Peninsula, for Kataha is the well-known name 
of the locality now represented by Keddah. 3 The name 
'Kataha-dvlpa' which was thus raised to the dignified position 
of one of the great divisions of Bharatavarsa or Greater India 
may be taken as roughly denoting the same region as 
Suvarnadvipa, which name is entirely absent from the 

In course of time, however, both the names came to be 
applied to particular localities. The Kataha-dvlpa figures 
prominently in the Kathasarit-sagara, as a rich and flourishing 
country, but is distinguished from Suvarnadvipa ; for, as already 
noted above, a story relates how the princess of Kataha-dvlpa 
was ship-wrecked near Suvarnadvipa on her way to India. The 
same story tells us that the mother of the princess was the 
sister of the king of Suvarnadvipa. 8 This leads to the 
conclusion that the Kataha-dvlpa and Suvarnadvipa were 
situated close to each other, but we must not count too much 
upon exact geographical knowledge of a story-writer. We 
have also the famous story of Devasmita, in which her husband, 
the merchant Guhasena, sails from Tamralipti to Kataha, 
and she follows him there after a short period. 4 The story 
of the foolish merchant also leads us to Kataha. 5 

Geographically, the most interesting story in this connection 
is that of Candrasvamin who lost his son and younger sister 
in the wood. They were supposed to have been rescued by a 
merchant named Kanakavarman. Having learnt that the 

1. Ibid. The verse in the two Puranas runs as follows : 
Nagadvipalj Katahagca Sirhhalo Varunastatha I (Garuda Purana 
Ch. 55-V. 5, Vamana Purana Ch. 13, V, 10.) 

2. See Book II. Chap. II. 

3. Tarahga 123, vv. 105 ff. 

4. Tarafiga 13, vv. 70. ff. 
. Taranga 61, v. 3. 


merchant had sailed for Narikela-dvipa, Candrasvamin embarked 
in a ship and went across the sea to that island. There he 
learnt that Kanakavarman had gone to Kataha-dvlpa. Candra- 
svamin followed him there, only to learn that Kanakavarman 
had gone to Karpura-dvlpa. In this way poor Candrasvamin 
visited in turn Narikela-dvlpa, Kataha-dvlpa, Karpura-dvipa, 
Suvarnadvipa and Simhala-dvlpa. 1 

The Narikela-dvlpa is mentioned both by Chinese and Arab 
writers. 8 According to Hiuen Tsang the people grew no 
grain but lived only on cocoaimts, which evidently gave the 
name to the island. He places it 'thousands of li' to the south 
of Ceylon. It has been identified with Nicobar island. 3 

The Karpdra-dvlpa is also named by Arab writers.* It 
is either Borneo or north (specially the north-west) side of 
Sumatra, where lies the port Boms from which to this day the 
Malays name the true camphor, Kapur Barus. Blagden considers 
this latter identification as more probable. 5 

A similar knowledge of the islands in the Archipelago may 
be traced even in the Puriinas. 4"he Vflyu Parana contains 
a chapter describing the various dclpas to the south of 
India. 6 Although there is much that is imaginary or mythical, 
there seems to be a kernel of fact. It describes in particular 
a group of six islands named Anga-dvipa, Yama-dvlpa, 
Malaya-dvlpa, Sankha-dvlpa, Ku5a-dvipa and Vnraha-dvipa. 

1. Taranga 56, VV. 54 ff- 

2. Narikela-dvTpa is mentioned, among others, by Hiuen Tsang 
(Beal Vol. II, p. 252) and Ibn Said (i3th cent. A. D.). The latter also 
refers to it as a dependency of Ceylon (Ferrand-Textes Vol. II, p. 339). 

3. For the identification and other details, cf. Yule- Marco Polo, 
Book III, Chap. XII notes. Beal identifies it with Maldive islands Beal, 
Vol. II, p. 252, f.n. 36. 

4. Ibrahim bin Wasif Sah (c. 1000 A. D.), Ibn Ai Wardi (i4th 
cent,), Thousand and One Nights ; cf. Ferrand Textes, pp. 157, 422, 


5. Cf. N.M. Penzer's note in his edition of Tawney's English 

Translation of Kathasarit-sagara - Ocean of Stories, Vol. IV, p. 224. fn. i 

6. Chapter, 48. 


Among these, Malaya-dvlpa may be identified with Malay 
Peninsula. Malaya-dvlpa is described as producing precious 
stones, gold, and sandal, and this suits well with Malay 
Peninsula. Besides, reference is made to the city of Lanks, 
which may be identified with Lenkasuka (see Chap. V). 
The Sankha-dvipa may be identified with the island of Sankhay, 
frequently mentioned by Arab writers. According to them it 
was three days' voyage from Malaya and was included within 
the empire of Sri-Vijaya. It gave the name to the 
neighbouring sea, and there was also a town called after 
it. 1 The Anga-dvipa may be identified with the Angadiya 
of the Arab writers, which is named immediately after a 
place on the Siamese coast and is located in the Bay of 
Bengal.* In the group of three islands, named Barawa 
by the Arab writers, we can easily recognise the Varaha-dvipa 
of the Vayu Purana. These islands are placed about 100 
farsangs from Fansur, i.e., Baros on the coast of 
Sumatra. 3 The Yama-dvipa may be the same as Yamakoti, 
which was regarded as being 90 to the east of Laftka.* 
Now, even admitting that these identifications are merely 
conjectural, the fact that most of these names are mentioned 
by Arab writers as names of islands in the Archipelago is not 
without importance. It certainly leads to the presumption that 
the Puranik writers had some real knowledge of the Malay 
Peninsula and Indian Archipelago, although they embellished 
their accounts with a great deal of mythology and fiction. 

Another indication of the geographical knowledge of the 
Hindus regarding the Far East is supplied by a passage in 
the Ramayana. M. Sylvain Levi has pointed out that this 
passage served as the basis of similar geographical accounts 

1. Edrisl, (194), Ibn Said (346), Dimaski (377, 381) and Nuwayri 
(395). The figures within brackets refer to pages of Ferrand Textes. 

2. Sidi al-Celebi (Ferrand Textes, p. 523). 

3. Ferrand Textes, pp. 583-4. 

4. Sachau Alberuni, Vol. I, p. 305. 


in HarivarhSa and the Buddhist Sfltra called Saddharma- 
SmytyupasthSna. For a critical study of the passage in all 
its bearings, we must refer the reader to the original article of 
that scholar 1 . Here we shall content ourselves with only a 
few points, relevant to our present study, which emerge clearly 
from his scholarly discussion. 

The most important passage runs as follows : 

Yatnavanto yavadviparii sapta-rajyopagobhitam I 
Suvarnarupyakadvipam Suvarn&karamanditam. li 

Unfortunately this passage appears in radically different 
forms not only in the different texts of Bamayana but also 
in HarivamSa, RSmayana-maSjar! of Ksemendra and the 
Saddharraa-Smrtyupasthana-Sutra which reproduce it. Thus 
Yavadvlpa appears only in the Bombay edition ; the 
Bengali edition substitutes jaladvlpam, whereas the other 
parallel passages omit it altogether. Similarly the first and 
the third words in the first line, given above on the authority 
of the Bombay version, are replaced respectively by 
'ratnavantam' and 'phalabhojyopaSobhitam'. The reading 
'Yavadvipam' is undoubtedly to be preferred, but we are less 
sure about the two others. Thus we cannot be quite certain 
if 'Yavadvlpa' was adorned with seven kingdoms as the 
Bombay text informs us. 

As to the second line, ' Siivar\ianipydka' appears as the 
name of a separate island in the Bengali version, but 
Ramayana-maiijarl and HarivamSa substitute Stivarnakitdyaka. 
The latter reading is supported by the Snrrtyupasthana-Siitra, 
as both the Chinese and the Tibetan translations of the 
passage render the name as 'island called 'wall of gold', an 
exact translation of Suvarnakudya-dvlpa. 

Now, Suvarnakudya is mentioned thrice as the name of 
a country in Kautillya ArthaSastra*, and on this ground 
Ldvi has preferred this reading. He takes as equivalent to this 

j. J.A.n-XI.,pp. 5-160. 
3. Book II. Chap. XI. 


name, the Chinese Kin-lin by which they designate a country, 
2000 li to the west of Fou-nan (Cambodia), and situated along 
a bay 1 . This would locate it in the Malay Archipelago. 

It is to be noted here that Siivarna-rnpyaka-dvlpam is 
an exact equivalent of the island of Chryse (Suvarna) and 
Argyre (rupyaka-stiveT) of the classical writers. Further, 
the Smrtyupasthana-Sutra says that the soil of the island which 
it calls Suvarna-kudyaka is gold. This supports the reading 
Suvarnakaramanditam which we get in the Bombay version 
and Harivama, but which is replaced by Ganadvlpam, a third 
island, in the Bengali version. If we accept this reading, 
we may have here the origin of the classical tradition about 
the Chryse island referred to above. On the whole it seems 
that we have here a reference to both a gold and a gold-cum- 
silver island, though the two have been confused. 

The next important passage, which is practically identical 
in both the versions of Ramayana, runs as follows : 
AmamlnaSanaScapi kirata dvlpavasinah I 
antarjalacara ghora nara-vyaghra iti smytjltt II 

The Ramayana-MaSjarl of Ksemendra substitutes the 
following ; 

"antarjalacaran ghoran samudradvlpasamSrayan, 

Thus the same two adjectives arc applied, in the one case 
to the Kiratas, and in the other, to the people of Samudra-dvipa. 
As the Kiratas have already been described in the preceding 
passage in Ramayana, the reading of Ramayana-manjarl is 
preferable. In any case it presents a new name Samudra-dvipa. 
Now, this may mean either 'island of the sea' or the 'island called 
Samudra/ The first meaning is, of course, pointless, so we may 
take the second and find in it a reference to Samudra, which, 
being corrupted to 'Sumutra', has given the name Sumatra to 
the great island in the Archipelago. 

It is interesting to note in this connection that Kautilya's 
Arthafifistra refers to a country called 'Para-samudra', and 

i. fetudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, p. 36. 


another, called 'Pasa/ 1 These may be taken as referring 
to the two neighbouring states of Samudra and Pase, in the 
north of Sumatra, to which frequent reference is made by 
mediaeval writers. 4 

Further, the geographical chapter under discussion describes 
various barbarians in the Eastern Sea more or less in the 
same way as Ptolemy has done in his account of the islands 
in the Archipelago. 

The Buddhist writers show a more extensive knowledge 
of the countries in the East. The Milindapafiha, as we have 
seen above, refers to Suvannabhumi, Takkola and Cma. The 
Mddesa, commenting on the word "torment" in the Sutta- 
nipata, describes the various kinds of torments which a sailor 
experiences, while, overpowered by desire for wealth and 
enjoyment, he sails in high seas in a boat and goes to (1) Gumba, 
(2) Takkola, (3) Takkasila, (4) Kalamukha, (5) Maramipara, 
(6) Vesunga, (7) Verapatha, (8) Java, (9) Tamali, (10) Vauga, 
(11) Elavaddhana, (12) Suvannakuta, (13) Suvannabhumi, 
(14) Tambapanni, (15) Suppara, (16) Bharukaccha, (17) Surattha, 
(18) Anganeka, (10) Gangana, (20) Paramagangana, (21) Yona, 
(22) Paramayona, (23) Allasanda, (24) Marukantara, 
(25) Jannupatha, (26) Ajapatha, (27) Mendhapatha, (28) Saiiku- 
patha, (29) Chattapatha, (30) Vamsapatha, (31) Sakunapatha, 
(32) Masikapatha, (33) Daripatha, (34) Vettadhara (or Vettacara). 
This interesting passage has been the subject of a 
learned dissertation by M. Sylvain Levi ; and the readers are 
referred to his scholarly article for a detailed discussion of 
the various points arising out of it. 8 Its chief importance, 

1. Book II. Chap. XI. 

2. The name Para-Samudra is explained as Ceylon in a late 
commentary to which no importance should be attached. It places 
Suvarnakutfyaka in Assam. Dr. H. C. Raychaudhury has supported 
this identification by equating Para-Samudra with Palaesimundu of the 
Periplus. But the equation Palaesimundu Para-Samudra is not very 

3. Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, pp. i-5$ 431. 


for our purpose, is the very comprehensive view it offers of 
the sea-going trade in ancient India. It describes twenty-four 
localities (Nos. 1-24) which the merchants visited by way of sea, 
and ten difficult routes (Nos. 25-34) which they had to follow 
on land, apparently after reaching the harbour on the sea- 
coast. Of the twenty-four localities, Nos. 15 to 24 evidently 
belonged to the western side of India and do not concern us 
here. Suvannabhumi (No. 13), Vesunga (6), VerSpatha (7), 
and Takkola (2) correspond to Ptolemy's Chryse Chora, 
Besyngeitai, Berabai, and Takkola, the first mart in the Chryse 
Chersonesus. As such, Suvannabhami may be located in Burma 
and the same is perhaps true of Suvannabhumi, mentioned 
in the MilindapaSha along with Takkola. The Kalamukha 
(4) is mentioned as the name of a tribe both in Ramayana 
and Mahabharata, and the country is to be placed on the 
Arakan coast. Java (8) can be easily identified as the 
well-known island of Java. Tamali (9) is the same as 
Tambralinga, referred to in a Sanskrit inscription discovered 
at Caiya in Malay Peninsula, and has to be placed in that 
region. 1 Suvannakuta (12) has been equated by Levi with 
Suvarnakudyaka which we have already discussed above. 
Tambapanni (14) is, of course, Ceylon. Gumba (1), Maranapara 
(5), and Elavaddhana (11), are not known from any other 
source and cannot be identified for the present. 

There remain now Takkasila (3) and Vanga (10) which 
are both well-known places, one in the north-west, and 
the other, in the eastern part of India. But the usual identi- 
fication of Takkasila with Taxila would be somewhat 
incongruous, as the place is named in a list of trans-Gangetic 
countries to the east. While, therefore, nothing definitely 
can be said in this matter, Levi has drawn our attention to 
the river Tokosanna, mentioned by Ptolemy, near Arakan 
coast, and the Takkasila of the text may be located here. 
The identification of Vanga with Bengal seems equally 

i. Cf, Book II. Chap. II. 


objectionable, particularly when we remember that it is both 
preceded and followed by other places in Malay Peninsula 
and the Indian Archipelago. Lvi has pointed out that the 
Manuscripts also give an alternative reading vankam, and this 
can be easily identified with the island of Banka to the 
east of Sumatra. 

The list of Niddesa thus practically covers a large part of 
the region which we have named Suvarnabhumi and 
Suvarnadvlpa, and of all the Indian texts available to us it 
shows the most detailed knowledge of the oversea centres of 
trade in the East. Levi has drawn attention to the points of 
agreement between this list and that given by Ptolemy, and 
has drawn the conclusion that both must belong to approximately 
the same period. The knowledge of the Far East possessed 
by Pliny and the author of the Periplus makes it highly 
improbable that such an extensive and detailed knowledge of 
the Far East, as is shown by the author of Niddesa, existed 
in India in the first century A. D. On the other hand, the 
absence of any reference to Cambodge or Champa makes it 
equally improbable that the list was drawn up in the third century 
A. D. when those countries were certainly known to India. 
Thus the list of Niddesa must have been drawn up between 
the end of the first and the beginning of the third century A. D. 

We shall now say a few words about the ten extraordinary 
routes mentioned at the end of the passage in Niddesa. The 
meaning of these has been made clear, partly by the commen- 
tary Saddhammappajotika, and partly by the occurrence of 
some of them in the story of the merchant Sanudasa as narrated 
in Brhatkatha-Slofea-samgraha. 

The story of Sanudasa is thus summarised by Lacote 1 . 

'Sanudasa joins the gang of the adventurer Jcera, who 
is preparing an expedition to the land of Gold (Suvannabhflmi). 
They cross the sea and land at the foot of a mountain. They 
climb up to the top by catching hold of creepers ( Vetra). This 
is the "creepers' path" (Vetrapattta). On the plateau there 
I. Translation by Tabard, p. 131. 


is a river which changes into stone everything that falls into 
it. They cross it by holding on to the bamboos which overhang 
the banks 1 . This is "the bamboos' path" (Vamspatha). 
Further on, they meet a narrow path between two precipices. 
They light a fire with wet branches ; the smoke attracts some 
Earatas who come and propose to sell them some goats ; the 
adventurers get on those goats, the only animals sure-footed 
enough to be able to follow the narrow edge without feeling 
giddy. This is "the goats' path" (Ajapatha). The adventurers 
do not come to the end of it without some difficulty as another 
gang is approaching from the opposite direction. A struggle 
ensues, but Accra's troops are able to pass through after having 
thrown their enemies into the ravines. Sanudasa begins to feel 
indignant at the fierceness of the gold-seekers. Acera orders 
his followers to slay the goats and to put on their skins with 
the inside out. Huge birds will mistake those men for a heap 
of raw meat, come and carry them away to their aerie. It is 
there the gold is ! Sanudasa attempts to save the goat he was 
riding, but his companions are pitiless. Everything takes place 
as Acera had foretold, but the bird which carries off Sanudasa 
is attacked by another bird which attempts to steal his prey. 
The goat's skin bursts open and Sanudasa falls in a tank which 
is in the heart of a luxuriant forest. The next day he comes 
to a river the banks of which are of golden sand ; near by, there 
is a hermitage from which a hermit comes out.' 

The story thus explains Ajapatha (26) and Vamsapatha (30), 
and the episode of Sanudasa being carried aloft by a huge 
bird evidently explains the Sakunapatha (31). Mendhapatha 
(27) obviously is to be explained in the same way as Ajapatha, 
substituting ram for a goat. The Vetrapatha is added in the 
story and may correspond to Vettadhara or VettacSra (No. 34). 

I. The bamboos on the other bank of the river are bent by strong 
winds, and a man catches hold of the top of one of them as soon as it is 
within the reach of the bank on which he is standing. Then, when the 
storm subsides, the bamboo reverts to its old position, and the man 
holding fast to it is carried along with it to the other bank, 


The commentary explains Jannupatha (25) as the way where 
one has to crawl on knees. On Sankupatha (28) it gives a long 
explanatory note, describing the means by which a man could 
ascend a mountain. An iron hook, attached to a rope of skin, 
is thrown up till the hook is fixed up in the mountain. Having 
climbed up the rope, the man makes a hole on the hillside with 
a diamond-tipped iron instrument, and fixes a spear. Having 
caught hold of this, he detaches the hook, and throws it aloft 
again, till it is again fixed up in the mountain. Then he ties 
the rope to the spear, and having caught hold of the rope with 
one hand, strikes it by a hammer with the other till the 
spear is detached. Then he climbs up again, again fixes the 
spear, and repeats the process till he ascends the top of the 

Chattapatha (29) is explained in the commentary as the way 
where one jumps down from a precipice with an open parasol, 
(chatta=chatra) made of skin, and descends slowly to the ground, 
on account of the resistance of the air. In other words, it 
involved the principle of parachute. 

The Masikapatha (32) and Daripatha (33) are not explained 
by the commentary and cannot be exactly understood. 

References to these extraordinary routes are not confined 
to the two texts mentioned above. They are met with in the 
VimSnavatthu, the Jatakas, Milindapanha, Vayu Purana, 
Matsya Purana, Kfttyayana's Vartika and Ganapatha 1 . None 
of these, however, mentions a large number of them, and the 
Puranas alone add a new one, Kharapatha, which is evidently 
to be explained in the same way as Ajapatha, substituting ass 
(khara) for goat (a/a). 

It is to be noted that Katy5yana associates these ways with 
merchants, and MilindapaSha agrees in a way, substituting 

cf. Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, pp. 45-50, for details. References 

; are 

to Vimanavatthu LXXXIV ; Tittirajataka (Jataka III, 541), Milindapafiha 
(p. 280) ; Vayu Purana, Ch. 47, v. 54 ; Matsya Purana Ch. 121, v. 56 ; 
Patafijali's comment on Panini's Sutra V, 1,77 ; Ganapatha on Panini 
V. 3. ioo f 


seekers of wealth for merchants. The Vimanavatthu definitely 
associates them with oversea countries, agreeing in this respect 
with Niddcsa and Brhatkatha-Sloka-saihgraha. The Puranas 
also mention them in connection with countries outside India. 

We may now sum up the results of the preceding discussion. 
It is quite clear that from a very remote time the Indians 
possessed a vague idea of the countries in the Far East across 
the sea. The relation, no doubt, originated in trade, and the 
tradition of fabulous wealth earned by that trade gave rise 
to all sorts of mythical stories about the golden land. The 
Puranik accounts of the varsas and dvlpas, which represent this 
stage, were based on vague sailors' reports, but were also mingled 
with a great deal of fancy and imagination. 

The steady development of this trade is reflected in th 
Jatakas, Brhatkatha, Kautillya ArthaSastra and Milinda- 
paSha, where we have not only a more definite idea of the 
region, now called Suvarnabhunii, but also a knowledge of 
important localities within it. This intimate intercourse may 
be referred to the two or three centuries immediately preceding 
the Christian era. 

During the first two centuries of the Christian era, the 
mercantile relations led to colonisations on a fairly large scale. 
This is evidenced both by the popular stories as well as the by 
Sanskrit names applied to many localities within this region. 
Ptolemy and Niddesa represent this stage of development which 
may thus be regarded as an accomplished fact by the second 
century A. D. 

The literary evidence leaves no doubt that trade was the 
chief stimulus of this intercourse between India and the Far East. 
Missionary and political activities must have followed in the 
wake of trade. Indeed, if literature can be regarded as a 
fair reflex of popular mind, trade and commerce must have 
been a supreme passion in India in the centuries immediately 
preceding and following the Christian era, perhaps very much 
in the same way as it is in Europe to-day. The extraordinary 
routes mentioned above, together with the details of ship-wreck 


and perils of the sea preserved in numerous stories, are but a 
faint echo of that romantic age of adventures and explorations. 
If the history of that wonderful epoch of new discoveries had 
been preserved to us, we might possibly present it as a not 
unworthy parallel of the similar period in modern age. We lay 
particular stress on this fact, as it is the background of our 
study of ancient Indian colonisation in the Far East. 

Indeed, the evidence of a commercial origin of tliis inter- 
course with the Far East meets us at every step. In the first 
place, almost all the literary references given above deal with 
stories of merchants or seekers of wealth. Secondly, the geo- 
graphical names, applied by the Indians, all refer to minerals, 
metals, or some industrial and agricultural products. We may 
note, for example, Suvarnadvipa ( and its variants Hemakdta 
Suvarnakdta, Suvarnakudya), Rupyakadvlpa, Tamradvlpa, Yava- 
dvlpa, Lankftdvlpa, Takkola, Sankha-dvipa, KarpQra-dvIpa, 
Narikela-dvlpa, etc. 

Thirdly, Kautillya ArthalSstra knows of foreign countries 
only in connection with their industrial products. 

Fourthly, we may refer to a statement of K'ang T'ai, the 
Chinese ambassador to Fou-Nan about the middle of the third 
century A. D., which runs as follows : 

"Formerly, during the reign of Fan-Chan, a man called Kia- 
Siang-li came from India to Fou-Nan for purposes of trade. 
He gave a short account of India to Fan-Chan who then asked 
him : "What is the distance of India ? How long does it take 
to go to that country V 9 Kia-Siang-li replied : "India is about 
30,000 li from here. A journey to India and back would require, 
three or four years'' l This passage and another statement of 
K'ang T'ai" shows that the earliest intercourse between India 
and the Far East was through adventurous merchants, and it 
was well established as early as the third century A. D. 

i. B. E. F. E. O f Vol. Ill, pp. 277-8. 
9. Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, pp. 249-50. 


Some traditions, no doubt, represent Ksatriya adventurers 
from India as having conquered territories in the Far East> 
but they must have followed in the wake of merchants. l 

It is, of course, true that trade and commercial relations 
led to the establishment of political and cultural relations as 
well. But these were secondary results and not primary 
motives of intercourse. There is no reference in our literature 
to any deliberate policy of political expansion or religious 
propaganda across the sea, until we come to the Ce.ylonese 
Chronicle Mahiivaiiisa. As is well-known, it refers to tho 
conquest of Ceylon by Vijaya at the time of Buddha, and the 
despatch of a Buddhist mission to Suvamiabhnim in the time 
of ASoka. Whether the dates of either of those events can 
be accepted as true is a matter of dispute. But in any case, 
if true, they would constitute the only exceptions, and 
even then we should remember that the path had already 
been paved by the merchants. 

On the whole it can be definitely laid down, that trade and 
commercial activity were the first, and, for a long time, the 
only incentive to the perilous voyages across the sea. Tho 
traders spread Indian culture along with their wares, and as 
opportunities offered, they might have seized the political power. 
But it is only at a comparatively later age, that adventurous 
Ksatriya princes came to seek their fortune, or individual 
monk or bands of missionaries came to propagate their religious 
doctrines. We possess evidence of both, but they all belong 
to a later period. 

The subsequent history of individual colonies will show, that 
this peaceful penetration of the Indians resulted in the fusion 
of Indians with their diverse races, and the evolution of a new 
culture which partook of elements of both. The dominant 
race imposed its language, religion and social customs, but 
could not efface all traces of indigenous element** in respect 
of any of these. As years went on, and the contact with India 

I, These have been referred to in my work 'ChampS,' pp. XI fi" 


grew less and less, the native elements again asserted themselves. 
All these will be illustrated by the detailed history of the Indian 
colonies in the Malay Peninsula, and the islands of Java, 
Sumatra, Borneo, and Bali to which we now proceed. 

Chapter V. 


The Malay Peninsula or the Peninsula of Malacca is tho 
name given to that long narrow strip of territory which, 
projecting southwards from Judo-China, divides the Bay 
of Bengal from the China Sen, and forms the most southerly 
extremity of the mainland of Asia. It is called by the natives 
Tanah Malayu, the land of the Malays. It is now generally 
regarded as beginning at the Isthmus of Kra, in Lat. 10, but, 
in the widest sense, the peninsula extends from the parallel 
of the head of the Gulf of Siam, in Lat. 13-30'. The peninsula 
runs at first south, and then in a south-eastern direction, for 
about 800 miles. The distance from the Isthmus of Km to 
Cape Rumenia ( east of Singapore ), as the crow Hies, would 
be about 750 miles. Cape Rumenia is nearly, though not 
exactly, the most southerly point in the peninsula, Tanjong 
Bulus ( l-lt>i'N. ), a little to the west, occupying that position. 
The peninsula is bounded on the north by Siam, and is 
surrounded by the sea in all other directions ; by the China Sea 
and the Gulf of Siam on the cast, by the Strait of Singapore on 
the south, and by the Straits of Malacca arid the Bay of Bengal 
on the west. There are many islands along the shores of the 
peninsula, the most notable being Langkawi and Penang on 
the west, and Singapore, Batan and Biritang on the south. 
The islands on the eastern coast are fewer and smaller. 

The most characteristic physical feature of the peninsula 
is the long range of granite mountains which runs along its 



whole length, descending somewhat abruptly into a wider 
plain on the east, and more gently into a narrower plain on 
the west. In addition to smaller ranges running parallel to 
the main chain, there are also isolated spurs and limestone 
buffs. The highest peak in the main range, Gunong Kerbau, 
has an altitude of 7,160 ft., but the highest mountain is 
Gunong Tahan (7, 186 ft.) on the eastern side. 

Almost the whole of the peninsula both alluvial plains 
and mountain ranges is covered by evergreen forests, mostly 
dense jungles, the major part of which is yet untrodden by 
human foot. The forests yield excellent timber, including 
eaglewood, camphor tree, and ebony, and also less durable, 
but more frequently used, materials of Malayan architecture, 
such as rattans, bamboos, the nibung, and the nipa palms. 
Guttapcrcha, rubber, oils, and resins are also obtained from 
the forests. The chief products of agriculture are rice, sugar- 
cane, coffee, cotton, sago, pepper, spices, and rubber. There 
are also some excellent fruit trees such as the mango-steen, 
durian, pomegranate, jack-fruit, custard-apple, cocoa-nut, areca- 
nut, sugar-pahn, and banana. 

The rivers are numerous, but small, and in most cases 
navigable for large boats only upto a short distance from the 
mouth. The more notable arc the Pcrak, Bornam and Muar 
on the west, and Patani, Talukin, Kelantan, Bcsut, Trengganu, 
Kuantan, Pahang and Rompin on the east. On account of 
the impenetrable forests, the rivers have always formed 
the chief highways of communication, and it is on the banks 
of the rivers that the main centres of civilisation have 

The chief mineral products are tin, iron, gold, and coal. 
The peninsula, with the islands adjacent to it, contains by 
far the most extensive tin fields in the world, and supplies nearly 
one-third of the world's output of that metal. Gold mines 
exist in Pahang, Kelantan, and Perak, and they are known 
to have been worked even in very ancient times. Among 


other mineral products may be mentioned copper, mercury, 
lead, silver, zinc, and coal. 1 

Although it is not within the scope of the present work 
to deal with the existing political condition of the Malay 
Peninsula, a brief review of its political geography is nece- 
ssary for the proper understanding of the subject. The northern 
part of the peninsula, forming a narrow isthmus running 
nearly due north and south to the length of 140 miles, is inha- 
bited by the Siamese or a, cross between them and the Malays, 
known to the latter by the name of Sansam. This portion, 
with territories further south, is politically subject to Siam and 
forms an integral part of that kingdom. The Siamese dominion 
is confined to the northern part of the peninsula, and comprises 
the following states, some of which, specially those in the north, 
forming practically so many Siamese provinces : on the west 
coast, beginning from north, are Eanong, Takua Pa, Takuatung, 
Pukct ( or Junk Ceylon, a corruption of the Malay name of 
Ujong Salang), Palian and Satul ; on the east coast, Patavi, 
Chumpaun, Caiya, the island of Samui, Nakonsitamaraj (Nakhon 
Sri Tha(dha)mmarat), Patalung, Sengora, Ghana Tepa, Nongchik, 
Tani Jaring, Jala, Sai Ranga, Raman, and Patani. To the south 
of these lie the states of Perils and Keddah on the west and 
Kelantan and Trcngganu in the cast, over which the kingdom 
of Siam exercised suzerainty until recent times, but which now 
form the Non-Federated Malay States, protected and advised 

I. In spito of numerous works on the Malay Peninsula, it is not 
easy to get a simple and accurate description of the physical features of 
the land. The statements in different authorities also do not always 
agree, particularly as regards distance, area, and the height of mountains. 

The above account is based on the following books :- 

a. John Crawfurd A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian 
Islands and Adjacent Countiies (London 1856) ; (s. v. Malay Peninsula). 

b. J. H. Moor Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent 
Countries (Singapore, 1837), pp. 241. ff. 

c. Major C. M. Enriquez Malaya (Hurst and Blackett, 1927). 

d. Encyclopaedia Britannica I4th Edition, 


by the British. The southern part of the peninsula consists 
of states which are more directly under the British authority. 
The regular British territories, forming the Crown Colony of 
Straits Settlements, are in point of size "mere dots on the map 
of the Malay Peninsula. One dot is Singapore ; a little way 
up the coast, Malacca is another ; still following the coast, the 
Bindings form a third ; Penang and Province Wcllesley are 
two more." 

The other states known as Federated Malay States are not, 
strictly speaking, British possessions, but they are ruled all but 
in name by the British Resident. These are Perak, Selangor, 
and the group of nine states, collectively known as Negri Sern- 
bilan, on the west, and Pahang on the east coast. To the 
south of these is the important State of Johore forming the 
southernmost portion of the Malay Peninsula. Since 1914 it has 
been included among the Non-Federated States, being protected 
and advised by the British. 1 

The Malay Peninsula ( taking it in its narrower significance, 
to the south of the Isthmus of Era ) has a population of about 
three and a half millions. This includes 1,600,000 Malays, 
1,200,000 Chinese, 470,000 Indians, and about 33,000 aboriginal 
or primitive tribes. The racial elements among the original 
people of Malay Peninsula have already been discussed above. 
The Chinese and Indian colonists have settled there since the 
early centuries of the Christian era. During the last four 
centuries the Europeans and Americans have formed a small 
colony, numbering at present about 15,000, with 12,000 

It has already been shown above that the Malay Peninsula 
held a very important position in respect of maritime trade in 
the Far East from a very early period. Indeed, its geographical 

j. The account of the political divisions is based mainly on "The 
Peoples and Politics of the Far East" by Sir Henry Norman (T. Fisher 
Unwin, 1907). In some respects it is corrected by 'Malaya' by Enriquez 
and Encyclopaedia Britannica, i^\\ Edition, 


position made it the centre of carrying trade between China 
and the western world. 

It must have been known to India from very early times. 
As has already been mentioned above, the names of both 
Malaya-dvlpa and Kataha-dvlpa occur in the PurSnas, and some 
of the Puranas include Kataha-dvlpa among the nine dvlpas 
into which the known world is divided. 

The earliest definite reference to this region is made by 
Ptolemy. He calls it 'Chryse Chersonesus', an equivalent of 
the Indian name Suvarnadvlpa, and expressly refers to an active 
maritime trade between India and this region. 

Ptolemy has shown a fair degree of knowledge as regards 
the geography of Malay Peninsula. He names successively 
(1) Takkola, a mart; (2) a cape situated after Takkola ; (3) mouth 
of the river Chrysoana ; (4) Sabana, a mart ; (5) mouth of 
the river Palandas ; (6) cape Maleu Kolon ; (7) mouth of 
the river Attaba ; (8) Koli, a town ; (9) Perimula ; and 
(10) Bay of Perimula. In a supplementary list he refers to the 
inland towns, Balongka, Kokkonagara, Tharrha, and Palanda. 1 
It is not possible to identify exactly any of these", but that 
does not take away the great importance of Ptolemy's writings. 
S. Levi has shown that Ptolemy's account regarding the 
Far East possesses a striking agreement with that given in 
Niddesa, a Pali canonical book. 8 This proves, in his opinion, 
not only the general accuracy of the Greek account, but also 
that the Indians had acquired a far greater amount of 
knowledge of the Far East since the days when neither Pliny 
nor the author of the Pcriplus could gain anything but a vague 
report of Suvarnabhiimi from his Indian informants. In 
other words, the century 50-150 A. D. witnessed a remarkable 

1. M'Crindle Ptolemy, pp. 197-8, 226. 

2. Gerini's long discourses on the identification of Ptolemy's 
geographical names seem to be too unscientific to be relied upon. (cf. 
Researches, pp. 81-115). 

3. S. LeVi Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, pp. i if., specially cf. p. jo. 


growth in the trade and maritime activity of the Indians in 
the Far East. This is further corroborated by the fact, that 
not only the general name Suvarnabhflmi, but also local place- 
names such as Takkola, Java, and T&mralinga, and the name- 
ending 'nagara' in Kokkonagara, are purely Indian. 1 It may 
also be noted that by the second century A. D. there was a 
regular intercourse between India and China, either through 
the Isthmus of Kra, or the Straits of Malacca. 8 

This period of active intercourse must also be regarded 
as the terminus ante quern for the Indian colonisation in Malay 
Peninsula. For, Fou-nan ( ancient Kamboja ) was colonised 
by the Hindus in the first century A. D. s , and Champa, not 
later than the second century A. D. 4 It, therefore, stands 
to reason that the Malay Peninsula, which lies on the route 
to these distant countries, must have been colonised at an 
earlier date. 

This a priori reasoning is also supported by traditional 
accounts. The History of the Liang Dynasty describes a 
country called Lang-ya-su ( or Lang-ga-su ) Svhich, the people 
say, was established more than 400 years ago/ Now the king 
of this country extols the emperor of China by saying, among 
other things, that the precious Sanskrit was generally known 
in his land. This leaves 110 doubt that it was a Hindu colony. 
As the Chinese history, containing the account, refers to the 
sixth century A. D., the traditional date of the foundation of 
the colony would be more than four hundred years before that, 
or, in other words, the second century A. D. It is generally 
agreed that Lang-ya-su was situated in Malay Peninsula, 

1. Levi (op. cit, pp. 5. ff.) was the first to point out that Takkola 
was a regular Sanskrit word. 

2. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. Ill, p. 291. A passage in Tsien-han-Shu 
refers to trade between China and Huang-tche during 140-86 B.C. Huang, 
tche has been identified with Abyssynia, Malay Peninsula and Kaficf in 
South India. (T'oung Pao, 1912, p. 457 ; J. A. n-XIII (1919), p. 451 ; 
J. A. n-XIV, p. 4 5 ; Tijd. Aard. Gen, Vol. 45, p. 589.) 

3. Ibid, p. 290. 4. Champa R. C. Majumdar, p. 21, 


though the exact localization of this colony is somewhat difficult. 
The same place is referred to as Lang-kia-su by I-tsing and 
Kama-laAka by Hiuen Tsang, and both enumerate it in a list 
of countries between Sri-Ksetra (Prome ) and DvSrfivatl (Siam). 
On this and other grounds, Pelliot held that it must be placed 
either near the Isthmus of Kra, or in Tenasserim, though he 
preferred the latter view. 1 

Pelliot further held that this Lang-ya-su is the same as 
Ling-ya-sseu-kia mentioned by Chau Ju-kua. M. Coedfcs has 
proved that this latter is the same as Lenkasuka, mentioned in 
the 'Keddah Annals' and Nilgara-krtagama, and is to be 
identified with Gimong Jerai near Keddah. Coed&s further 
showed that the same place is referred to, in the form Ilangafio- 
gam, in the Tamil inscriptions of Rajcndra Cola, as one of the 
vassal states of Srl-Vijaya conquered by him. 

Coedfcs points out that Pclliot's identification of Lang-ya-su 
or Lang-kia-su with Ling-ya-sseu-kia or Lenkasuka cannot be 
upheld, as the latter is certainly near Keddah, whereas the 
former is perhaps near Tenasserim, as Pelliot suggests. 9 

Coedfcs, however, ignores the fact that Pelliot's identification 
of Lang-ya-su with Tenasserim was a very hypothetical one, 
based upon its resemblance with Nankasi, the old name of 
Tenasserim. His main point was that it should be located in 
Tenasserim or Malay Peninsula, because it is inserted between 
Sri-Ksetra (Prome) and Dvaravati (Siam). As a matter of fact 
he himself suggested the Isthmus of Kra as a probable 
location, as, according to I-tsing, the Chinese pilgrims frequently 
passed through Lang-kia-su on their way from China to India 
or back. Even, therefore, if Lenkasuka is located near Keddah, 
there does not seem to be uny insuperable objection in placing 
Lang-ya-su or Lang-kia-su also in that locality. It must be 
remembered that the kingdon, according to the History of the 

1. B E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, pp. 406-8. The identification with 
Tenasserim was also proposed by Huber (Ibid, p. 475). 

2. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. XVIII. No. 6, pp. 11-13. 


Liang Dynasty, 'was 30 days' pacing from east to west and 20 
days' pacing from north to south/ It may, therefore, be 
regarded as having comprised the northern part of the Malay 
Peninsula extending as far south as Keddah. Rouffaer, however, 
places both Lang-kia-su and Leiikasuka in Johore in the 
southern part of the Malay Peninsula. 1 . 

On the other hand, Ferrand has traced the name in an 
Arabic work, in the form Lang-Saka, and has identified it with 
Marco Polo's Lochac. On the strength of these and fresh 
Chinese evidences, he has located Lang-kia-su on the eastern 
coast of the Malay Peninsula, in the Isthmus of Ligor. 2 Indeed 
the passage which Ferrand has quoted from Chavannes' 'Eeli- 
gieux Eminents' (pp. 78 and 100), seems to leave no doubt on 
the point. If, therefore, Coedfcs' identification of Leiikasuka 
with Gunong Jerai be accepted as definitely proved, we must 
hold that it was different from Lang-kia-su. 

Coedfcs' view, however, rests almost solely on the Hikayat 
Maron Mahawa&sa, a late work of no authentic character. It 
is also quite possible that the name of an old site was given 
to a newly founded city. Coedfcs has further relied upon the 
popular traditions about Leiikasuka or Langkasuka, noted by 
Blagden, and referred to hereafter. They may, however, be 
equally explained by the supposition that an old site of 
that name originally existed in the Isthmus of Ligor. 

On the other hand, M. Sylvain Levi's identification of 
MevilimbaAgam, mentioned in Rajendra Cola's inscription, with 
KSma-lanka 8 of Hiuen Tsang, differentiates the latter from 
Le&kasuka, mentioned separately as Ilangasogam in the same 
inscription. This would support Coedfcs' view. Thus, while it is 
difficult to identify definitely Lang-kia-su with Ling-ya-sseu-kia, 
the former may be placed in the Isthmus of Ligor. 

In any case we are fully justified in regarding Lang-kia-su 
as an old Indian colony in Malay Peninsula, dating probably 

1. B. K. I., 1931, pp. 89 ff. 

2. J, A. H-XII (1918), pp. I34fl. 3, J. A., Vol. CCIII, p. 44. 


from the second century A. D. Some interesting accounts of 
this colony are preserved in Chinese annals. 1 The manners 
and customs of its people, as described by the Chinese, show a 
strong Indian element, modified, as in other colonies, by the 
indigenous influence. 

The Chinese annals give us some information about the 
political condition of the country during the fifth and sixth 
centuries A. D. The passage is thus translated by Schlegel : 

"The people of this country say that their state was founded 
more than 400 years ago ( A. D. 100 ), but that it got weaker 
under its successors (sic) ; and as there was among the rela- 
tions of the king one who was an excellent man, the people 
turned towards him. When the king heard of this, he put him 
into prison, but his chains snapped spontaneously. On this the 
king thought him to be a supernatural being and dared not hurt 
him any more, but only drove him from his territory, whence he 
took refuge to India, and was married there to tho eldest 
daughter ( of its king ). When on a sudden the king of Lang-ga 
su died, the great officers called back the prince and made him 
king. He died more than 20 years later, and was succeeded by 
his son Bhagadato. In A. D. 515 he sent an envoy named 
Aditya with a letter to the emperor of China. 

"These embassies were repeated in A. D. 523 and in 531 and 
then seem to have been dropped."* 

Pelliot points out that there was a further embassy to China 
in A. D. 5G8. 3 

In course of a highly interesting and instructive philological 
disquisition, M. Sylvain Levi* has demonstrated that KSma- 
lanka, the name given to the colony by Hiuen Tsang, also occurs 

i. The Chinese accounts have been translated by Groeneveldt 
(Notes, pp. ion), and Schlegel (ToungPao, Serie I, Vol. IX., pp. 191- 
200). 2. Schlegel (op. cit, pp. 192-3). 

3, B. E. F. E. O. f Vol. IV, p. 405. 

4. J. A., Vol. CCIII, pp. 38$ ; translated by Bagchi in "Pre- 
Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India*, pp. 104 ff. 



in Indian literature as Karmaranga. The MaSjuSrlmfllakalpa 
(p. 332) "names the islands of Karmaranga with the island of 
Cocoanuts (Nadlkera) and Vsrusaka (Baros, Sumatra) and the 
islands of the Naked (Nicobar), Bali and Java as the regions 
where the language is indistinct, without clearness, rude, and 
abunding in the letter r" The same text again (p.648) mentions 
Karmaranga with Harikela, Kamarupa, and Kalo&a (see below). 
Bana, in his Haracarita, twice mentions the shield of Karma- 
ranga, and his commentator Sankara remarks on the excellent 
skins of the country. On this M. Levi remarks as follows : 

"The reputation of the skins of Karmaranga appears to 
explain Ptolemy's note on the population of the "Brigands" 
"Lestai" which he locates exactly in the surroundings of 
Karmaranga, on the southern shores of the great gulf, i.e., the 
Gulf of Siam (VII, 2, 6 and 21) : "It is said that the natives of 
the country of Brigands live like beasts, inhabit the caverns, 
and that they have skin almost like that of hippopotami 
impenetrable by arrows." The region had some centres of 
population and even a port of commerce. "Samara(n)de, 
Pagrasa, Pithonobaste which is a market, Akadra, Zabai which 
is the city." It can be supposed that Samara (n)de is an 
alteration of the name which has finally taken in Sanskrit the 
alternate forms Carmaranga and Karmarafiga". 

M. Levi further points out that India received from this 
country the fruit which the Europeans call carambola and which 
is named in Sanskrit, after the land of its origin, Karmaranga 
(Bengali-KSmranga). Now the Malaya name of this fruit is 
balimbing or belimbing, which has made its way in all parts of 
South India along with the Sanskrit name. This has supplied 
to M. Levi the key to the solution of a geographical problem. 
Among the countries conquered by Rajcndra Cola occurs the 
name Mevilimbangam which has not been hitherto identified. 
Referring to the Malay name of the fruit, M. Levi remarks as 
follows on the identity of Mevilimbangam : "Mevilimbangam 
should, therefore, be analysed, in the inscription of Tanjore, 
like Ms-Danialingam, Ma-Nakkavaram, as Me-Vilimbangam ; it 


is clear that Vilimbangam is the Indian transcription of Malaya 
belimbing which is the equivalent of Karmaraftga. The Indian 
name of the fruit, derived from the name of the country, has 
become in its turn the indication of the country itself ." Thus 
Sylvain Lvi thinks that Mevilimbaiigam is but another name of 
Kama-lanka=s Lang-kia-su. 

As pointed out above, this view of Levi would mean that 
Lang-kia-su was different from Langkasuka or Leiikasuka. 
But even if it were so, "the two countries", as Levi remarks, 
"are certainly very near each other". 

As Blagden has pointed out 1 , "Langkasuka still lives 
in the memory of the local Malays. It has developed into a 
myth, being evidently the "spirit land" referred to as Lokon 
Suka by the peasantry of the Patani states". 

L6vi has also pointed out 8 that besides Karmaranga, the 
Mafijusrlmulakalpa twice mentions also the name of Carma- 
ranga (p. 206, 233), and he considers it only a variant of the same 
name. Now the Brhat-Sairihita, in its catalogue of the peoples 
of the south-east, combines Vrsa-Nalikera-Carmadvlpa. These 
three names may be compared to Varusaka-Nadikera and 
Karmaranga (or Carmaranga) of the ManjuSrlmnlakalpa referred 
to above. Vrsa is possibly the same as Varusaka (Baros, 
Sumatra), and Carmadvlpa may be presumed to be the same as 
Cannaranga= Karmarafiga == Kama-laAka = modern Ligor. 

Carmaranga is mentioned in MafijuSrimalakalpa with 
Kalalavarapura (Kalafiahva p. 206 ; KalaSamukhya, p. 233). 
KalaSapura is referred to as a city in Suvarnadvlpa in the 
Kathasaritrsagara (54, 108). In the collection of Nepalese 
miniatures studied by M. Foucher, the representation of 
Bhagavat at KalaSavarapura immediately follows that of 
Dipankara in Yavadvipa. 

The New History of the T'ang Dynasty refers to a kingdom 
called Ko-lo-cho-f en. Apparently this kingdom is again referred 

i, J. R. A. S., 1906, p. 119. a. Op. cit., p, 106. 


to in the same text as Kia-lo-cho-fou and Kia-lo-cho-fo. All the 
three forms correspond to KalaSapura. As to the location of 
the kingdom, the Chinese accounts place it to the north of 
Tou-ho-lo, which was to the north of P'an-p'an. Now Tou-ho-lo 
has been identified with DvarSvati, in the lower valley of the 
Menam river. If Kalafiapura is to be placed to the north of 
DvSr&vatl, it must have been an inland region far away from 
the sea, whereas, according to the story in the Kathasarit-sSgara, 
the ship-wrecked merchant SamudraSura was cast adrift at 
Kalafiapura, which was evidently on the sea-coast. Pelliot has 
shown on good grounds that the directions given in the parti- 
cular Chinese passage cannot be held to be quite accurate, and 
he, therefore, proposes to substitute Vest' for 'north', for which 
there is some independent authority. With this modification 
of the text, KalaSapura may be placed to the north-west of Siam, 
at the mouth of the Sittang river. 

On the other hand, P'an-p'an corresponds to Bandon or 
Ligor in Malay Peninsula, and, therefore, KalaSapura also may 
be placed in the northern part of it. It may bo noted that 
Kern amended the name KalaSapura to Kalapapura, Kalapa 
being the name for Batavia. This amendment, however, is unten- 
able in view of the forms of the name in the Chinese Text. 1 

To the south-east of P'an-p'an, the Chinese locate a country 
called Kala or Kora. It is evidently the same as Keddah, which 
was the centre of trade and commerce between the cast and the 
west and figures so prominently in later Arab accounts. Its 
ambassadors visited China between 650 and 656 A.D., and the 
following account 8 preserved in the New History of the 
Tang Dynasty is apparently based on their report. 

'This country is situated at the south-cast of P'an-p'an and 
is also called Kora Fu-sa-ra. The king's family name is Sri 
Pora and his personal name is Mi-si Po-ra. The walls of his 
city are built with stones piled upon each other, whilst the 

1. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 360. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 121. 


watch-towers, the palace and other buildings are thatched with 
straw. The country is divided into 24 districts. 

"The soldiers use bows, arrows, swords, lances, and armour 
of leather ; their banners are adorned with peacock feathers 
and they fight mounted on elephants ; one division of the army 
consists of a hundred of these, and each elephant is surrounded 
by a hundred men. On the elephant's back is a cage containing 
four men, armed with bows, arrows and lances. 

"As taxes the people pay a little silver. There are no 
silkworms, nor hemp or flax, nothing else but cotton. For 
domestic animals they have numerous cows and a few ponies. 

"It is their custom that only functionaries are allowed to tie 
up their hair and to wrap a handkerchief round their heads." 

Another Hindu state in Malay Peninsula, of which we get 
some notice in the Chinese annals, is Pa-hoang (or Po-houang) 
which has been identified by Schlegel with Pahang. The 
following account is contained in the Nan-shi and the History of 
the First Sung Dynasty. 1 . 

"In A. D. 449 the king of the state of Pahang, named Sari- 
Pala-Varma sent envoys who presented 41 different articles of 
tribute. By imperial decree Emperor Wen named him "Bang 
of the state of Pahang". In A. D. 451 and 456 he again sent his 
great historian Da Napati to present a letter and offer products 
of his country, when H. M. gave to Napati the title of "Awe- 
inspiring general. 

"In A.D. 459 its king offered red and white parrots. In A.D. 
464 and 466 he sent again envoys to offer tribute, when Ming-ti 
gave to his great historian Da Surawan as also to the former 
grand historian, the Awe-inspiring general Da Napati, the title 
of Dragon-horse Generals". 

The kingdom of Pahang with its two state historians must 
be regarded as a state with a high degree of civilisation. The 

i. T'oung Pao, Serie I, vol. X (1899), pp. 398. Pelliot, however, 
is doubtful about this identification of Po-houang with Pahang cf. 
B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 272. 


name of its king, ending in Varman, leaves no doubt that he was 
a Hindu. It is evident from the above account that this Hindu 
state in the eastern part of Malay Peninsula was in close and 
intimate contact with the Chinese court during the fifth century 

There is, perhaps, reference to another old Hindu state in 
Malay Peninsula, but the question is unfortunately not free 
from doubt and difficulties. The Chinese annals of the Liang 
and First Sung Dynasty refer to a kingdom called Kan-to-li or 
Kin-to-li situated on an island in the southern sea 1 . Neither 
T'ang nor later Sung annals refer to the kingdom, and it is not 
till we come to the History of the Ming Dynasty that we come 
across the name again. There it is definitely asserted that 
Kan-to-li was the old name of San-bo-tsai. 

Now, on the basis of the identification of San-bo-tsai with 
Sri-Vijaya and Palembang, Groeneveldt, Schlegel, and other 
scholars took Kan-to-li of the Liang and First Sung annals as 
equivalent to Palembang. This view has been strongly criticised 
by Gerini. Referring to the identification of Kan-to-li with 
San-bo-tsai by the late Ming historians, he remarks : "This 
late identification looks, I need not say, exceedingly suspicious, 
especially in view of the fact that we have more than once caught 
Chinese authors at fault in this sort of game ; and last, but not 
least, because there was and still exists a Khanthuli or Kanturi 
district on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, which may 
very well be the old Kan-to-li of First Sung and Liang periods." 
The criticism of Gerini appears to be a valid one, and neither 
Pelliot nor Ferraiid is willing to put much faith in the 
identification proposed by later Chinese historians. But the 
identification proposed by Gerini has not found general 

i. For the Chinese references to Kan-to-li and discussions about 
its identification cf. i, Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 60-62. 2. Ferrand 
J. A. n-XIV (1919), pp. 238-41. 3- Gerini Researches, pp. 601-604. 
4. Pelliot B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, pp. 401-2. 5. Schlegel T'oung 
Pao, Serie II. Vol. II, pp. 122-4. 


acceptance. Ferrand quotes a passage from the Hawiya of Ibn 
Majid (dated A.D. 1462), which shows that Kandari was a 
general appellation of the island of Sumatra. Ferrand suggests 
that the Ming historians really conveyed an authentic informa- 
tion, though their wordings are a little inaccurrte ; for, instead of 
saying that San-bo-tsai was a part of Kan-to-li, they said that 
San-bo-tsai was Kan-to-li. 

Ferrand's view does not seem to be a very probable one, and 
I have discussed the question in detail in Book II., Chapter 
I., Appendix. I hold the view that it represents ancient Kadara, 
a state in the Malay Peninsula. 

The History of the Liang Dynasty gives us the following 
information regarding Kan-to-li 1 . 

"Its customs and manners are similar to those of Cambodge 
and Champa. It produces clothes of variegated colour, cotton, 
and excellent arcca-nuts. 

In the reign of the emperor Hia-Wu (454-465 A.D.) fi of 
the Sung Dynasty, the king of this country, Che-p'o-lo-iia-lien-to 
(Srlvaranarendra) 3 sent a high official named Tchou-Lieou-to 
(Rudra, the Indian) to present valuable articles of gold and 

In the year 502, the king K'iu-t'an-sieou-pa-to-lo (Gautama 
Subhadra) sent envoys to the emperor. Sometime after, the king 
died and his son P'i-yc-pa-mo ( Vijaya Varman or Priyavarman ?) 
succeeded him. In 519 the latter sent a high official called 
Pi-yuan-pa-mo (Vi Varman) to the emperor with a letter. 

1. The translation that follows is based upon Ferrand's summary 
(op. cit). Groeneveldt's translation is somewhat defective. 

2. The date is given as such by Cordier (La Chine, Vol. I. 335-36). 
Groeneveldt gives the date as 454-464 (p 60); Krom gives 452-464 (p- 81) ; 
while Ferrand gives 454-454 <P- 238), evidently a misprint for 454-464- 
According to Pelliot the embassy was sent in A.D. 455 (op. cit., p. 197 
f. n. 4). 

3. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 197. f. n. 4. Schlegel restored the name as 
"The Warrior (bald) king Narendra of the Sakya clan' (T'oung Pao, 11,11, 
122. The name may be restored also as Hvara Narendra. 


In 520 he sent again an envoy to present as tribute products of 
his country." 

The History of the Chen dynasty refers to another embassy 
from the kingdom in 563 AD. 1 . 

Now, whatever we may think of the restoration of the 
proper names, there cannot be any doubt that they were Indians. 
The Chinese accounts also represent Buddhism as being held 
in the highest veneration in the country, and, in spite of possible 
exaggerations, there must have been some basis for this. Thus 
we can hold that the Indian kingdom of Kan-to-li had been 
established in Malay Peninsula by the fifth century A.D., and it 
flourished at least from 455 to 563 A.D. 

Actual remains of early Hindu civilisation in the Malay 
Peninsula, though scanty, are not altogether lacking. Mr. Evans 
has described the remains of a Hindu temple and a few stone 
images at Sungai Batu Estate at the foot of Gunong Jerai 
(Keddah Peak). Mr. Evans observes : 

"Let us now consider what some of these specimens indicate. 
They certainly show that some early inhabitants of Sungai Batu 
were Hindus, and worshippers of Siva or related deities, for we 
have obtained images of Durga, (?) Ganefia, the Nandi on 
which he rides and of the Yoni, always associated with the 
worship of Siva or with that of deities of Siva Group." 2 

Unfortunately it is impossible to assign even any approximate 
date either to the shrine or to the images. But the remains of 
a brick-built Buddhist shrine, discovered in its neighbour- 
hood, at Keddah, may be dated approximately in the 
fourth or fifth century A.D. on the strength of a Sanskrit 
inscription found in it. Similarly remnants of pillars, which 
once adorned some Buddhist temples, have been found in the 
northern part of Province Wellesley. These also may be dated 
in the fourth or fifth century A.D. on the strength of inscriptions 

1. Pelliot, op. cit. 

2. I. H. N. Evans 'Papers on the Ethnology and Archaeology of 
the Malay Peninsula' (Cambridge, 1927), pp. 115-6. 


engraved on them. Recently a gold ornament, bearing the 
figure of Visnu on his Garuda, has been unearthed at Selinsing 
(Perak), and also, in a hole left by the roots of a fallen tree, a 
Cornelian seal engraved with the name of a Hindu prince 
Sri Visnuvarman, in characters of the fifth century A.D. 1 

Ruins of shrines exist in the region round Takua Pa , 
which has been identified by Gerini with Ptolemy's Takkola*. 
At Phra No hill have been discovered the remains of a small 
shrine, and a fine Visnu image, both probably dating from the 
sixth or seventh century A.D. Tung Tuk, in the southern part 
of Ko Khan island, was also an ancient settlement. The 
potsherds unearthed there belong to varying ages, from the 
fifth or sixth to eighth or ninth century A.D. There are also 
remains of a temple which present great similarities to those in 
Sungai Batu Estate referred to above. At Khau Phra Narai are 
the remains of a small shrine, and three beautiful images of 
Brahmanical gods which may be referred to the seventh or 
eighth century A.D. A Tamil inscription, probably of the 
eighth century A.D., has also been found in the same place. 

Opposite Takua Pa, 011 the eastern coast, round the Bay of 
Bandon, are the remains of early settlements, specially in the 
three well-known sites Caiya, Nakhon Sri Thammarat, and Vieng 
Sra. The temples and images of these places may be of some- 
what later date, but the inscriptions found at Ligor and Takua 
Pa, and the Sanskrit inscription on a pillar at Caiya show that 
these settlements could not be later than the fourth or fifth 
century A.D. 

1. J. Mai. Br. R. A. S., 1932, p. 5- Cf. J. F. M. S. M., Vol. XV, pt. 
3, pp. 89 ft, 1 10 ff. Dr. Chhabra, in J. A. S. B, L., Vol. x, pp. 27-28, where 
the seal is reproduced, refers the characters of the seal to eighth century 
A. D. ; but this is very doubtful. For an account of the early Indian 
settlement near Kuala Selensing, cf. 'A History of Perak' by 
R. O. Winstedt and R. J. Wilkinson, p. 4. 

2. I. A. L., Vol. IX, pp, 8ff. 3. Gerini Researches, pp. 86ff. 


More interesting light is thrown upon the Indian colonisation 
in Malay Peninsula by an analysis of the large number of 
inscriptions which have been discovered in different parts of the 
country. These inscriptions, of which a detailed account is 
given in an appendix to this chapter, are mostly too fragmentary 
to yield any complete sense, but they lead to very important 
conclusions. They are written in Sanskrit and in Indian 
alphabets of about the fourth or fifth century A.D. Two of 
them distinctly refer to a Buddhist creed and thus prove the 
spread of Buddhism in that region. As to the distribution of 
the inscriptions, seven of them were found at Tokoon in the 
centre of the Province Wellesley ; four of them, in the northern 
part of the same province ; one at Kcddah ; one at Takua Pa ; 
five at Ligor ; and two at Caiya. On the whole, therefore, these 
inscriptions clearly testify to the fact that the Indians had 
established colonies in the northern, western and the eastern 
sides of the Malay Peninsula by at least fourth and fifth 
centuries A.D. The palaeography of these inscriptions shows 
that the colonists belonged to both northern and southern India. 

One of these inscriptions refers to "the captain (Mahanavika 
lit. great sailor) Buddhagupta, an inhabitant of Rakta-mrttika". 
Kern identified Rakta-mrttika (red earth) with a kingdom 
called Chih-tu by the Chinese, as the latter meant red earth'. 
Now this Chih-tu is usually located in Siam or its neighbourhood, 
although there are grave difficulties in this identification 1 . 
Apart from this difficulty, Krorn has very pertinently asked the 
question that if Buddhagupta belonged to a locality in Siam or 
its neighbourhood, why should he come to northern part of 
Province Wellesley to commemorate his gifts. It is more in the 
fitness of things, says Krom, that Rakta-mrttika should be 
sought for in India 9 . This view seems to be eminently just. 
Now, in course of his description of Karnasuvarna, the famous 
capital of Gauda (Bengal) under SaSanka, Hiuen Tsang refers 

1. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 231, f.n. 2. 

2. Krom* Geschiedenis, p. 73. 


to a magnificent Buddhist monastery near it. "It is called by 
him in some texts Lo-to-wei-chih, explained as meaning "Red 
clay", and Julien restores the original as Raktaviti. But the 
correct reading is Lo-to-mo-chih, that is Raktamrta, in Pftli 
Ratta-mattika, which means "Red clay" 1 . This site has been 
identified with a place still called Rangiiinati (Red clay) 12 miles 
south of Murshidabad 2 . Thus Rakta-mrttika, the native 
place of Buddhagupta, may be identified with the place, 
containing the famous monastery near the old capital of Bengal, 
which is still called by its old name. The fact that it was near 
the river Bhagirathl, which served as the main channel of ocean 
trade between Bengal and the Far East, is not altogether without 
significance in respect of the proposed identification. It may be 
noted in conclusion that the stone slab containing this inscription 
has in the centre a representation, in outline, of a stftpa, with 
seven umbrellas 3 . 

The report published by M. Lajonquiere 4 about the work 
of the Archaeological Mission in Malay Peninsula contains 
interesting observations regarding Hindu colonisation in tliis 
land. His views, based on a study of the actual archaeological 
finds, may be summed up as follows : 

'The colonies were large in number and situated in widely 
remote centres, such as Chumphon, Caiya, the valley of the 
river Bandon, Nakhon Sri Dhammarat (Ligor), Yala (near 

1. Walters On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 192. 

2. Cunningham Ancient Geography Edited by S. N. Majumdar, 
p 733* Attention may be drawn in this connection to a place called 
Rhadamarkotta by Ptolemy. Saint Martin has identified this with 
Rangamati, an ancient capital, situated on the western bank of lower 
Brahmaputra, and now called Udepur. Yule, who agrees with this 
identification, gives, as the Sanskrit form of the name of the place, 
Rangamrtika. Wilford, however, differs from this view and gives an 
altogether different version of the text (M'Crindle Ptolemy, p. 229). 

3. J. A. S. B., Vol. IV, PL III. 

4. B. C. A. L, 1909, pp. 184-5. 


Patani), and Selensing (in Pahang) on the eastern coast ; and 
Malacca, Province Wellesley, Takua Pa, and the common delta 
of the rivers Lanya and Tenasserim, on the western. 

'The most important of these was unquestionably that of 
Nakhon Sri Dhammarat (Ligor). It established a sort of 
hegemony over the whole of the centre of the peninsula, to 
which belonged the colonies of Pathalung, Yala Trang, and the 
upper valley of the Bandon river. It was an essentially 
Buddhist colony which probably built the great stupa of Nakhon 
Sri Dhammarat and part of the fifty temples which surrounded 
it. The mass of terra-cotta votive tablets in the caves inhabited 
by the Buddhists, of which a few specimens still exist, also 
belonged to this colony. The inscriptions are unfortunately 
very rare, and only three have been discovered, belonging to the 
fourth or fifth century A.D. A little to the north was the 
colony of Caiya, which appears to have been at first Brahmanical, 
and then Buddhist. 

'These two groups of colonies were mainly agriculturalists. 
The others which occupied Selensing, Panga, Puket, and Takua 
Pa, prospered by the exploitation of tin and gold-mines. They 
have left comparatively fewor traces of their civilisation, but 
the pits they dug in the mine-fields arc still clearly distinguished 
from later ones by a special technique 1 . It is difficult 
to assign any date to these colonies, and some of them 
may be later than the seventh century A.D. But the inscrip- 
tions, referred to above, certainly indicate that the beginnings of 
most of them must be referred to an earlier date, though many 
of the actual archaeological remains undoubtedly belong to a 
later period/ 

Recently Dr. H. G. Quaritch Wales has made an intensive 
study of a few ancient sites, and has arrived at very important 
and interesting conclusions regarding the routes along which 
Indian colonists, and with them Indian culture, spread in Malay 
Peninsula. I summarise below his main conclusions, as far 

i, Ibid, p, 234. 


as possible in his own words, referring the reader for a more 
detailed study to the very illuminating article itself. 1 

'The Indian pioneers first settled in the Takua Pa region. 
Takua Pa harbour then formed one of the finest anchorages on 
the west coast and was thus an encouragement for traders to 
call and succeeding waves of Indians to settle. The early 
settlers were probably attracted by tin which abounds in this 
part of the peninsula. However it may be with regard to 
mining, the Indians certainly also formed trading and agricul- 
tural communities, and, though they brought their religion with 
them, were also sponsors of a considerable secular civilization. 

'When these colonists wanted to expand beyond the 
somewhat narrow quarters of the west coast valleys, they 
followed the two courses open to them. Some braved the 
waters of the Straits of Malacca, then swarming with Malay 
pirates, but others, perhaps the majority, followed the 
comparatively safe route across country peopled by milder 
natives, to the eastern coast of the peninsula. For it is 
only at this latitude that two rivers run approximately cast 
and west respectively from the watershed, being separated 
at their sources by only five miles. 

'Once they had reached the eastern side of the watershed, 
the colonists were in a broad fertile region, watered by the 
Girirastra and Luong rivers. The eastern settlements seem 
to have been situated eccentrically with regard to the Bay 
of Bandon, the finest harbour on the east coast, which 
provided an admirable base for further adventuring across 
the seas. To judge by the extant archaeological remains, the 
chief Indian colonies on the east coast were at Wieng Sra, 
Caiya, and Nakhon Sri Thammarat. 

'There are other possible routes. The two in the north, 
the Mergui-Pracuab crossing and the well-known Kra route, 
were used by Europeans and others in later centuries. But 
neither of them appears to have been suitable for early 

i f LA. L,, Vol. IX, No. I, pp. 1-31. 


colonial expansion, because neither offers on the east coast 
large areas of well-watered territory and fine harbours, and 
not the slightest sign of Indian remains has been noticed on 
either route. 

'The two southern routes pass from Trang on the west 
coast respectively to Nakhon Sri Thammarat and Patalung. 
There are no early remains at Trang, but, in the caves along 
both these routes, there were formerly large number of votive 
tablets, stamped with figures of Mahayanist Bodhisatvas, and 
N&garl Inscriptions, dating from tenth century or possibly 
earlier. It would appear, therefore, that these two routes 
were chiefly used in later times during the Sailcndra period. 

'On the whole the available evidence justifies the 
assumption that the region around the Bay of Bandon was 
a cradle of Further Eastern culture, inspired by waves of 
Indian influence spreading across the route from Takua Pa. 
There is a strong persistent local tradition in favour of an 
early migration of Indians across the route from the west. 
At the same time persons of an Indian cast of features 
are common on the west coast near Takua Pa, while colonies 
of Brahmans of Indian descent survive at Nakhon Sri 
Thammarat and Patalung, and trace the arrival of their 
ancestors from India by an overland route across the Malay 
Peninsula. According to Liang-Shu, it was through the country 
of P'an-p'an, identified with the region round the Bay of 
Bandon, that the Indianisation of Fu-Nan was completed 
by the second Kaundinya about the end of the fourth century 
A.D. The archaeological evidence shows the survival around 
the Bay of Bandon of a primitive non-specialized type of 
Indian colonial architecture, having basic features in common 
with the earlier Pre-Khmer, Cham, and Indo-Javancse 
buildings. Moreover, the early Indian colonial architecture 
at Caiya and Nakhon Sri Thammarat is supported by the 
existence in the same latitude of the remains of almost 
purely Indian edifices from which it could have evolved ; 


while the sculptures found in this trans-peninsular zone of 
territory include purely, or almost purely, Indian prototypes, 
which could well have served as inspiration to the development 
of local forms in an Indo-nesian environment/ 

The above clearly sums up the views of Dr H. G. Q. Wales 
regarding the role played by the region round the Bay of 
Bandon in spreading Indian culture across the sea to 
Cambodia, Annam, Sumatra, and Java, not to speak of less 
important Indian colonies. He is not, however, dogmatic. 
"But while" says he, "I stress the importance of this region 
as a cradle of Further Eastern culture, / do not wish to 
minimise Hie part played by other land routes that remain 
to be investigated, nor the sea route by which Indian influences 
must have penetrated to the cast from rcry early times" 

It is needless to add that the hypothesis of Dr H. G. Q. 
Wales opens up an interesting field of study, and invests 
the early history and culture of the Hindu colonies in Malay 
Peninsula with a special degree of importance. 





Nos. 1-7. "A group of seven inscriptions now extant on 
the rather weather-worn and sloping side of a granite rock at 
a place named Tokoon, lying near to the centre of the province 
(Wellesley) or almost directly east of Penang Town." 1 

Mr. Laidlay's reading of these inscriptions need not be 
seriously considered. But no attempt has since been made 
to decipher them. It seems to be impossible to give a reading 
of the whole inscription assuming that the seven fragments 
form a continuous inscription but several letters are quite clear. 
In No. 1, the first two letters are certainly sarvva and the next 
three may be conjecturally read as ar(a)ma. In No. 2, the 
first six letters are quite clear and may be read as "prathame 
vayasi." The two letters that follow I doubtfully read as 
srame. In the second line the word 'rajena* may be noted, 
but the short stroke before V is difficult to interpret. No. 4 
is certainly "jayatu." Nos. 3,5,6, and 7 do dot yield much that 
can be regarded as useful. 

Now, although the inscription does not yield any definite 
meaning, several important conclusions can be deduced from 

i. The inscriptions Nos. 1-12 were discovered by Lieut. Col. 
James Low, and a short account of them was published by 
Mr. J. W. Laidlay in J. A. S. B., 1848, Part II, pp. 62 ff., pi. IV . 1849, 
Part I, p. 247, pi. X. Lt. Col. Low refers to another inscription on the 
four sides of a brazen ornamented dish, but no facsimile is published. 
Mr. Laidlay read it as Savita (Sam vat ?) 1399. He also notices a 
brick with two early letters (Jaya ?). 


it. In the first place, the language is Sanskrit and not Pali. 

This is evident from 'sarwa' in No. 1 and "prathame vayasi" 
in No. 2. Secondly, the few letters, that may be read with 
certainty, place the inscription not later than the fourth 
century A. D. It is to be noted in this connection that the 
peculiar characteristics of South Indian alphabet are not very 
conspicuous in this record. The lower end of the vertical in k 
shows a slight bend to the left, but a, r, and medial u do not 
show any upward bend. 

Nos. 8-11. A group of four inscriptions discovered in the 
northern part of the Province Welleslcy, and incised on a 
piece of stone which Col. Low believes to be the "upper 
portion of one of those pillars which are set up in the areas of 
Buddhist temples." These inscriptions have been studied 
by Prinsep 1 , Dr. R. L. Mitra 2 , Dr. Kern 8 , and lately by 
Mr. B. Ch. Chhabra.* 

The first of these, No. 8, may be definitely read as "Mahana- 
vika-Buddhaguptasya rakta-mrttika(a)vas[/at*#as|/a] (?)." No. 9 
has been read by Kern as "Sarwena prakarena sarvvasmat 

sarwatha sarwa siddhayanasanna." Mr. Chhabra reads the 

third word as 'sarvvasmin', and the last word as "Siddhayat (r) 
a (h) santu." Mr. Chhabra thinks that No. 9 is a continuation 
of No. 8, and the passage contains a prayer for the successful 
voyage of Buddhagupta. 

No. 10. may be read as "ajnSnacclyate karmma janmanat 
karmma karana...jnanan-na ciyate (?)" 

As has been pointed out by Dr. Kern, this formula is also 
found in the Keddah Ins. (No. 12 below). 

No. 11 I read doubtfully as "...fiirasapragipata". 

Here, again, the sense of the inscription as a whole (assuming 
the four to be parts of one inscription) is obscure ; but it 
seems to record a gift by, and a prayer for the successful voyage 

i. J.A.S.B., Vol. IV. 2. J.A.S.B. Vol. XVII, Part II, p. 71. 

3. V. G., Vol. Ill, pp. 255 ff. 4- J. A. S. B. L., Vol. I, pp. 14 ff. 


of, the great sailor ( captain ? ) Buddhagupta, an inhabitant 
of Raktamrttika. The language is Sanskrit, and the characters 
seem to belong to the fifth century A. D. The characteristics 
of South Indian alphabets are to be noted in the upward bend of 
the vertical stroke in /r, r 9 a and medial u. 

No. 12. An inscription of four lines on a slab of stone "lying 
under the centre of the foundation of a ruin of an ancient 
brick building in Keddah. It has been deciphered by Mr. 
Laidlay and Dr. Kern. The latter reads it a,s follows : 

L. 1. Ye dharma hetuprabhava tesa(ri) hetu(m) tathagato 
(hyavadat) , 

L. 2. Tesa(n) ca yo nirodha cva(m) vac)i mahaSramana(h) I 

L. 3. Ajfianac=clyate karma janmamvli karma karanam 

L. 4. Jnanan=na kriyate karjttiiia karmmabhava(n)=na 
jayate II / 

As has been noticed already, Ahe second verse (11. 3-4) of this 
inscription is repeated in No./10 above. 

The inscription may bo referred to the fourth or the fifth 
century A.D. on palseographic grounds. There are no traces of 
the peculiar characteristics of South Indian alphabets. 

No. 13 l . Takua Pa Inscription. 

This has not been deciphered yet, but the characters are of 
early Indian type and show no traces of the chardofeiistics of 
South Indian alphabet 8 . 

Nos. 14-16. Inscriptions, discovered at Ligor, of not later 
than the fifth century A.D. These have not been edited yet, 
but the characters resemble those of Takua Pa (No. 13) 

No. 17. An inscription from Caiya engraved on a pillar. 
It is written in Sanskrit with characters belonging to the fourth 
or fifth century A.D. 

1. The Inscriptions Nos. 13-17 are published in B.C.A.I., 1910, 
pp. 147 ff. A few other inscriptions, noted therein, are omitted, as they 
are either doubtful or too fragmentary. 

2. The facsimile of the inscription has been published in B.C.A.I., 
1910, pi. XIII ; cf. also Gerini, J. R. A. S. 1904 (p. 242). 

Chapter VI 


The island of Java is one of the largest of what are 
usually known as the Sunda islands, in the Malay Archipelago. 
It lies between 105-12'-40" and lU-35'-38* East Longitude 
and S'-SS'-Si* and 8-46'-46" South Latitude. It is long but 
narrow, running nearly east and west with a slight inclination 
to the south. Its length is about 022 miles, while its breadth 
varies from 55 to 121 miles. The area of Java, including 
Madura and adjacent islands, is about 51,000 sq. miles. Java 
is bounded on the north by the shallow Java Sea which 
separates it from Borneo. On the south is the deep Indian 
ocean, stretching as far as the Antarctic Pole without a single 
patch of land. On the east a narrow strait, about two miles 
broad, separates it from the island of Bali. To the north-west 
is the Sunda Strait separating Java from Sumatra. The 
strait, at the narrowest, is only 14 miles wide, its extreme 
breadth being nearly 50 miles. There are many islands 
to the north of Java. Madura, the chief among them, is separated 
by a strait which, in some places, is less than a mile, and 
is regarded as a part of Java for all practical purposes. Among 
other islands may be mentioned the Thousand Islands, north of 
Batavia, and the Karimon Java Archipelago (27 islands) to 
the north of Semarang. Java has a long coast-line and many 
bays on the northern and western sides ; but as none of them 
deeply penetrates into the land, there are no good harbours. 
The only exception is the excellent harbour of Surabaya, 
at the mouth of the Brantas river and situated between the 
mainland and Madura. But there are good anchoring grounds 
all along the northern coast, and as the sea is generally smooth, 
hurricanes practically unknown, a number of ports 


developed on the northern coast, and served the purpose of 
commerce quite well. There are only two harbours Chilachap 
and Pachitan on the southern coast, which is exposed to the 
open sea, with a heavy and dangerous surge rolling 011 it. 

An uninterrupted range of mountains, volcanic in character, 
runs along the whole length of the island through its centre. 
The peaks of this mountain-range vary in height between 4000 
and 12000 ft. No less than 46 of them are volcanoes, and about 
20 are yet in a more or less active state. The craters of the 
volcanoes are sometimes of enormous size, the diameter of 
the largest, at Tenger, being full three miles. Another low 
range of mountains, nowhere more than 3000 ft. high, runs 
along the southern shore. 

There are innumerable rivers in Java, but, with two 
exceptions, they are small and not navigable beyond a short 
distance ; besides, they are difficult of entrance on account of 
the sand or mud-bars at their mouths. The two exceptions 
are the Solo and Brantas rivers. Both of them rise in the low 
range of mountains in the south, and, after a long and tortuous 
course, empty themselves into the narrow strait between Java 
and Madura. The river Brantas is also known as the Surabaya 
river from the name of the famous harbour at its mouth. 
The Solo river is so called from the city of Surakerta 
(native name Solo) by which it passes. As a rule the rivers 
in Java are known by the name of the principal city on their 

Although the rivers of Java are mostly useless for purposes 
of navigation and commerce, they are excellently adapted for 
irrigation. Java is one of the most fertile countries in the 
whole world. Any one who travels in the country cannot fail 
to be charmed by its evergreen fields, meadows, and hills, 
with traces of abundant harvest everywhere around him. 
"Its villages and even its towns are, in a great measure, 
concealed from view, by the luxuriant abundance and perpetual 
verdure of its vegetation". Indeed, a railway journey from 


Batavia to Surabaya is apt to give rise to the impression that 
the traveller is passing through a well-laid garden. 

There are five or six extensive plains in Java, such as those 
of Bandong, Surakerta, Madiun, Kediri, Malang, Bandavasa, 
and Pugar. These are all girded by high mountains on the 
east and on the west and irrigated by the streams flowing from 
them. The valleys in Java are numerous, and some of them, 
e.g., that of Kedu, are fairly large and very fertile. 

Java has a rich flora, and 'hardly any similar area in the 
world has one of richer variety'. It produces excellent timber, 
the most important of which is the famous teak-wood. About 
40% of the soil in Java is under cultivation, the chief products 
of agriculture being rice, sugar, cinchona, coffee, tobacco, tea, 
indigo etc. Java is very poor in mineral products. There is 
hardly any gold or silver, and only small quantities of coal, 
sulphur, and manganese. The discovery of petroleum in 
1863 has added an important industry. The most well-known 
industry of Java to-day is the Batik or dyeing of cotton cloth 
with coloured designs. 

Both geographically and historically, Java falls into three 
main divisions. Of the sixteen Residencies, or modern 
administrative divisions of Java, those of Bantam, Batavia, 
Cheribon, and the Preangers constitute Western Java. Central 
Java comprises the Residencies of Pekalongan, Samarang, 
Banjumas, Kedu, Jogyakerta, Surakerta, Rembang, and Madiun. 
The remaining Residencies, vix,., Surabaya, Kediri, Pasuruhan 
and Besuki belong to Eastern Java. 

Java is the most thickly populated country in the Archi- 
pelago. The population of Java and Madura numbers over 
thirty millions of people. Leaving asid6 the comparatively 
insignificant number of foreigners (293,100 Chinese, 19,148 
Arabs, 2,840 Oriental foreigners, and 64,917 Europeans and 
Eurasians), the rest may be broadly divided into three classes, 
all of Malayan stock. These are Sundanese on the western, 
the Madurese in Madura and the eastern part of Java, and 


the Javanese proper in the middle. As a matter of fact the 
western part of the island of Java is known to the natives as 
Sunda. The Sundanesc, numbering about three millions, have 
their head-quarters in the Residency of the Prcangers, but they 
are also to be found in the Residencies of Batavia and Cheribon. 
The Madurese, more than three millions in number, are almost 
the sole inhabitants of the island of Madura and Besuki, the 
eastern-most district of Java, and occur in large numbers also 
in the neighbouring district of Pasuruhan. The remaining 
part of Java, from Cheribon to Surabaya, is inhabited by the 
Javanese proper. All the three races appear to have a common 
origin. The Javanese, though less sturdy than their neighbours, 
are more refined in manners and civilization, and are inspired 
by the memories of a glorious past, dating back to the period 
when the Hindu colonists imparted to them the elements of a 
higher culture and civilization 1 . 

The Hindu colonization of Java is by far the most out- 
standing event in the early history of that island. Unfortunately, 
the first stages of this colonization are hidden from our view, 
and arc only echoed in a number of traditions current among 
the people in a later age. Sir Stamford Raffles has referred to 
some of these in his well-known History of Java 9 . Many of 
these legends associate the original colonists and their leader 
Aji Saka with the heroes of the Mah&bhfirata ruling at Astina, 
i.e., HastinSpura, as their capital 3 . A modified version of 
these legends takes the descendants of these princes to Gujrat, 
whence a further wave of emigration to Java took place at a 
later date *. 

1. This introductory account of Java is based mainly on the 
English translation of "Cabaton Java, Sumatra, and the other islands 
of the Dutch East Indies" ( T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1911 ). 

2. Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles The History of Java'. 
(2nd Ed., London, 1830), Vol. II, pp. 69 ff. 

3. Ibid., p. 71. 

4. Ibid,, pp. 87 ff. 


Another cycle of legends gives the credit for the 
colonization of Java to the people of Kalinga x . In one of 
them we read that "twenty thousand families were sent to 
Java by the prince of Kling. These people prospered and 
multiplied. They continued, however, in un uncivilized 
state till the year 289 ( of Javanese era i.e. Saka era ) when 
the almighty blessed them with a prince, named Kano." 
After describing three generations of kings, who ruled for 
a total period of four hundred years, the story continues : 
"Another principality, named Astina, sprang up at this time, 
and was ruled by a prince called Pula Sara, who was succeeded 
by his son Abiasa, who was again succeeded by his son Pandu 
Deva Natha ; the reigns of the last three princes together 
amounting to ono hundred years. Then succeeded Jaya 
Baya himself (by whom this account is supposed to be written) 
who removed the seat of government from Astina to Kediri" * 

In the last part of the above story, there is no difficulty in 
recognising the names of epic heroes like ParaSara (Pula Sara), 
Vyasa (Abiasa), and Pandu. Thus the two different cycles of 
legends are combined in one, and they are connected with 
historical period by Jaya Baya, i.e., Jayabhaya, the famous king 
of Java, who flourished in the twelfth century A.D., and was the 
patron of the famous poem, Bharata-yuddha. 

The legends naturally give great prominence to Aji Saka, 
who first civilized and gave the name Yava to the island, 
which was then called Nusa Kendang, and peopled by a race 
of Basaksa (Raksasas of Indian legends). Aji Saka is described 
as the chief minister of a Pandava king ruling at Astina 
(Hastinapura), and is said to have landed in Java in the first 
year of Javan era 3 ( i. e. Saka era). In some accounts, 
however, "it is stated, that the religion and arts of India were 
first introduced into Java by a Brahmin named Tritresta, who 
with numerous followers landed on Java, and established the 

I. Ibid., pp. 73 ff,, 78 ff. 2. Ibid., pp. 73-4. 

3. Ibid., p. 71. 


era, in consequence of which he is considered the same 
with Aji Saka." l . 

"The accounts of the real character of Aji Saka", observes 
Raffles, "are various. Some represent him as a great and 
powerful prince, who established an extensive colony on Java, 
which a pestilence afterwards obliged him to withdraw ; 
whilst others consider him as a saint and deity, and believe 
that on his voyage to Java he sailed over mountains, islands, 
and continents. Most, however, agree in attributing to him 
the first introduction of letters, government, and religion ; the 
only trace of anterior civilization being a tradition, that before 
his time there existed a judicial code, under the title of sun 
and moon... This code Aji Saka is represented to have reformed; 
and an abstract collection of ordinances, said to have been 
made from his instructions, is believed to have been in use as 
late as the time of Janggala, and even of Majapahit." a . 

It is not necessary to refer to the different versions of 
these legends which may be consulted in the pages of Raffles' 
monumental work. It will appear from what has been said 
above, that very little importance can be attached to these 
stories beyond the fact, that they contain a vague reminiscence 
of what is undoubtedly a historical fact, viz., the colonization 
of Java by the Indians. It would be risky, without further 
evidence, even to deduce that Kalinga and Gujarat formed the 
main centres of Indian emigration to Java. But, as we shall 
see later, the Hindus from Kalinga and the Muhammadans 
from Gujarat may be regarded, on satisfactory grounds, to 
have taken the leading part in establishing respectively the 
Hindu and Muhammadan culture in Java. This probably 
explains the frequent reference to these two places in the 
legends, while the prominence given to the heroes of the Maha- 
bharata should undoubtedly be attributed to the popularity of 
that great epic poem in Java. 

i. Ibid., p. vs- 2 * Ibid ' P- 72i 


As to the time when Java emerged from primitive barbarism, 
we have a tradition preserved in the Chinese work Hsing- 
ch'a Sheng-lan ( 1436 A. D. ) written by Fei Hsin. "From old 
records preserved in this county ( i. e. Java)", says this author, 
"I learnt that this event took place during the Han dynasty, 
1376 years before the present year, the 7th of Hsuan-te of our 
great Ming Dynasty ( i. e. A. D. 1432 )". l 

This would take us to the year 56 A. D. But the History 
of the Ming Dynasty introduces an element of doubt and 
confusion. Referring to envoys from Java, it says : "When 
they brought tribute in the year 1432, they presented a letter 
stating that their kingdom had been founded 1376 years 
before, that is in the first year of the period Yuan-k'ang of the 
emperor Hsiian of the Han dynasty ( B. C. 65 )." a . As 
Groenevcldt has remarked, there is a discrepancy in the above 
account which it is difficult to explain ; for, counting back 1376 
years before 1432, we arrive at 56 A. D., while the Chinese 
writer calculates back to 65 B. C. s "We must, therefore, 
hold that either one of the two figures 1376 and 1432, or the 
Chinese calculation, is wrong. But in view of Fei Hsin's 
statement, the latter seems to be more probable. Thus we may 
take the Javanese tradition, as handed down by the Chinese, to 
refer the beginning of the Hindu civilisation to A. D. 56., i. e. 
only 22 years before the beginning of the Javanese era 
synchronising with the traditional date of Aji Saka. 

It may be noted here that, according to tradition, the two 
islands of Bali and Madura originally formed a part of Java, and 
were only separated from it in the year 202. The formation 
of Madura as a separate island is referred to in Nagara 
Kj-tagama, * while a Balinese tradition refers to the separation 
of Bali, 5 both the events being dated in the self-same year. 

1. T'oung Pao, Vol. XVI (1915), pp. 246-7, f. n. i. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 39. 

3. Ibid., f. n. 4. 4. Nag, Kr., 15,2. 
$. Not. Bat. Gen., Vol, 62 (1923)1 PP. 297 ff- 


These traditions have an indirect bearing on the question at 
issue. For, if we believe in them, we must hold that, at least 
in Eastern Java, a civilised community existed before the third 
century A. D. ; for, otherwise, such an event would not have 
been recorded or remembered with any such definiteness. But 
it is equally or, perhaps, more likely that the tradition is a late 

But apart from these legends and traditions, there are more 
reliable evidences to show that India and Java must have 
come into contact from a very early period. We have already 
discussed above the passage in the Raniayana which refers to 
Java. But the earliest reference to the island by an authority 
of known date is that by Ptolemy. He definitely mentions 
Java under the name of labadiou or Sabadiou. As he explains 
it as the Island of Barley/ the name is obviously a transcrip- 
tion of Sanskrit Yuuadclpa. Ptolemy gives the following 
information about it : "It is said to be of extraordinary 
fertility and to produce very much gold, and to have its capital 
called Argyre (Silver-Town) in the extreme west of it" l . 

The obvious identification of Ptolemy's labadiou (=Yava- 
dvlpa) with Java has been questioned by some authorities. a 
They point out that the island of Sumatra, or at least a part of 
it, was also known as Java. Starting from this basis they 
argue as follows : 'Now if we have to make a choice between 
Java and Sumatra, the latter is undoubtedly to be preferred 
on general grounds, for it being nearer to India must have 
been better known to the Indians, who could not have reached 
Java without passing by this great island, and therefore being 
first acquainted with it. This view is further strengthened 
by the consideration that Ptolemy's labadiou is said to 
"produce very much gold". Java, as a matter of fact, has 

1. M'Crindle's Ptolemy, p. 239. Poerbatjaraka locates Argyre 
at Dieng ( T. B. G., Vol. 69, p. 169. ) 

2. Cf. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 55. Ferrand in J. A. n-XX 
(1922), pp. 175 ** 


hardly any gold at all, but Sumatra, which even now produces 
gold, was named Suvarnadvlpa for that very reason/ 

A little reflection will, however, show that these arguments 
are really not as formidable as they appear to be. Sumatra 
was called Java, and never Yava, but Ptolemy's 'Barley-island' 
shows that undoubtedly the latter was meant, and this has all 
along been the recognised name of the island of Java. 
Secondly, while it is true that Java does not produce gold, 
it is equally true that from early times it has enjoyed the 
reputation of being a gold-producing country. In an inscription 1 
of the eighth century A. D. found in Java itself, the country 
is referred to as Yavadvlpa and praised for its richness in 
gold-mines. Whether this reputation was well-deserved 
or not, it certainly explains Ptolemy's reference to the 
abundance of gold in Java, as his account must have been 
based on general popular notions rather than any geological 
examination of the soil of Java. The fact seems to be that, 
although Java did not produce gold, it imported large 
quantities of the metal, and worked them into ornaments and 
articles of luxury. The countries to which these were exported 
naturally regarded Java as rich in gold. But whether this 
explanation be correct or not, we have a sufficient explanation 
of Ptolemy's reference to gold in the inscription referred to 

We may thus accept the view that Ptolemy knew the 
island of Java under its Hindu name. His account of Java, 
as quoted above, together with the Latitude of its chief town 
given by him, certainly shows that he possessed a somewhat 
detailed knowledge of the place. 

We may thus hold that by the second century A. D. there 
was a growing and familiar intercourse between India on the 
one side and Java and neighbouring islands on the other. But 
neither the Indian literature nor the account of Ptolemy 
enables us to say positively that the Indians had already 

I. Cangal Inscription, verse 7. Kern. V. G. t Vol. VII, p. Ji8, 


colonised the island of Java by the second century A. D. 
The use of a Hindu name for Java is the only ground for 
such supposition, but it may be easily explained by the very 
natural assumption that that was the name given by Hindu 
visitors or traders to Java, and there is nothing to indicate that 
Java was called by that name by its own people. It is true that 
Ptolemy used that name, but like other informations about the 
island, Ptolemy might have also got the name itself from Hindu 

Fortunately the Chinese annals 1 , throw more light on 
this question. In Heu-Han-Shu, reference is made to an 
embassy sent to China in 132 A. D. by Tiao-Pien, king of 
Ye-Tiao. Pelliot long ago recognised the identity of Ye-Tiao 
with Yavadvlpa, and Ferraiid has explained the name of the 
king as a Chinese rendering of Sanskrit Devavarman*. If 
the conclusion of these eminent sinologists can be relied upon, 
both the country and its king had Indian names, and no doubt 
can then possibly remain about the fact, that by 132 A. D. the 
Hindus had not only colonised the island of Java, but had also 
established their political authority there on a firm footing. 
Further, the Chinese evidence to the effect that the island 
of Java was known by the name Yavadvlpa in the 
year 132 A. D., certainly supports the view that 'labadiou' of 
Ptolemy, who wrote shortly afterwards, refers to Java and not 
to Sumatra. 

Now, according to the Chinese authority, king Devavarman 
sent his ambassador to the Chinese court for offering tributes. 
The envoy was apparently well received by the emperor, for 
he sent, as presents to the Javanese king, a golden seal and a 
violet ribbon. The Chinese historians always represent their 
sovereign as the suzerain of the world, and any friendly offering, 
or exchange of produce for commercial purposes, is regarded 

i. Cf. Pelliot B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV. (1904), p. 266. Ferrand 
'Ye-Tiao, Sseu-Tiao et Java.' J. A,, n-VIII, pp. S 2 * & 
1. Ferrand, op. cit., p. 830, f. n, 2. 


as tribute 1 . In the present instance, also, the word tribute 
need not be taken in any other sense, and it would be a mistake 
to infer from this passage that the Chinese emperor exercised 
any sort of sovereignty over the distant island of Java. 

Of all the Hindu colonies in the Far East, the Hindu-ized 
kingdom of Java thus appears to have been the first to enter 
into diplomatic relations with China, for the first recorded 
embassies from Champa and Kamboja are of later date. This 
intercourse seems to have been continued in the third 
century A. D. During the first half of this century two Chinese 
envoys, K'ang T'ai and Tchou Ying, visited Fou-Nan, and 
published two books on their return. In K'ang T'ai's work 
named *Fou nan t'ou sou tchouan/ a country called Tchou-po 
is mentioned several times. This country is placed to the east 
of Fou-Nan, in the Tchang-hai, the Chinese name of that part 
of the Sea of China which lies between Hai-nan and the 
Straits of Malacca. It is further said, that to the east of 
Tchou-po is the island of Ma-wou. Pclliot has corrected 
this name as Ma-li, and has identified Tchou-po (as well as its 
variant Cho-p'o) and Ma-li with Java and Bali. Another 
Chinese work of the third century A. D., named 'Wai kouo 
tchouan', also refers to Tchou-po, and says that its women know 
how to embroider a cotton cloth with floral patterns 2 . If 
we accept the identification of Pelliot, it would prove the 
continuity of the intercourse between China and the Hindu 
kingdom of Java. On the other hand, Fcrrand, although 
he renders Tchou-po as Jawa, would identify it with Sumatra 
rather than with Java 3 . 

Regular diplomatic intercourse between China and Java 
(Cho-p'o) was resumed in the fifth century A. D. 4 We read in 

1. For the real meaning of 'tribute', cf. Hirth, J. R. A. S., 1896, 
pp. 64-65 ; and Groeneveldt Notes, p. 4. 

2. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV. pp. 269-70. 

3. Ferrand in J. A., n XX (1922), pp. 175 ff. 

4. Java seems to be now referred to as Cho-p'o, although this 
identification cannot be regarded as certain. On this identification, 


the 'History of the First Sung Dynasty', that in 430 A. D., the 
kingdom of Ho-lo-tan, which ruled over the island of Java 
(Cho-p'o), sent to the imperial court ambassadors offering 
diamond rings, red parrots, white Indian rugs and cottons, 
Javanese cottons, and similar articles. Four or five embassies 
were sent from Ho-lo-tan between A. D. 434 and 452 ; one 
authority places these embassies in 433, 430, 449, and 452 A. D., 
while another authority refers them to 433, 434, 437, 449, and 
452 A.D. In addition to the embassies from Ho-lo-tan, Chinese 
annals refer to two embassies from Cho-p'o in 433 and 435 A.D. 
In the latter year, the king of this country, named Che-li-pVta- 
t'o-a-la-pa-mo sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor to present 
a letter and some presents. The Chinese name of the king has 
been rendered as Srl-piida-dhara( or dharu )-varman by 
Schlegel, Bhatara Dwaravarman by Ferrand, and Srl-pada 
Purnavarman by Rouffacr. Schlegel points out that this 
embassy camo from Cho-p'o-p'o-ta and not Cho-p'o, and has 
nothing to do with Java, but Pelliot believes that the Chinese 
writers have erroneously combined the names of two countries, 
Cho-p'o and P'o-ta, into one. 1 

Now Ho-lo-tan is definitely said to be in Cho-p'o, which 
is identified with Java. Even assuming the correctness of this 
identification, which, by the way, cannot be regarded as 
absolutely certain, it is not clear whether Ho-lo-tan denotes a 

which is assumed throughout in the text, cf. Pelliot, B. E. F. E. O,. 
Vol. IV, p. 271. The accounts of the embassies that follow are 
based on Pelliot's article (op. cit. pp. 271 ff ) and Schlcgel's 
notes, T'oungPao, Ser. I, Vol. X, (1899), pp. 159 ff. Schlegel, however, 
identifies Ho-lo-tan with Kelantan in Malay Peninsula, and so regards 
Cho-p'o island as equivalent to this Peninsula ( Ibid. ; also, pp. 247 ff. ) 

I. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 9; Schlegel T'oung Pao, Serie i, 
Vol. X, p. 251 ; Pelliot, op. cit. p. 271 ; Ferrand J. A. n VIII. 
(1916), p. 526. Rouffaer 'Enc. Ned. Ind'., Vol. IV (1905), p. 367. 
Rouffaer's construction is, no doubt, influenced by the fact that 
inscriptions testify to the existence of a king called Purnavarman. 
This identification is, however, least likely. 


kingdom comprising the whole of the island of Java, or 
merely one of the many kingdoms into which that island was 
divided. The statement in the "History of the First Sung 
Dynasty", that "the state of Ho-lo-tan ruled over the island of 
Cho-pV, would, no doubt, incline us to accept the former 
view, but certain details, preserved in the same Chinese history, 
would favour the latter. Thus we read : "In 433 A. D., 
the king of Ho-lo-tan named Vaisa ( or VaiSya )-varmari 
presented a letter. The kingdom was afterwards usurped by 
the son of Vaisavarman, of which the old king complained in 
a letter to the emperor of China, dated in the year 436 A. D." 
Now, as we have seen above, a king bearing a different 
name was ruling over Cho-p'o or Cho-pVp'o-ta in 435 A. D. 
We must, therefore, presume that Ho-lo-tan and Cho-p'o (or 
Cho-pVpVta) were two distinct kingdoms, and if the latter 
were in Java, as some scholars have hold, Ho-lo-tan could not 
mean the whole of Java. 

In any case, these notices in Chinese annals do not furnish 
us with any definite information regarding the political history 
of Java. We are, however, more fortunate in respect of our 
knowledge regarding the spread of Hindu culture there. 

The first valuable and authentic account of the state of 
Hindu culture in Java is furnished by Fa-hien. The ship, 
which that pilgrim took at Ceylon in order to return to his 
native land, was driven off its course by a storm, and Fa-hicn 
had to stop in Yavadvlpa (Ye-pVt'i) for five months, in the 
year 414-15 A. D. Regarding this country he observes that 
"various forms of error and Brahmanism are flourishing, while 
Buddhism in it is not worth mentioning" 1 . It appears 
clearly from this statement, that various forms of Brahmanical 
religion were prevalent among the people of Java in general, 
but Buddhism had no strong hold over them. Fa-hicn's 

I, Legge Fa-hien, p. 113. The scholars are generally agreed 
that Ye-p'o-t'i of Fa-hien denotes Yavadvipa ( Java ). Ferrand, 
however, identifies it with Sumatra. 


remarks would justify the conclusion that Brahmariical culture 
was not confined to a handful of colonists, settled among a vast 
native population, but that it was the prevailing religion of 
the country. 

But that Buddhism soon made its influence felt in Java, 
appears clearly from the story of Gunavarman, preserved 
in 'Kao seng tchouan' or 'Biography of famous monks', compiled 
in A. D. 519 1 . Gunavarman (K'ieou-na-pa-mo), grandson 
of Haribhadra (Ho-li-pa-t'o), and son of SanghSnanda (Seng- 
kia-a-nan), belonged to the royal family of Ki-pin (Kashmir 
orKapiSa i.e. modern Afghanistan). He was of a religious 
mood from his very boyhood. When he was thirty years old, 
the king of Ki-pin died without issue, and the throne was 
offered to him. But he rejected the offer and went to Celyon. 
Later he proceeded to Java ( Cho-p'o ). During the night 
preceding his arrival, the mother of the king of Java saw in 
a dream that a monk was coming to Java in a sailing vessel. 
Gunavarman arrived in the morning, and the queen-mother 
was converted to Buddhism. Gradually the king, too, was 
persuaded by his mother to adopt the same faith. At this 
time Java was attacked by hostile troops. The king asked 
Gunavarman, whether it would be contrary to Buddhist law, 
if he fought against his enemy. Gunavarman replied that it 
was the duty of everybody to punish the robbers. The 
king then went to fight and obtained a great victory. 
Gradually the Buddhist religion was spread throughout the 
kingdom. The king now wished to take to the life of a monk, 
but was dissuaded from this course by his ministers, on the 
express condition, that henceforth no living creatures should be 
killed throughout the length and breadth of the country. 

The name and fame of Gunavarman had now spread in 
all directions. In A. D. 424 the Chinese monks requested 
their emperor to invite Gunavarman to China. Accordingly 
the Chinese emperor sent messengers to Gunavarman and 

i. Pelliot, op. cit. pp. 274-5. 


the king of Java named Po-to-kia. Gunavarman embarked 
on a vessel, owned by the Hindu merchant Nandin (Nan-t'i), 
and reached Nankin in A. D. 431. A few months later he died 
at the age of sixty-five. 

In spite of its obvious exaggerations, this story may be 
taken -is an evidence, that Buddhism made its influence felt 
in Java, almost immediately after the departure of Fa-hien. 
It must be remembered, of course, that when a Buddhist 
book refers to the conversion of the whole country, or states 
that no animal was killed throughout the length and breadth 
of a country, it means no more than that Buddhism and 
Buddhist practices were prevalent to some extent in that 
country. Fa-hien, for example, says about the MadhyadeSa 
(Middle kingdom) in India : "Throughout the whole country the 
people do not kill any living creature, nor drink intoxicating 
liquor nor cat onions or garlic 1 ." This statement is demon- 
strably false, if it is taken to apply to the whole of that 
vast region in India which is indicated by MadhyadeSa. 
It may at best be taken to refer to the practices of the 
Buddhist section of the community. The references to the 
abstention of the people of Java from the slaughter of animals 
can only be taken in a modified sense, as in the case of India. 

Having now briefly reviewed the notices in Chinese annals, 
regarding the Hindu kingdom of Java, we may now turn to a 
study of the indigenous sources. The earliest epigraphic 
evidence about the kingdom is furnished by four rock- 
inscriptions 8 . 'These are all found within the boundaries 

1. Legge Fa-hien, p. 43. 

2. These inscriptions have been published and discussed by 
several scholars. The latest and most authentic account is that by 
Dr. Vogel in his article 'The Earliest Sanskrit Inscriptions of Java" 
( 'Publicaties Van den Oudheidkundigen Dienst in Nederlandsch- 
Indie 1 , Deel I 1925, pp. 15-35. ) The accounts of the inscriptions 
given in the text are based on this article. Two other inscriptions 
discovered at Pasir Awi and Muara Ci-Anten have not yet been 
deciphered. Facsimiles of these are given by Vogel in his article. 



of the Province or Ecsidcncy of Batavia, and at no 
great distance from the capital city of that name. Three of 
them, those of Ci-aruton, Jambu, and Kebon Kopi lie close to 
one another in the hilly country round Buitcnzorg, the 
residence of the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. 
The site of the fourth inscription, that of Tugu, was near the 
sea-coast to the east of Tanjong Priok, the port of Batavia. 
It is now preserved in the Batavia Museum'. 

The Inscriptions Nos. 1, 2, and 3, refer by name to a king 

POrnavarman, whose capital was the city of TarumS (No. 2) 

or TsrOrna (No. 1). He is described as 'lord of the earth', and 

*"," "ving obtained victories against his enemies'. But, beyond 

on ond similar vague praises, very little, by way of definite 

these .. " n, a n be gathered from these records. Inscriptions 

- - ' 

norma. . _. .^v^,. u|t . 

Nos 1 and 2 m6rely rrfcr to the foot-prints of king 
Purnavarman, and a pair of foot-prints is actually engraved 
over the inscription in each case. No. 3 similarly refers to 
the foot-print of the elephant of the king of Taruma, and 
here, again, a pair of elephant's foot-prints 1S actually engraved 
above and below the inscription. 

The Inscription No. 4 is dated in the twenty-second year 
of Purnavarman, and describes his grandfather as rS;^ (royal 
le) and another ancestor, perhaps his father, as r^dfnraja. 
Thelattoris said to have dug the Candrabhaga ( a canal or 
^ river) which reached the ocean after passing by the capital 
city. In his twenty-second regnal year, Purnavarman himself 
dug a similar canal, called the Gomatl river, 6 122 rffem* m 
length, and paid a daksh,* (fee) of a thousand cows to the 
Brahmanas. , . 

Now, several problems arise out of these inscriptions, and 
wc may discuss them separately before drawmg general conclu- 
sions from the records. ^ 

In the first place, was Purnavarman a really hstorieal 
person ? The doubt was first expressed by Kern, who regarded 
pZavarman as "an ancient hero and sage of Indian ongin, 


whose worship had been introduced in Western Java/' This 
view, which is accepted by others, 1 is difficult to understand. 
Perhaps the figures of his foot-prints, and those of his elephants, 
too, inclined Kern to the above view. But the inscription No. 
4, which definitely states that a canal was dug by him in the 
twenty-second year of his reign, with full details about the 
time when it was commenced and finished, cannot possibly 
leave any doubt that he was an historical person. The 
meaning of his foot-print is not quite clear. Normally, it 
should be regarded as an object of worship, but then the same 
view will have to be extended to the foot-print of the king's 
elephant. In other words, we have to presume that both the 
king and his elephant came to be regarded as divine. There 
is nothing, however, in the inscriptions themselves to indicate 
that the foot-prints were objects of worship. On the other 
hand, we must remember that about the time when Purnavar- 
man lived, the theory of a divine origin of kings had been 
firmly established in India", and no surprise need be felt that it 
was carried to its logical conclusion in the Hindu-ized Java 3 . 

The next question is, did Purnavarman belong to a royal 
line ? Dr. Vogel remarks : "Nothing is said regarding the 
king's lineage. May we infer from the absence of any mention 
of ancestors... that king Purnavarman could not boast any 
lofty parentage ?" It is difficult to follow Dr. Vogel here. 

1. Cf. Veth Java (and Ed.), Vol. I, p. 27. 

2. Cf. Manu-Smrti, Chap. VII, vv. 4,8. Allahabad Pillar 
Inscription, 1. 28. ( Fleet Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 8, 15. ) 

3. For the worship of foot-prints prevalent among different 
communities, cf. Vogel, op. cit. pp. 16-21. According to this scholar, 
the foot-prints marked 'certain places hallowed by the presence of 
Purnavarman'. He also suggests that the Ci-aruton rocks marks the spot 
of the king's cremation, and that "the foot-prints of the deceased monarch 
were credited with a magical power to protect his followers and to hurt 
his enemies." (op. cit, p. 20). Stutterheim thinks that the foot-prints 
were symbols of the king's supremacy over the land (B, K. I., Vol. 89, 
pp. 288-9). 


The inscription No. 4 refers to "rcijadhiraja guru", and 
Vogel himself has taken the word 'guru 9 to mean the king's 
father, on the strength of a Javanese inscription in which the 
deceased king is designated as "Bhatftraguru". Then the 
same inscription contains a clear reference to 'pitftmafia' or 
grandfather of the king who is also described as 'nxjarsi/ 
or royal sage. Thus, there can be no donbt, that the family 
to which Piirnavarman belonged could boast of at least three 
generations of kings. 

The third question is, can we regard Purnavarman as 
Indian in origin ? The point at issue has been admirably 
summed up as follows by Dr. Vogcl : "It would, perhaps, 
be equally risky to conclude from Purnavarman's name, that 
he was of Indian birth or extraction. He may, no doubt, 
have been an immigrant from some part of the Indian continent, 
or a descendant of such an immigrant, but equally well 
he may have been an indigenous prince of Malay race who had 
adopted Hindu culture and religion and along with it 
had assumed an Indo- Aryan name. A Sanskritic name in 
itself would prove as little with regard to the nationality of 
the bearer as a name in Arabic, Hebrew, Greek or Latin. That 
Pflrnavarman, if not a Hindu, was at any rate Hindu-ized, 
may be taken for granted". Dr. Vogel's position seems at first 
sight to be quite unassailable. But if we analyse the facts 
a little more deeply, his conclusion does not seem to be 
convincing enough. In the first place, it is to be noted that 
even the four short records of Purnavarman's time show how 
thoroughly Java was saturated with Hindu civilisation. An 
intimate acquaintance with Sanskrit language is evinced by 
the records themselves, which are written in Sanskrit verse, 
and, with a few exceptions, in correct Sanskrit style. Reference 
to Visnu's feet and Airavata, together with the gift of a thousand 
cows as daksina or sacrificial fees to Brahmanas, indicate 
great familiarity with Hindu religion, mythology, and rituals. 
Reference to Indian months and tithis, and to dhanus as 
standard of measurement, show clearly that in these respects 


the Indian systems had superseded the older ones. Above all, 

the adoption of geographical names, such as CandrabhSgS 

and Gomati, not only indicate a familiarity with Indian 

geography, but clearly testify to the existence of an Indian 

element in the settled population. Lastly, the king bears a 

purely Indian name, without any additional Javanese element, 

such as comes into vogue in later times. We may add 

to this, that there is absolutely nothing that is non-Indian 

in all these records. Now, can we explain all these by merely 

supposing that the original people of Java were converted 

to Hinduism by bands of missionaries ? Obviously not. 

Something far more powerful was necessary than mere peaceful 

propaganda by a band of missionaries. It will be difficult 

to cite an instance, where similar changes were brought about 

except by the political domination of the people from whom 

the culture was borrowed. Now, the political domination of 

India over Western Java could bo exercised in two ways. 

That region might have been conquered by an Indian king and 

included in his empire, or a band of Indian adventurers 

might have seized the political power and authority there by 

some means or other. All that we know of the history of the 

time tells against the first assumption, and the latter view 

alone seems to be probable. If, then, we are convinced that 

nothing but the political domination of Indians over Java 

can explain all the facts we know about its culture and 

civilisation, we must presume the royal dynasty of Java, 

at least at the beginning of the period when the Hindu culture 

thoroughly established itself there, to be of Indian origin. 

It is not, of course, intended to maintain that such Hindu 

dynasty kept itself strictly aloof from the indigenous population. 

On the other hand, the Hindu chiefs must have freely mixed 

with the natives, and intermarried with them, with the result 

that there was a fusion of blood between the two races. But 

that Parnavarman's family was Indian in origin, seems to be 

the most reasonable presumption, and nothing but the very 

strongest evidence would rebut it. 


The last problem in connection with Pdrnavarnian is his 
date. The only key to its solution is furnished by a 
palaeographic study of his inscriptions. By comparing these 
with the Kutei inscriptions of Mulavarman, Dr. Vogel concluded 
that Piiriiavarman is to be placed in the middle of the fifth 
century A. D. But as the date of Mulavarman (400 A. D., 
according to Dr. Vogel) is itself a matter of conjecture, this 
conclusion cannot be regarded as a very satisfactory one. On 
the other hand, if we compare the alphabets used in the 
inscriptions of Purnavarman with those, respectively, of 
Bhadravarman and Sambhuvarman, rulers of Champa, it is 
apparent that they fully agree with the latter in all distinctive 
characteristics, viz., (1) upward curve of the end of the 
vertical stroke in A 1 , r, a and medial u ; (2) looped t ; 

(3) advanced form of s, in which the central stroke, joining the 
two verticals, is modified to a loop attached to the base ; 

(4) medial i denoted by a circle. All these characteristics 
are absent in the inscription of Bhadravarman, Jmt make their 
first appearance in the inscriptions of Sambhuvarman 1 . 
Parnavarman may, therefore, be regarded as a contemporary of 
the latter, rather than of the former. Now Bhadravarman 
ruled about 400 A. D., while Sambhuvarman ruled from about 
565 A. D. to 629 A. D. a It would be reasonable, therefore, 
to place Purnavarman in the sixth century A. D. 

To sum up. We may reasonably assume that by the sixth 
century A. D., king Parnavarman was ruling in Western Java 
with his capital at Taruma. He belonged to a Hindu, or at any 
rate a Hindu-ized royal family, which must have been reigning 
for at least three generations in Java. Purnavarman ruled for 
at least twenty-two years. If we are to judge from the 
find-spots of his inscriptions alone, his kingdom was of a 

1. The palaeography of the inscriptions of Champa has been 
discussed by me in B. E. F. E. O., Vol., XXXII, pp. I2;ff. 

2. The dates of these kings have been discussed in my work, 
Champa, Chs. Ill, IV. 


moderate size, comprising the valleys of the Ci-liwong and 
Ci-tarum l rivers, together with the hilly country round 
Buitenzorg, in Western Java. It is likely, however, that his 
authority extended further to the east, though no epigraphic 
evidence of it has yet come to light. At the time of Pornavar- 
man, Hindu culture and civilisation was firmly established in 
Java. Purnavarman was a follower of Brahmauical religion, 
and Sanskrit literature was studied in his court. 

In addition to the kingdom of PGrnavarman, there must 
have been other kingdoms in Java about this time. This seems 
to follow indirectly from the Chinese references to the kingdom 
of Ho-lo-tan in Java, as already discussed before. But the 
Chinese annals even furnish a more direct evidence of this 
state of things. Two historical works of the Sui period 
( A. D. 589-618 ) give almost identical accounts of a country 
called Tou-po, which Pclliot has, with good reasons, identified 
with Java. It is said in these works, that in the country there 
are more than ten capitals, or at least towns, whose chiefs 
assume royal titles. 8 Now, this is a clear indication that 
the island was divided into a number of petty kingdoms. 
Whether this statement is true of the Sui period, or the 
authors borrowed it from an earlier source, as Pelliot thinks 
possible, it may be taken as reflecting very correctly the normal 
political condition of Java. Even in the history of the T'ang 
period reference is made to twenty-eight feudatory kings, 
acknowledging the supremacy of the king of Java. 3 This 
corroborates the general picture, in so far as it relates to the 
period of the T'ang dynasty ( 618-000 A. D. ). 

Another evidence in the same direction is the use, in 
Chinese annals, of different names for the kingdoms in Java 

1. According to Pleyte, this river has preserved the name 
of the capital city Taruma, On the extent of Pdrnavarman's kingdom, 
cf. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 77 5 Vogel, op. cit. p. 16. 

2. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, pp. 275-6. 

3. GroeneveldtNotes, p. 13. 


which, for the time being, were in direct intercourse with the 
imperial court. The name Java, under various forms, occurs 
throughout as a general appellation for the country, but 
different specific names are sometimes used, presumably to 
denote different kingdoms situated in the island. We have 
already come across one such name, m., Ho-lo-tan. The 
annals of the T'ang period ( A. D. 618-906) similarly mention 
Ho-ling as the name of the kingdom of Java, and apparently 
take the two terms as synonymous, although the form Java 
again comes into use towards the close of the same period 1 . 
Here, again, Ho-ling was presumably the name of the 
most important kingdom in Java with which the Chinese 
had intercourse during the T'ang period, and hence they applied 
the name to the whole country, a large part of which was 
subordinate to that kingdom. 

Ho-ling has been generally admitted to be a Chinese 
transcription of Kalinga. It would thus appear that the leading 
kingdom in Java was named after the well-known province of 
India, and it may easily lead to the inference that colonists 
from Kalinga dominated in that quarter. It is generally held 
that the name of Java was changed to Kalinga about this time, 
and that this was due to a fresh stream of immigration from 
Kalinga or the eastern part of India 8 . It is, however, equally 
likely that the kingdom of Kalinga existed in Java from an 
early period, but it only attained political importance, and 
came to be the leading state in Java, during the T'ang period. 

If we are to judge from the existing antiquarian remains 
in Java, we may presume that the kingdom of Ho-lo-tan 
represents the kingdom in Western Java ruled over by 
PQrnavarman. For that is the only kingdom in Java of which 

1. Ibid., pp. 13-15. 

2. Krom Geschiedenis, pp. 95-102. The transcription of Hiuen 
Tsang's Yen-mo-na as Yavadvipa shows the prevalence of the name in 
the 7th century A. D. ( B. E. F. E. O. iv. p. 278 ; J. R. A. S., 1920, pp. 

117 ff. ) 


the existence in the fifth century A. D. is established by 
epigraphic evidence. Arguing in a similar way, it may be held 
that Ho-ling represents a kingdom in Central Java, which has 
yielded inscriptions and monuments that may be referred to 
the seventh century A. D. It should not, however, be 
forgotten that such a line of argument, based as it is 
on a sort of negative evidence, cannot be very much 
relied upon. It is, at best, a working hypothesis, which may 
be demolished at any moment by the discovery of a single new 
inscription. Subject to this note of caution, we may regard 
the two embassies to China sent in 640 (or 648) and 666 A. D., 
as having proceeded from Central Java 1 . The New History 
of the T'ang Dynasty has preserved a tradition about a queen 
of Java which deserves particular notice. It runs as 
follows a : "In 674-5 A. D. the people of this country took as 
their rider a woman of the name Si-ma. Her rule was most 
excellent. Even things dropped on the road were not taken 
up. The Prince of the Arabs (Tazi), hearing of this, sent a 
bag with gold to be laid down within her frontiers : the people 
who passed that road avoided it in walking, and it remained 
there for three years. Once the heir-apparent stepped over 
that gold and Si-ma became so incensed that she wanted to 
kill him. Her ministers interceded and then Si-ma said : 
"Your fault lies in your feet, therefore it will be sufficient to 
cut them off". The ministers interceded again, and she had 
his toes cut off, in order to give an example to the whole nation. 
When the prince of Tazi heard this, he became afraid and 
dared not attack her." 

How far this story may be regarded as historical, it is 
impossible to say. The reference to a particular year, no doubt, 

1. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 286. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 14. Pelliot's version of the story 
( B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 297 ) differs in some unimportant details. 
The date is given by Groeneveldt as 674, while Pelliot puts it as 
674-5 A. D. Cf. Ferrand J. A. 11 XX ( 1922 ), p. 37. 



invests the story with an appearance of reality. It is inter- 
esting to note that the story refers to the choice or selection 
of the ruler by the people. Whether this may be taken to 
indicate a regular system of election of the ruler by the people, 
it is difficult to say. But considering the fact that such a 
system was known in India, its presence in Java is not difficult 
to account for. The Tazi in the story no doubt denotes the 
Arabs. But whether the story-teller had in view the distant 
Arabia, or a colony of the Arabs nearer home, say, in Sumatra, 
it is difficult to say 1 . 

We may now take into consideration the epigraphic evidence 
that we possess regarding the kingdom in Central Java. 
The earliest inscription, so far discovered in this region, 
is that engraved on a large boulder near the famous spring, 
called Tuk Mas, at the foot of the Morbabu hill, which lies to 
the north-east of Magclang. The inscription, consisting of 
one line, is a Sanskrit verse in Upajati metre. It praises the 
natural spring, which issues from the rock, and compares it to 
the river Ganges. No historical information is supplied by 
the inscription, but its importance lies in the alphabet used, 
and quite a large number of figures engraved above it. The 
alphabet shows a developed stage of that used by Piirnavarman, 
and may thus be referred to the seventh century A. D. a The 
figures, about sixteen in number, are symmetrically arranged 
on two sides of the central one, which looks like a trident 
fixed upon a raised and terraced platform. To the proper 
right of it can be seen, a wheel, a conch-shell, a mace, and 

I. Groeneveldt is in favour of the latter hypothesis ( Notes, p. 14, 
f. n. 4. ), while Pelliot supports the former ( B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, 
p. 297.) 

a. The inscription has been edited, together with a facsimile, 
by H. Kern (V. G., Vol. VII, pp. 2O i ff.). Recently Mr. B. C, Chhabra 
has given a revised reading ( J. A. S. B. L., Vol I, pp. 33 ff. ). Kern 
assigned the record to the fifth century A. D., but Krom assigns it to the 
middle of the seventh century A. D. 


some warlike weapons. To the left are four representations 
of lotus, together with a battle-axe, a lance, and a pitcher. 

It is not difficult to recognise in these figures the well- 
known symbols of the two great gods, Visnu and Siva ; w'#., the 
trident of the latter, and the conch-shell, wheel, mace, and lotus 
of the former 1 . There is a round object immediately to the 
proper right of the central figure of the trident, and this may 
be construed as the Kamandalu (water-pot) of Brahma. The 
pitcher may be a symbol for Agastya, whom tradition regards 
as having been born in a pitcher. The battle-axe may refer to 
ParaSurama or Yama. The object above the wheel looks 
like a noose, the weapon of Varuna. On the whole, there can 
be little doubt that the figures were emblems of different 
gods worshipped in that region. 

Thus the inscription of Tuk Mas proves that Central 
Java was as thoroughly saturated with Brahinanic religion as 
West Java. The alphabet of the inscription also appears to 
belong to the same class as that used in West Java, although 
it shows some developed forms. There is, therefore, no need 
to presume that there was a wide gulf separating Western and 
Eastern Java either from historical or cultural points of 

i. Krom infers from the symbols that the prevailing religion was 
the worship of iva ( Geschiedenis, p. 100 ). But the four Vinuite 
symbols are quite clear, and cannot be ignored. 

Chapter VII 


Sumatra is the most westerly, and next to Borneo, the 
largest island of the Malay Archipelago. It is bounded by 
the Indian ocean on the west and the China and Java seas 
on the east. The three Straits of Malacca, Banka, and Sunda 
separate it from Malay Peninsula in the north-east, and the 
islands of Banka and Java in the east and south-east. A long 
chain of islands runs along its coasts, the most notable of them 
being Simalur, Banjak, Nias, Batu, the Mentawi archipelago 
(the islands of Mentawi, Sipura, North Paggy and South Paggy), 
and Engano on the west, and Rupat, Padang, Bengkalis, Rantau, 
the archipelagos of Riouw and Lengga ( including the Pulu Tiyu 
islands), Banka, and Billiton in the east. 

Sumatra is a long narrow country running in the direction 
north-west to south-east. It is very narrow at its two ends 
and broad at the centre. The equator passes through it, 
dividing it almost into two equal halves, as it lies 
between 5-39' North and 5-57' South Latitude. Its total length 
is 1060 miles, and the extreme breadth 248 miles, giving a total 
area of 167,480 sq. miles. 

A series of mountains, known collectively as Bukit Barisan, 
run along the whole length of the island, parallel, and in close 
proximity, to its western coast. This range of hills contains 
about 90 volcanoes, of which 12 are yet active. The strip of 
territory between the hills and the Indian ocean on the west 
is extremely narrow, while there is a vast alluvial plain in the 
east. The rivers on the west are consequently short, torrential, 
and rarely navigable, while those on the east have a much 


longer course, and are, in many cases, navigable to a great 
length. The most important of these, beginning from the north, 
are the Asahan, the Panei, the Eokan, the Siak, the Kampar, 
the Indragiri, the Jambi, and the Musi (Palembang river). 

The Jambi river is the largest of all, having a width of 
1300 ft. opposite Jambi. It springs from mount Indrapura, 
and has two tributaries, the Batang Han and the Tambesi. 
Next in importance is the Musi river, on which stands 
Palembang, once an important city, and, perhaps, the capital of 
a flourishing kingdom, but now an insignificant town, 55 miles 

There are several lakes in the midst of the long range of 
hills, such as Toba, Maninjau, Sengkara, Korinchi, and the 
Ranau, with a number of small ones round the base of 
Mt. Indrapura. 

Sumatra is rich in mineral resources. Gold, silver, and 
copper are found in large quantities, while sulphur, naphtha, 
alum, and saltpetre arc found in great abundance near the 
volcanoes. Among others may be mentioned tin, lead, 
magnetite, legnite, and coal. 

Sumatra has an abundance of forests, full of teak, sandal, 
ebony, and many varieties of less useful timber. The forests 
also yield all the gum-producing trees, such as the camphor-tree, 
benzoin-trees etc. ; cocoanut, sago-palm, areca-palm and several 
other varieties of palm are found in large number. 

The land is very fertile, and a rich yield of food crops and 
others is easily obtainable. The chief products of agriculture 
arc rice, coffee, tobacco, cloves, nutmeg, pepper, cotton, 
cocoanut, and sugarcane. In recent times there has been a great 
expansion of native-grown rubber. 

In spite of its rich natural resources Sumatra is but a poor 
and thinly populated country. Although about four times 
the size of Java, it has only a population of 6,219,004, or nearly 
one-fifth of that of the latter. 

Even this small population is not homogeneous in character. 
Quite a large number of tribes, differing in language, physical 


aspect, and culture may be easily distinguished. The following 
may be noted as the more important ones. 

1. The Lampongs inhabit the region, called after them, at 
the southern extremity of Sumatra, on the Straits of Sunda. 
In spite of their present poverty and insignificance, they 
possessed at one time a high degree of civilisation under the 
influence of the Hindus. 

2. The Lebongs live in the upper valley of the Ketuan 

3. The Rejaiigs live in Rcjang, in the upper course of the 
Musi river. They still use an alphabet of Hindu origin. 

4. The Korinchis live in the country surrounding Indrapura. 

5. The Malays are divided into two classes, the Malays 
of sea-board and the Malays of Mcnangkabau. The former 
closely resemble the Malays of Malacca and live chiefly 
in the country of Palembang. The latter ragard themselves 
as the primitive Malays, and, in old days, atttained to a high 
degree of civilisation. Until recently, there was a general 
belief that Mcnangkabau was the original home of the Malays, 
who emigrated to the Malay Peninsula. Menangkabau was 
the name of an inland kingdom, comprising a scries of mountain 
valleys, near mount Merapi and lake Sengkara. It had an 
area of about 3000 sq. miles and was situated between the 
equator and one degree south. It was subdued by the Dutch 
in 1840. 

6. The Bataks are of the same stock as the Malays. 
They inhabit the mountainous region of lake Toba, the 
Residency of Tapanuli, and a large part of the northern coast 
of Sumatra. 

7. The Gayos live in the western coast of Sumatra. 

8. The Achinose claim to be of Hindu origin and inhabit 
the kingdom of Achecn ( also called Atjeh, Acheh, Atcheh, 
Achin, Achcra) in the northern part of Sumatra. 

In addition to the above there arc various other tribes 
living in the adjacent islands, 


The Dutch Government has divided its dominions in 
Sumatra in six administrative divisions, r/v., 

1. The Government of the West Coast of Sumatra 
consisting of three Residencies, viz. 

(a) The Highlands of Padang capital, Fort I)e Kock. 

(b) The Lowlands of Padang capital, Padang. 

(c) Tapanuli capital, Padang Sidcmpuan. 

2. The Residency of Benkulan capital, Benkulan. 

3. The Residency of Lainpong districts capital, Telok- 

4. The Residency of the East Coast of Sumatra capital, 

5. The Residency of Palembang capital, Palembang. 

6. The Government of Achccn capital, Kota Raja 1 . 

The geographical position of Sumatra marks it out as 
preeminently the site of the earliest Hindu settlement in 
Indonesia. Being situated midway on the route between 
India and China, important harbours and trading stations must 
have developed on its eastern coast from an early period. 
From what has been stated above, it will not be wrong to place 
the beginning of Hindu colonisation there two or three 
centuries before the Christian era 2 . 

As has already been remarked above, in chapter VI, 
Ferrand takes all the early references to Yavadvipa to apply 
to Sumatra rather than to Java. Thus Ptolemy's labadiou, 
Fa-hicn's Yc-pVt'i, the Yavadvipa of Ramiiyana, Yavakoti 
of 5ryabhatiya and Suryasiddhanta, and Yc-tiao, Tchou-po, 
Tou-po, and Cho-p'o of the Chinese annals, are all taken by him 

1. Sumatra is only partially explored, and the description of its 
physical geography is necessarily incomplete. The account is based 
on the works of Cabaton and Crawfurd. 

2. F'errand puts it as some centuries before the Christian era ; 
J. A., n-xx(i922), p. 204. 


to refer to Sumatra 1 . In short almost everything that has been 
Said above regarding the early history of Java, should, according 
to Ferrand, be relegated to the history of Sumatra. But this 
view has not yet met with general acceptance 3 , and we have 
therefore provisionally accepted these as references to Java. 
But if labadiou of Ptolemy refers to Java, Barousai and 
Sabadebai, mentioned by the same author, may be taken to refer 
respectively to the western and south-eastern coast of 
Sumatra 3 . 

The first definite reference to a state in Sumatra occurs in 
connection with an embassy reported in a Chinese account of 
644 ( or beginning of 645 A. D. ). The name of the kingdom 
is given as Mo-lo-yeu, which has been easily identified, on the 
authority of I-tsing's writings, with modern Jambi in Sumatra. 
The name, which no doubt represents Indian Malay u, may 
perhaps also be traced, under the form of Mo-lo-che, in a list 
of kingdoms given in a Chinese text of the seventh century 
A. D. The same list includes another kingdom To-lang-pV 
houang, which has been identified with Tulangbawang in 
south-eastern Sumatra 4 . 

But neither of the two kingdoms, Malayu or Tulangbawang, 
flourished for a long time. They were both superseded by 
another powerful kingdom which came into prominence about 
this time. This kingdom is referred to as Fo-che or Che-li-fo- 
che by the Chinese, Sribuza by the Arabs, and Srl-Visaya in 
the Indian records. To M. Ccedfcs we owe the brilliant 
hypothesis, now generally accepted by all scholars, that all 
these names are but different renderings of the name Sri-Vijaya. 
Some of Ccedfes' arguments, and specially his identification of 
Sri-Vijaya with Palembang, may not be accepted as valid ; 

1. Ferrand, in J. A., ii-xx (1922), pp. 208 ft, 

2. Cf. e. g., Krom-Geschiedenis, pp. 55-6. 

3. Krom-Geschiedenis, pp. $6-7 

4. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 324-6. Ferrand, J. A., u-xi (1918), 

pp. 477 ** 


nor can we accept his contention that Sri-Vijaya was the 
original seat of the Sailendras, and thus the nucleus of a mighty 
empire in the Pacific. But his main thesis that there was a 
kingdom called Sri-Vijaya iu Sumatra has been supported by 
several inscriptions found in Sumatra itself. The identification 
of Sri-Vijaya must remain for the present an open question, 
but we can safely regard the kingdom as comprising the 
south-eastern part of Sumatra and some of the neighbouring 
islands, (vide Appendix to Bk. II). 

The earliest reference to Sri-Vijaya has been traced to the 
Chinese translation of a Buddhist Sutra, named Che eul yeou 
king. This translation, made in 392 A. D., contains a 
description of Jambudvipa which is quoted in King lia yi 
siang compiled in 516 A. D. We read there that "in the sea 

there arc 2,500 kingdoms the first king is called Sseu-li 

the fourth king is Cho-yc." The first name refers no doubt to 
Ceylon. As to Cho-ye, a commentator of the sixth century 
A. D. says that it means "victory." From this Ferrand 
concludes that Cho-yc stands for jaya (victory), and he takes 
this country to be Sri-Vijaya 1 . 

But even if Sri-Vijaya existed as an independent kingdom 
in the 4th century A. D., it did not attain any great importance 
till a much later period. It is only towards the close of the 
seventh century A. D., that Sri-Vijaya comes into prominence. 
I-tsing, writing between 689 and 692 A. D., says that the 
Malayu country is now the country of 8ri-Vijaya. a In other 
words, Malayu was then absorbed in the growing^ kingdom 
of Sri-Vijaya. The political greatness of Sri-Vijaya, 
thus hinted at by the Chinese pilgrim, is corroborated by 
independent evidences. The most important of them are five 

i. Ferrand, J. A. n -XX (1922), p. 210. S. LeVi (J.A. n-XI 
( 1918), pp. 83-4 ) took Cho-ye as Java, but Ferrand's view seems 

a. Takakusu I-tsing, p. 10. Takakusu transliterates Che-li-fo-che 


inscriptions 1 which form the groundwork for the study of the 
history of Sri-Vijaya. Of these one is written in Sanskrit, and 
the rest in old Malay language. The Sanskrit inscription (No. 5) 
was found at Ligor, in the Malay Peninsula, to the south of the 
Bay of Bandon. Of the four Malay inscriptions, three were 
found in Sumatra, two (Nos. 1-2) near Palembang, and one 
(No. 3) in the province of Jambi (ancient Malayu), while the 
fourth (No. 4) was found at Kota Kapur, in the island of Banka. 

No. 1 is dated in Saka 605 (683 A. D.), and refers to a king 
of Sri-Vijaya having done some good to his country by virtue of 
magical powers (?) acquired by him. 

No. 2 is dated in Saka 606 (684 A. D.), and refers to some 
pious deeds and pious hopes of king Sri Jayanas*a. The name may 
be a mistake for Jayanaga ; Stutterhcim reads it as Jayawaga 1 . 

Nos. 3 and 4 are nearly identical copies of the same 
record. It begins with an invocation to the gods who protect 
the kingdom of Srl-Vijaya. It holds out threats of severe 
punishment to the inhabitants of countries, subordinate to 
Sri-Vijaya, if they revolt or even aid, abet, or meditate revolt, 
against the suzerain authority. Punishment was to be meted 
out not only to actual rebels, but even to their family and clans. 
On the other hand, the people who would remain loyal to the 

j. These inscriptions have been edited by G. Coedes in B, E. F. 
E. O., Vol. XVIII. No. 6, and Vol. XXX, Nos. 1-2. Full 
references to early publications are given by him. For later comments 
and elucidations, cf. 

a. R. A. Kern B. K. I., Vol. 88 (1931), pp. 508-13. 

b. G. Ferrand J. A., Vol. CCXXI (1932), pp. 271-326. 

c. J. W. J. Wellan Tijd. Aard. Gen., 2nd ser. deel Li ( 1934 ), 
pp. 348-402. 

d. B, C. Chhabra J. A. S. B. L., Vol. i, pp. 28 ff. 

e. G. Coedes-B. E. F. E. O., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 1002 ff. 
Following Coedes I have taken Bhumi Java in Ins. No. 4 as Java ; 

others take it as part of Sumatra. For different views on this point, see 
Krom Geschiedenis, p. 114, f. n. i, and Coedes, op. cit. pp. 53-4. 

For the find-spot of inscription No. 5, cf. B. K. I., Vol. 83 
( 192? )> P. 462. 2. O. B., p. 67. 


government of Sri-Vijaya, together with their clan and family, 
would be blessed with all sorts of blessings divine. 

This is the general sense of the record which, as we learn 
from a postscript added to No. 4, was engraved in Saka 608 
( 686 A. D. ), at the moment when the army of Sri-Vijaya was 
starting on an expedition against Java which had not yet 
submitted to Sri-Vijaya. 

These four inscriptions prove incontestably that Sri-Vijaya 
was already a powerful kingdom before 683 A. D., and that it 
had established its political supremacy not only over Malayu 
(Jambi), but also over the neighbouring island of Banka. The 
ruler Jayana^a was a Buddhist, and the two inscriptions found 
near the capital vix., Nos. 1 and 2, are definitely Buddhist in 
character. These corroborate, in a way, the statement of I-tsing 
that the king of Sri-Vijaya, as well as the rulers of neighbouring 
states, favoured Buddhism, and that Sri-Vijaya was a centre of 
Buddhist learning in the islands of the Southern Sea 1 . 

I-tsing tells us that the king of Sri-Vijaya possessed ships, 
probably for commerce, sailing between India and Sri-Vijaya. 
We also learn from his memoir that the city of Sri-Vijaya was 
the chief centre of trade with China, and that there was a 
regular navigation between it and Kwang-Tung*. 

That Sri-Vijaya was fast growing into an important naval 
and commercial power appears clearly from the Ligor (formerly 
called Vieng Sa) or Vat Sema Murong Inscription (No. 5). 
This inscription, dated in Saka 697 ( 775 A. D. ), refers to the 
mighty prowess of the king of Sri-Vijaya. He is said to be the 
overlord of all neighbouring states whose kings made obeisance 
to him. He made three Buddhist Caityas, and his chaplain and 
the latter^s disciple built other Stupas and Caityas. Now this 
inscription shows that the Buddhist king of Sri-Vijaya had 
extended his political supremacy over the Malay Peninsula, as 
far at least as the Bay of Bandon, before 775 A. D. 

The inscriptions thus give clear indication, in broad outline, 
of a purely aggressive policy pursued by the kingdom of Sri- 
l. Takakusu I-tsing, p. XL I. 3. Ibid., pp, XL-XLI, 


Vijaya during the century 675-775 A. D. By 680 A. D. it had 
absorbed the neighbouring kingdom of Malayu, conquered the 
neighbouring island of Banka, and sent a military expedition 
to the powerful island kingdom of Java. Before a century was 
over, we find its power firmly established in the Malay Peninsula, 
as far at least as the Bay of Bandon. 

The Chinese Annals state that several embassies came 
from Sri- Vijaya to China during the period between 670 and 
741 A. D. The date of the earliest embassy cannot be 
ascertained, but there is no doubt that it was before 695 A. D. 
By an imperial edict dated in that year, orders were issued for 
supplying provisions to the ambassadors of different countries 
then living in the Chinese court. Thus provisions for six 
months were to be given to ambassadors from North India, 
South India, Persia, and Arabia ; provisions for five months were 
to be given to ambassadors from Sri-Vijaya, Chen-la (Cambodia), 
Ho-ling (Java) and other kingdoms ; to envoys from Champa 
provisions were to be given only for three months". 1 It 
appears, therefore, that Sri- Vijaya was already recognised as a 
leading state, the only one in Sumatra to be individually 
referred to, before the close of the seventh century A. D. 

Two other embassies from Srl-Vijaya visited China in 702 
and 716 A. D. In 724 A. D. the king of Sri- Vijaya named 
Che-li-t'o-lo-pa-ino (Srindravarman) sent an ambassador with 
presents consisting of two dwarfs, a Negro girl, a party of 
musicians, and a parrot of five colours. The ambassador is called 
Kumara. It might be a personal name, or denote the crown- 
prince. The emperor conferred on him the title of tcho-tch'ong 
(general) and presented him 100 pieces of silk. He also conferred 
an honorary title upon the king. 

In 728 the king of Srl-Vijaya again presented the emperor 
with parrots of motley colours. In 742 the king sent his son 
to the Chinese court with customary offerings, and was again 
rewarded with an honorary title. 1 

I. B. E, F. E. O., Vol. IV, p. 334. 2, Ibid, pp. 334-5- 

Chapter VIII 


Borneo is the largest island in the Malay archipelago, 
but it is little known and thinly populated. Its area is seven 
or eight times that of Java, but its population is only about 
three millions. The island is covered with dense forests and 
crossed by a series of mountain groups from the north-east 
to south-west The highest peak, Kinabalti, is about 13,698 ft. 
The rivers arc large and navigable, but often impeded by mud- 
banks. The principal rivers arc the Brunei, the Rejang, and 
the Kapuas on the west, and the Sampit, the Katingan, 
the Barito, and the Mahakam or the Kutei on the south and 

The forests yield excellent timber and trees producing gums 
and resins. The famous Sago-palm is the characteristic tree 
of the island. The soil is very fertile and all kinds of crops 
can be grown easily. The sub-soil is rich in mineral resources 
such as diamond, gold, silver, lead, copper, antimony, zinc, 
bismuth, platinum, mercury, arsenic, coal, and petroleum. But 
neither agriculture nor industry flourishes among the Dyaks, 
a semi-savage tribe, who forms the chief element of the native 
population. The river-side Dyaks are hospitable, intelligent, 
and energetic, but those in the interior are almost savages. 

Borneo is now divided between the British and the Dutch. 
All the north and part of the western part of the island, 
comprising about a third of the total area, is under the British 
suzerainty. It includes the territories of the British North 
Borneo Company, the Sultanate of Brunei, a protectorate, and 
the principality of Sarawak, founded in 1841 by James Brooke 
and still ruled by his family. Sarawak is a British Protectorate, 
though the ruler is independent in matters of internal 


The Dutch territories are divided into two Residencies : 
the western Borneo, with its capital Pontianak, at the mouth of 
the Kapuas ; and the Residency of the south and east, with its 
capital Banjermassin, at the mouth of the Barito river. 

The earliest evidence of the Hindu colonisation in Borneo 
is furnished by four inscriptions 1 . These were discovered 
in 1879 in the district of Koti (Kutei), at Muara Kaman, on 
the Mahakam river, three days' journey above Pelarang. The 
remains of a Chinese jonk, found in the locality, mark it 
to be an important sea-port in old days, and that perhaps 
explains the early Hindu settlements there. Three golden 
objects, including a Visnu image, were also found at 
Muara Kaman. The inscriptions are engraved on stone pillars 
of about a man's height. As the tops of the pillars were 
rounded, they were originally mistaken for 'Liiiga', but the 
inscriptions clearly show that they were sacrificial pillars (yupa). 
The following is a summary of these inscriptions : 

1. King Mulavarman has done many virtuous acts, to wit, 
gifts of animals, land, Kalpa-tree (?) and other things. Hence 
the Brahmanas have set up this pillar*. 

2. King Kundunga had a famous son Asvavarman, who, 
like the Sun (AmSuman), was the originator of a family. Of 
the three sons of Asvavarman, the eldest was king 
Srl-Mulavarman, noted for his asceticism, who performed a 
sacrifice called Bahu-Suvarnakam (much-gold). This pillar 
(yupa) of that sacrifice has been set up by the Brahmanas. 

3. The chief of kings, Mulavarman, made a gift of 
20,000 cows to the Brahmanas in the holy field of Vaprakefivara. 

i. Kern (V. G., Vol. VII, pp. 55-76.) edited the first three 
inscriptions. They have all been re-edited by Vogel in B. K. I., Vol. 74 
(1918), pp. 167-232 ; Vol. 76, p. 431 ; and commented upon by 
Mr. B. C. Chhabfa in J. A. S. B. L,, Vol. I, pp. 33 ff. 

2- I have followed the usual rendering of the inscriptions. But 
the terms 'Kalpa-Vrksa, Bhumi-dana, and Go-sahasrika' may be taken 
as names of specific sacrifices, as they are included in the list of sixteen 


For that pious act this pillar (yiipa) has been set up by the 
Brahmanas who came here. 

4. As from king Sagara is born Bhaglratha **. 

Mulavarman...(the rest is illegible). 

These inscriptions have been referred on palreographic 
grounds to about 400 A. D. 1 Thus there is no doubt that 
by the fourth century A. D. the Hindus had established 
kingdoms in the eastern part of Borneo. The inscriptions 
leave no doubt about the thorough-going nature of the 
Brahmanical religion in that locality. The Brahmanas 
evidently formed an important element of the population, and 
the Brahmanical rites and ceremonies were in great favour 
at the court. 

Mulavarman was undoubtedly a historical personage, but 
the same cannot be asserted with certainty of his two 
predecessors, Kundunga and Afivavarman. Kroin 2 thinks 
that as these were not illustrious Sanskrit names of the usual 
type, they may be regarded as historical personages. But the 
two names have undoubtedly a striking resemblance with 
Kaundinya, and ASvatthama, names associated with the 
foundation of Kamboja (Cambodia). An inscription of 
Champa 8 , dated 657 A. D., thus speaks of the origin of the 
Hindu kingdom of Kamboja : 

"It was there that Kaundinya, the foremost among 
Brahmanas, planted the spear which he had obtained from 
Drona's son ASvatthama, the best of Brahmanas." 

But in spite of the resemblance in the names, it should be 
remembered, that as the inscription was a contemporary record 
of Mulavarman, its writers were not likely to have given two 
mythical names as those of his father and grand father ; and as 
such we can accept them as historical personages. 

i This is the view of Kern (op. cit.) and Vogel, (op. cit ). 

2, Geschiedenis, p. 69. 

3. 'Champa' by R. C. Majumdar, Book III. p. 23. 


The second king has a correct Sanskrit name, whereas 
the name of the first may be either of Indian or native origin. 
The second king is also referred to as the founder of the 
family. On these grounds Krom 1 concludes that Kundunga 
was a native chief, whose son adopted Hindu religion and 
culture, and thus became the founder of a Hindu-ized royal 
family. This, however, cannot be readily accepted, as 
'VamSakartta' does not necessarily mean the first king of a 
long line, but may refer to the most illustrious member of it. 
This is proved by such terms as Raghuvama and Sagaravama, 
frequently used in Indian literature, although neither Raghu nor 
Sagara was the first member of the royal family to which they 

In addition to the antiquities at Muara Kaman described 
above, remains of ancient Hindu culture have also been found 
in other localities in east Borneo. The most notable among 
these is the cave of Kombeng* which has yielded a large 
number of interesting articles. Kombeng is situated considera- 
bly to the north of Muara Kaman and to the east of the upper 
course of the Telen river. 

The cave consists of two chambers. In the back-chamber 
were found twelve sandstone images, pieces of carved stone, and 
a few half-decayed iron-wood beams. All these may be taken 
as the remains of a temple which were hurriedly secreted in 
the dark chamber of a cave, apparently for safety. That the 
images were brought from elsewhere is clearly indicated by the 
fact that most of them have a pin under the pedestal, evidently 
for fixing them in a niche. The images were both Buddhist 
and Brahmanical. The latter included those of Siva, GaneSa, 
Nandi, Agastya, NandlSvara, Brahma, Skanda, and Mahakfila. 
The preponderance of the images of Siva and Sivaite gods, 

1. Geschiedenis, p. 69, 

2. The antiquities of Kombeng have been described by Witkamp 
in Tijd. Aard. Gen., Vol. 31 (1914), pp. 595-598, and by Bosch in O. V., 
1925, pp. 132-6. 


there being two images of GaneSa seems to indicate that the 
prevailing religion in that quarter was Saiva. 

One of the most interesting facts about these images is that 
they do not appear to be the products of Indo- Javanese art 
which was predominant in Borneo in the later periods, and as 
such we have to postulate a direct stream of Hindu influence 
from India to Borneo 1 . The images of Kombeng cave are 
thereby invested with a great importance, as being the earliest 
specimens of Hindu art in the eastern colonies. As already 
remarked above, they evidently belonged to a temple of which 
the ruins are preserved in the cave. That temple was one of 
the earliest specimens of Hindu architecture, though unfortuna- 
tely nothing now remains of it in situ. The wooden beam, 
however, proves that the main structure was built of wood. 
We may well believe that this was the case with most, if not all, 
of the early Hindu temples in the colonies, and this explains 
the almost total absence of early specimens of Hindu temples 
in that region. It is tempting to connect the Kombeng ruins 
with those of Muara Kaman, and attribute all of them to one 
stream of Hindu colonisation in the fourth century A. D. If 
it were so, we may presume that the transition from wood to 
stone architecture took place somewhat later than that period, 
at least in some regions of the eastern colonies. 

The antiquities secreted in the Kombeng cave must have 
been brought there for safety from plains or lower regions 
more exposed to a hostile attack. The original site of the 
temple was probably in the valley of the Mahakam river. 
This river undoubtedly played the chief part in the colonisation 
of east Borneo by the Hindus. A great river is a necessity in 
the early stages of colonisation by foreigners. In the first place, 
its junction with the sea serves as a good sea-port and trading 
centre, which receives goods from without and distributes them 
in the interior, and, by the reverse process, collects articles from 

i. This point has been discussed later in the chapter on Art, 
Book V. 



inland and ships them for foreign lands. Secondly, the foreign 
colonists, having secured a firm footing in the port, find in the 
river an excellent, and in many cases the only safe, means of 
communication with the interior, as a preliminary stage to the 
spread of their power and influence along its course. 

But the Mahakam river was not the only one in Borneo 
to play such an important rftle in the early colonisation of the 
country by the Hindus. Another river, the Kapuas, offered 
the same facilities for colonisation of western Borneo. At 
various places on or near the bank of this river, we come 
across archaeological remains of the Hindu period 1 , which, 
taken together, imply a flourishing period of Hindu colonisation 
of fairly long duration. 

Among these archaeological remains we may specially note 
the following : 

(1) The Mukhalinga at Sepauk*. 

(2) A stone in the river-bed near Sanggau, containing two 
lines of writing in cursive script, which have not yet been 

(3) Seven inscriptions on a rock at Batu Pahat, near the 
springs of Sungci Tekarek, on carved figures, each of which 
depicts a staff with a succession of umbrellas at the top, and is 
thus possibly a miniature representation of a Stupa. 

Four of these inscriptions repeat the formula "Ajfianacciyate 
karma," and three repeat the well-known "Yc dharma hetupra- 
bhava," both of which we meet with in Malay Peninsula 
(Nos. 10 and 12). There is an eighth inscription, but it is 
mostly illegible*. 

(4) A large number of golden plates, inscribed in old 
characters, found in a pot at the mouth of the Sampit river*. 

(5) An inscription at Sang belirang 5 . 

i. O. V., 1914, pp. 140-147- 2. O. V., 1920, pp. 102-105. 

3. These inscriptions have been edited by Mr, B.C. Chhabra, op. cit. 

4. Encycl. Ned, Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 198. 

5. Not. Bat. Gen., 1880, p. 98. 


Here, again, the Hindu civilization is to be traced direct 
from India, and not through Java, as the Mukhalinga and the 
figures at Batu Pahat are both un-Javanese. The same 
conclusion follows from a study of some archaeological remains, 
notably in the south and east, other than those on the river 
Mahakam and Kapuas. 1 Thus we have to conclude that 
Hindu colonists, direct from India, settled in different parts of 
Borneo during the early centuries of the Christian era. The 
general belief that Borneo was colonised by Indo-Javanese 
emigrants, cannot be accepted, at least for the early period. 

j. See later, the chapter on Art, Book V. 

Chapter IX. 

The island of Bali is situated to the east of Java, separated 
from it by a narrow strait, about a mile and a half wide. Its 
dimensions are quite small. Its extreme length is 93, and 
extreme breadth, about 50 miles. Its area is estimated to be 
2,095 square miles, and its population 946, 387. 

A chain of volcanic mountains, apparently a continuation 
of that of Java, runs throughout the island from west to east, 
leaving fertile valleys and plains on both sides. The highest 
peaks of the mountain are the Peak of Bali or Gunung Anung 
( 10,499 ft ), Tabanan ( 7,500 ft. ), and Batur (7,350 ft.). 

The coast-line is difficult of approach and has but one or 
two harbours. There are numerous rivers, but they are small, 
and navigable, only for small vessels, upto the reach of the tide. 
The island abounds in beautiful lakes at high elevation, which 
supply abundant means of irrigation. The land is fertile, and 
the whole country has the appearance of a beautiful garden. 
The chief products of agriculture arc rice, maize, pulses, cotton, 
coffee, tobacco, sugar-cane, and the fruits of Java. 

The island of Bali possesses the unique distinction of being 
the only colony of the ancient Hindus which still retains its old 
culture and civilisation, at least to a considerable extent. 
Islam has failed to penetrate into this island, and it still affords 
a unique opportunity to study Hinduism as it was modified by 
coming into contact with the aborigines of the archipelago. Its 
past history, as well as its present condition, are, therefore, 
of surpassing interest in any study of the ancient Indian 
colonisation in the Far East. 

Unfortunately, its past history is involved in obscurity. 
Unlike the other colonies, it has not yet yielded any archseo- 


logical remains of a very early date, and its extant ruins belong 
to a comparatively late period. We are, therefore, forced to fall 
back upon Chinese evidence for the beginning of Balinesc 

Here, again, there is an initial difficulty. The Chinese 
refer to an island called PVli, which etymologically corres- 
ponds to Bali, and there are other indications in support of 
this identification. But some particulars about PVli are 
inapplicable to Bali. Thus there is a great deal of uncertainty 
about it Some scholars, notably Schlegel and Groencveldt, have 
sought to identify PVli with the northern coast of Sumatra, and 
this view was generally accepted till Pclliot established the 
identity of PVli and Bali, if not beyond all doubts, at least on 
fairly satisfactory grounds. 1 We also propose to accept this 
identification, at least as a working hypothesis. 

i. P'o-li was formerly identified with northern coast of Sumatra 
(cf. e.g. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 84. Schlegel in Toung Pao, 1898, 
p. 276). But Pelliot has shown good grounds for rejecting this 
identification (B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, pp. 279 ff). 

The arguments of Groeneveldt are thus summed up by himself. 
''The country called PVli is said by all Chinese geographers to be the 
northern coast of Sumatra, and its neighbourhood to the Nicobar islands 
is a sufficient proof that they are right". Pelliot has shown that the 
Chinese geographers, referred to by Groeneveldt, are writers of the 
nineteenth century, who have shown most lamentable lack of knowledge 
of the geography of the outer world. Then, as to the vicinity of the 
Nicobar islands, the Chinese term is Lo-tch'a, and there is not any 
reliable evidence to identify it with Nicobar islands which are designated 
by the Chinese by different names. Further Lo-tch'a is placed to the 
east of P'o-li, while the Nicobar islands are to the north-west of Sumatra. 

A passage in the History of the T'ang Dynasty, repeated in the 
New History of the T'ang Dynasty, places P'o-li to the east of Ho-ling 
or Kaling which has been identified with Java. Grocneveldt and Schlegel 
wrongly translated this passage so as to place P'o-li to the west of 
Kaling. Thus, instead of supporting the location of P'o-li in Sumatra, 
the passage in the T'ang Dynasty is a strong evidence in favour of 
identifying P'o-li with Bali, which is to the east of Java, 


The History of the Liang dynasty ( 502-556 A. D.) contains 
the earliest account of P'o-li. 1 It gives us the following 
interesting account of the king of the country : 

"The Bang's family name* is Kaundinya and he never before 
had any intercourse with China. When asked about his 
ancestors or about their age, he could not state this, but said 
that the wife of Suddhodana was a daughter of his country. 

"The king uses a texture of flowered silk wrapped round 
his body ; on his head he wears a golden bonnet of more than 
a span high, resembling in shape a Chinese helmet, and adorned 
with various precious stones ( sapta rat no, or seven jewels). He 
carries a sword inlaid with gold, and sits on a golden throne, 
with his feet on a silver footstool. His female attendants are 
adorned with golden flowers and all kinds of jewels, some of 
them holding choivries of white feathers or fans of peacock- 
There are some particulars of P'o-li which do not agree with Bali ; 
e.g., it is placed to the south-east of Canton. But even in this respect 
Bali is more acceptable than Sumatra. The only point really inexpli- 
cable is the m easurement of P'o-li : "From east to west the country is 
fifty days broad and from north to south it has twenty days." This is, 
of course, not applicable to the small island of Bali ; but, as Pelliot has 
remarked, it is precisely in such general statements that the Chinese 
annalists often commit mistakes. If the measurement be held to be true, 
P'oli can only be identified with Borneo, as was suggested by Brets- 
chneider. But Borneo is to the north or north-east of Java, while P'o-li 
is placed to the east of Ho-ling. Again, the New History of the T'ang 
Dynasty says that P'o-li is also called Ma-li. Now Chau Ju-kua gives 
Ma-li and Pa-li as names of the island of Bali, and the same information 
is given in another text of the seventeenth century A. D. On these 
grounds Pelliot, while admitting the possibility of Bretschneider's 
hypothesis that P'o li is Borneo, is inclined to identify P'o-li with Bali. 

i. The Chinese accounts that follow have been translated by 
Groeneveldt (Notes, pp. 80-84), Schlegel (T'oung Pao, 1901, pp. 329-337), 
and partly by Pelliot (B. E. F, E. O., Vol. IV, pp. 283-85). The 
translations do not entirely agree. Differences on important points only 
will be noted. I have mainly followed the translation of Groeneveldt. 
3. According to Schlegel, Kaundinya was the name of the king. 


feathers. When the king goes out, his carriage, which is made 
of different kinds of fragrant wood, is drawn by an elephant. 
On the top of it is a flat canopy of feathers, and it has 
embroidered curtains on both sides. People blowing conches 
and beating drums precede and follow him." 

The above account leaves no doubt that PVH was a rich 
and civilised kingdom ruled by Hindu colonists who professed 
Buddhism. The kingdom existed as early as the sixth century 
A. D. For we arc told that in 518 A. D. 1 , the king sent an 
envoy to China with a letter which contained the most servile 
professions of homage and submission to the Chinese Emperor. 
The letter should not, of course, be taken at its face value*. 
In the year 523 the king, Pin-ka 8 by name, again sent an envoy 
with tribute. 

The History of the Sui Dynasty (581-617 A. D) gives us 
some additional information : "The king's family name is 
Ch'a-ri-ya-ka and his personal name, Hu-lan-na-po." This 
information is repeated in the New History of the T'ang 
Dynasty (618-906 A. D.), though the second syllable of the king's 
name is written as V instead of W. If the same king is 
intended, and both the historical accounts are correct in 
representing him as ruling during the periods of which they 
respectively treat, his reign must fall in the first quarter 
of the seventh century A. D. The same conclusion follows 
from the fact that the only embassy from P'o-li during the 
Sui period is the one dated 616 A. D. Evidently the name 
of the king was known from this embassy. As regards the 
family name ChVri-ya-ka, Groene veldt notes that the first 
two characters arc a common transcription of the word 

1. The dates of the embassies are given as 517 and 522 by Pelliot, 
and 518 and 523 by Groeneveldt and Schlegel. 

2. Schelegel remarks : "The letter was probably fabricated by 
the Chinese official who had to introduce the ambassadors of P'o-li at the 
court of the emperor.* 

3. Schlegel says ''Kalavimka." 


Ksatriya, one of the four Indian castes. Thus the kings of 
P'oli regarded themselves as belonging to Ksatriya or royal caste. 

The History of the Sui Dynasty contains two other 
interesting pieces of information. "The people of this country 
are skilled in throwing a discus-knife of the size of a (Chinese 
metal) mirror, having in the centre a hole, whilst the edge 
is indented like a saw. When they throw it from afar at a 
man, they never fail to hit him". In this we have a reference 
to the weapon called 'Cakra', which is frequently mentioned in 
early Indian literature, particularly in the epics and the PurSnas. 
It was the special weapon of the great god Krsna. We are 
further told that "they have a bird called Sari which can talk" 1 " 
The Chinese word is an exact transcription of the Indian Sari. 

The History of the Sui Dynasty says : "In the year 616 
they sent an envoy to appear at court and bring tribute, but 
they ceased to do this afterwards". But we have reference 
to an embassy from P'o-li in 630 A. D. a , and evidently the 
accounts in the New History of the T'ang Dynasty, so far as 
they are new, are based upon the information gathered from it. 
We may quote a few interesting details given in, this History. 

"PVli is also called Ma-lL There are found many 
carbuncles, the biggest of them having the size of a hen's egg ; 
they are round and white, and shine to a distance of several 
feet ; when one holds such a pearl at midday over some 
tinder, the fire immediately springs from it. 

"The common people have swarthy bodies and red frizzled 
hair ; they have nails like hawks and beast-like teeth 3 . 

1. Schlegel translates ''There is also a bird called 'ari* which 
understands human speech' 1 . 

2. This embassy js referred to only by Pelliot (op. cit, p. 285). 

3. Schlegel concludes from this passage that the people in general 
were barbarous, although there were some immigrants from India. But 
Pelliot has shown that most likely this passage refers to Lo-tch'a and 
not to P'o-li ; for, whereas, other works omit this in their account of P'o-li, 
it occurs word for word in the account of Lo-tch'a preserved in many of 


"They perforate their ears and put rings into them. They 
wind a piece of cotton (Kupei) around their loins. Ku-pei 
is a plant, whose flowers are spun to cloth. The coarser sorts 
are called Pei and the finer sorts T'ieh". 

There is no doubt that in Kupei we have a reference to 
the cotton-plant, Karpasa, and evidently there was abundant 
cultivation of cotton in the country. 

After the embassy of 630 A. D. from Bali to China, we have 
no knowledge of any further relation between the two countries 
for a long time. There is, however, reference to a country 
called Dva-pa-tan 1 , in the Old History of the T'ang Dynasty. 
This country is placed to the east of 'Kaling' or Java, and has, 
therefore, been identified with Bali by some scholars. It is no 
insuperable objection to this identification, that the island 
is also known by a different name PVli, for the Chinese are in 
the habit of calling the same island, or different parts of it, 
by different names. But except its geographical position, 
which might indicate cither easteni Java or Bali, there is no 
other ground for the identification. The king of this country 
sent an embassy to China in 647 A.D., and the Chinese history 
gives some details of its manners and customs. 

The next reference to Bali (PVli) is in the records of 
I-tsing, who enumerates it as one of 'the islands of the 
Southern Sea where the Mulasarviistivada-nikaya has been 
almost universally adopted". \Ve have already seen that the 
prevalence of Buddhism in Bali is hinted at in the earliest 
Chinese records dating from the sixth century A. D. It may 
thus be fairly inferred that Buddhism had a firm footing in 
the island in the early centuries of Hindu colonisation. 

With I-tsing's record the Chinese sources for the early 
history of Bali come to an end. Although fragmentary, they 
furnish us interesting details of its history and civilisation 
during the sixth and seventh centuries A. D., of course, on the 
assumption, that the Chinese PVli denotes that island. 

i. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 58. 2. I-tsing Records p. 10. 


Chapter X 




It seems almost to be a universal law, that when an inferior 
civilisation comes into contact with a superior one, it gradually 
tends to be merged into the latter, the rate and the extent of 
this process being determined solely by the capacity of the one 
to assimilate, and of the other to absorb. When the Hindus 
first appeared in Malayasia, and canie into close association 
with her peoples, this process immediately set in, and produced 
the inevitable result. The early history of this contact, and 
the first stages of the evolution of the new culture springing 
therefrom arc, no doubt, hidden from us, but there is no dearth 
of evidence to show what the ultimate effect was. As details 
arc lacking, we are obliged to take a broad general view of 
this development. The first colonisation of the Hindus 
has been referred to the first or second century of the 
Christian era, and we propose in this chapter to pass in review 
the state of Hindu civilisation in Malayasia up to the end of 
the seventh century A.D., so as to cover roughly about five or 
six hundred years. This period may be regarded as the dawn 
of Hindu civilisation, for, with the foundation of the empire of 
the Sailendras, it reached its noonday-height and high-water 
mark of glory and splendour. 

The inscriptions discovered at Borneo, Java, and Malaya 
Peninsula furnish us with the most valuable evidence in respect 
of our enquiry. A close study of these records leads inevitably 
to the conclusion that the language, literature, religion, and 
political and social institutions of India made a thorough 


conquest of these far-off lands, and, to a great extent, eliminated 
or absorbed the native elements in these respects. 

The Kutei inscriptions 1 of Mulavarman hold out before us 
a court and a society thoroughly saturated with Brahmanical 
culture. They refer to the due performance of Brahmanical 
sacrificial ceremonies with the attendant practices of erecting 
sacrificial pillars and making gifts of land, gold, and cows to 
the Brahmanas. The predominant position of the Brahmanas 
is clearly indicated. The ideas of holy places had developed, 
and reference is made to the sacred land of Vaprakevara. 
A reference to AmumSn and Sagara also shows a f amiliarity 
with the legends and traditions of the Hindus. 

All these inferences are corroborated by the inscriptions 
discovered in western Java. 2 These, too, present before us a 
strongly Brahman-ized society and court. We have reference 
to Hindu gods like Visnu and Indra, and Airilvata, the elephant 
of Indra. The sacred nature and worship of footprints, such a 
characteristic religious practice of India, though by no means a 
monopoly of that country, seems to be a special feature of the 
religion. The Indian months and attendant astronomical details, 
and Indian system of measurement of distance are quite familiar 
to the soil. Besides, in the river-names Candrabhaga and 
Gomati we have the beginnings of that familiar practice of 
transplanting Indian geographical names to the new colonies. 

The images of various gods and goddesses discovered in 
Borneo and Malay Peninsula corroborate the evidence of the 
inscriptions. As already noted above, the images of Visnu, 
Brahma, Siva, GaneSa, Nandi, Skanda, and Mahakala have been 
found in Borneo 3 , and those of Durga, GaneSa, Nandi, and 
Yoni in the Malay Peninsula*. Although the age of these 
images is not known with certainty, they may be referred 

i. Kern, V. G., Vol. VII, pp. 55 ff. 

a. For references to these inscriptions, cf. Ch. VI. 

9. See Chap. VIII. 4- See Chap. V, 


approximately to the period under review, and indicate a 
thorough preponderance of the Puranik form of Hindu religion. 

The remains at Tuk Mas 1 in Java, referred to before, 
lead to the same conclusion. Here we get the usual attributes 
of Visnu and Siva, the Saiiikha ( conch-shell ), Cakra ( wheel ), 
Qada ( mace ), and Padma ( Lotus ) of the former, and the 
TriSala ( trident ) of the latter. Besides, the inscription refers 
to the sanctity of the Ganges. 

The images and inscriptions discovered in Sumatra, Borneo, 
and different parts of the Malay Peninsula 9 prove that in 
addition to Brahmanieal religion Buddhism had also made its 
influence felt in these regions. Although the extant Buddhist 
remains in Bali may not be as early as the seventh century 
A. D., there is little doubt that Buddhism was introduced there 
by this time 3 . 

Taken collectively, the inscriptions prove that the Sanskrit 
language and literature were highly cultivated. Most of the 
records are written in good and almost flawless Sanskrit. 
Indian scripts were adopted everywhere. Such names as 
PQrnavarman and Mdlavarman, if borne by the aborigines, 
would show that Sanskrit language made its influence felt even 
in personal nomenclature. The images show the thorough-going 
influence of Indian art. 

The archaeological evidence is corroborated and supplemen- 
ted by the writings of the Chinese. First of all, we have the 
express statement of Fa-hien* that Brfthmanism was flouri- 
shing in Yava-dvlpa, and that there was very little trace of 
Buddhism. The graphic account which Fa-hien gives of his 
journey from Ceylon to China ria Java is interesting in more 
ways than one. It depicts to us the perilous nature of the sea 
voyage which was the only means of communication between 

1. Kern, V. a, Vol. VII. pp. 201. ff. 

2. Cf. the different Chapters dealing with the history and art of 
these regions. 

. See Chap. IX. 4- Legge, Fa-hien, pp. in. ff. 


India and her colonies in Indonesia. It further tells us that the 
200 merchants who boarded the vessel along with Fa-hien were 
all followers of Brahmanical religion. This statement may 
be taken to imply that trade and commerce were still the chief 
stimulus to Indian colonisation. As the merchants belonged 
mostly to Brahmanical religion, we get an explanation of its 
preponderance over Buddhism in the Archipelago. 

The story of Gunavarman shows how Buddhism was intro- 
duced and then gradually took root in Java in the fifth 
century A. D. As Gunavarman is known to have translated a 
text of the Dharmagupta-sect 1 he must have belonged to the 
Molasarvastiviida school. It is perhaps for this reason that the 
sect established its predominance in Java and the neighbouring 
islands, as we know from I-tsing. 

The accounts left by I-tsing leave no doubt that towards 
the close of the seventh century A. D. Buddhism had spread 
over other regions. The following two paragraphs from his 
"Record of Buddhist Practices" convey a fair idea of the state 
of things. 

"In the islands of the Southern Sea consisting of more than 
ten countries the Mulasarvilstivadanikaya has been almost 
universally adopted ( lit. 'there is almost only one' ), though 
occasionally some have devoted themselves to the Sainmitinikaya ; 
and recently a few followers of the other two schools have also 
been found. Counting from the West there is first of all P'o-lu- 
shi (Pulushih) island, and then the Mo-lo-yu (Malayu) country 
which is now the country of Srlbhoja (in Sumatra), Mo-ho-sin 
(Mahasin) island, Ho-ling (Kalinga) island (in Java), Tan-tan 
island (Natuna island), Pern-pen island, PVli (Bali) island, 
Ku-lun island (Pulo Condore), Fo-shih-pu-lo (Bhojapura) island, 
O-shan island, and Mo-chia-man island. 

"There are some more small islands which cannot be all 
mentioned here. Buddhism is embraced in all these countries, 
and mostly the system of the Hlnay&na (the Smaller Vehicle) 
i, J.A., u-VUl (1916), p. 46. 


is adopted except in Malayu (Sribhoja), where there are a few 
who belong to the Mahayana (the Larger Vehicle") 1 . 

We have already discussed the identification of some of 
these islands and may refer to Takakusu's learned discussion for 
the location of the rest. But whatever we may think of these 
identifications, there is absolutely no doubt whatsoever that 
these islands are all to be located in Malayasia, and the statement 
of I-tsing may be taken as generally true for this region. It may 
thus be regarded as certain that the Hmayana form of Buddhism 
was fairly prevalent all over Malayasia, though Mahayanism 
was not altogether unknown. 

In addition to the general statement quoted above, I-tsing 
has left some details of his own journey which throw interesting 
light on the culture and civilisation in Malayasia. On his way 
to India, the pilgrim halted in Sri-Vijaya for six months, and 
learnt the Sabdavidya (Sanskrit Grammar). During his return 
journey also he stopped at Sri-Vijaya, and, after a short stay 
in China, he again returned to the same place. Here he was 
engaged in copying and translating the voluminous Buddhist 
texts which he had brought with him from India. Why he 
chose this place for Ms work is best explained in his own 
words : 

"Many kings and chieftains in the islands of the Southern 
Ocean admire and believe (Buddhism), and their hearts are set 
on accumulating good actions. In the fortified city of Bhoja 
( i.e., Sri-Vijaya) Buddhist priests number more than 1,000, 
whose minds are bent on learning and good practices. They 
investigate and study all the subjects that exist just as in the 
Middle Kingdom (Madhya-deSa, India) ; the rules and ceremonies 
are not at all different. If a Chinese priest wishes to go to the 
West in order to hear (lectures) and read (the original), he had 
better stay here one or two years and practise the proper rules 
and then proceed to Central India" 8 . 

I. I-tsing Record, pp. 10-11. 2. Ibid, p. XXXIV, 


The position of Sri-Vijaya as an important centre of 
Buddhism is also indicated by the biographies of the Chinese 
pilgrims to India which I-tsing has compiled 1 . Quite a large 
number of Chinese pilgrims such as Yun-ki, Ta-tsin, Tcheng- 
kou, Tao-hong, Fa-lang, and others made a prolonged stay in 
Sri-Vijaya, learned the local dialect (Kouen-luen, probably a form 
of Malay) as well as Sanskrit, and engaged themselves in 
collecting, studying, and translating Buddhist texts. We are 
also told that the Chinese pilgrim Hui-ning, on his way to 
India, stopped for three years in Java (Ho-ling), and, in 
collaboration with a local monk called Jnanabhadra, translated 
several scriptural texts. 

It is thus evident that in the seventh century Buddhism and 
Buddhist literature had their votaries in Malayasia, and there 
were in this region important centres of Indian learning and 
culture which attracted foreigners. 

The importance of Sri-Vijaya in this respect deserves, 
however, more than a passing notice. Apart from its position 
as a great centre of Buddhism, it merits distinction as the 
earliest seat of that Mahayana sect which was destined ulti- 
mately to play such a leading part in the whole of Malayasia. 
According to the express statement of I-tsing, quoted above, 
Hinayanism was the dominant religion in Malayasia in his 
time, except in Sri-Vijaya, which contained a few votaries of 
Mahayana. The same writer also refers to the existence of 
YogaSastra (of Asanga) in Sri-Vijaya. All this is fully corrobo- 
rated by the inscriptions of the kings of Sri-Vijaya referred to 
in Chap. VII. The inscription of JayanaSa, dated 684 A. D., 
contains definite references to Mahayanist doctrine. It mentions 
pranidhana and the well-known successive stages of development 
such as (1) the awakening of the thought of Bodhi ; (2) the 
practice of six paraniitas ; (3) the acquisition of supernatural 
power ; and (4) mastery over birth, action (karma), and sorrows 
(kleSa), leading to (5) the final knowledge (anuttarabhisamyak- 

i. 1-tsing Memoire, pp. 60, 63, 159, 182, 187. 


sambodhi). The inscription of JayanaSa is the earliest record in 
Malayasia referring to the Mahayana sect. Taking it along 
with the evidence of I-tsing, we may presume that MahaySnism 
was a recent importation into Sri-Vijaya and had not spread 
much beyond this centre 1 . 

The occurrence of the word 'Vajrasarira' in the inscription 
of Jayanasa leaves no doubt that the Mahayana in Srl-Vijaya 
was of the Tantric form known as Vajrayana, Mantrayana, or 
Tantrayfina. Its further development in Java and Sumatra will 
be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. According to the general 
view of scholars, this cult was developed, mainly in Bengal, 
towards the middle of the seventh century A.D. It is, therefore, 
interesting to observe, first, the rapidity with which new ideas 
travelled from India to the Far East, and secondly, the influence 
exerted by the Buddhists of Bengal over the development of 
Buddhism in Sumatra, an influence, of which more definite and 
concrete evidence is available for the eighth and ninth 
centuries A.D. 

Several eminent Indian Buddhists visited Malayasia and 
helped to spread there the new developments in Buddhism. For 
the seventh century A. D. we have a distinguished example in 
Dharmapala, an inhabitant of Kafici, and a Professor at 
Nalandii, who visited Suvarnadvlpa 9 . Early in the eighth 
century A. D. Vajrabodhi, a South Indian monk, went from 
Ceylon to China, stopping for five months at Srl-Vijaya. He 
and his disciple Amoghavajra, who accompanied him, were 
teachers of Tantrik cult, and are credited with its introduction 
to China 3 . 

The Chinese accounts and stories like those of Gurjavar- 
man*, Dharmapala, and Vajrabodhi clearly indicate that there 
was a regular intercourse between India and Malayasia. A 

1. Cf. Chap. VII. 

2. Kern Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 130. 

3. B. E. F. E. O,, Vol. IV, p. 336. J. A., Vol. 204 ( 1924), P. 242. 

4. See Chap. VI. 


story told in connection with Lang-ga-su 1 shows that there 
was even social intercourse between the two. A brother of the 
king, being expelled from the kingdom, betook himself to India 
and married the eldest daughter of the ruler of that country. 
Indeed, everything indicates a regular, active, and familiar 
intercourse between India and her colonies. It is said with 
reference to Tun-Sun a , a kingdom in Malayasia which cannot 
be exactly located, that "different countries beyond the Ganges 
all come to trade here. To its market people come from east 
and west, and it is visited daily by more than 10,000 men. All 
kinds of valuable goods are found here." 

The Chinese accounts thus corroborate the conclusions we 
derived, in chapter IV, from a study of the Indian literature. An 
active commerce kept up a close and intimate relation between 
India and Malayasia, and supplied a regular channel through 
which religion and social ideas, as well as political institutions 
of India, found their way to those countries. Gradually an 
increasing number of Indians settled down in these colonies, 
and formed a nucleus, round which- the Hindu institutions grew 
up and took a deep root in the soil. 

For, in addition to religion, which might have been due to 
outside missionary propaganda, the influence of Hindu civilisa- 
tion is also clearly marked in the political and social ideas and 
the system of administration. We may refer in this connection 
to a state called Tan-Tan, the exact location of which it is 
difficult to determine. This kingdom sent ambassadors to China 
in 530, 535, and 666 A.D. We get the following account in the 
Chinese annals : 8 "The family name of its king was Kchsatriya 
[ Ksatriya ] and his personal name Silingkia (Sringa). He daily 
attends to business and has eight great ministers, called the 
"Eight Seats", all chosen from among the Brahmanas. The 
king rubs his body with perfumes, wears a very high hat and a 

I. See Chap. V. 2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 119. 

3. T'oung Pao, Ser. I, Vol. X, pp. 460-61 ; B. E, F. E. O., 
Vol. IV, pp. 284-5. 


necklace of different kinds of jewels. He is clothed in Muslin 
and shod with leather slippers. For short distances he rides 
in a carriage, but for long distances he mounts an elephant. 
In war they always blow conches and beat drums." 

We also possess an equally interesting account of the 
court-life of Lang-ya-su 1 . 

"Men and women have the upper part of the body naked, 
their hair hangs loosely down, and around their lower limbs 
they only use a sarong of cotton. The king and the nobles 
moreover have a thin, flowered cloth for covering the upper 
part of their body ; they wear a girdle of gold and golden rings 
in their ears. Young girls cover themselves with a cloth of 
cotton and wear an embroidered girdle. 

"The city-walls arc made of bricks. They have double 
gates and watch-towers. When the king goes out, he rides on an 
elephant. He is surrounded with flags of feathers, banners, 
and drums, and is covered by a white canopy." 

The gorgeous description of the court-life of PVli, which 
we have quoted in the last chapter, corroborates and supplements 
the picture. It is evident that the manners and customs 
of Indian court were reproduced to a large extent in these 
Indian colonies. In one respect alone, there is some divergence. 
It is said that women of Lang-ya-su have the upper part 
of the body naked. This custom, which still prevails in 
Bali, is abhorrent to present Indian notion. It is to bo 
remembered, however, that in our ancient sculptures, the upper 
part of female body is represented as naked, and there are still 
some tribes in India who observe the custom. It is, therefore, 
difficult to say whether the custom was borrowed from India, 
or was only a remnant of the indigenous practices. Speaking of 
dress, it is interesting to note that cotton was the material 
commonly used. The use of its Indian name Karpasa and the 
express mention of Indian cotton in connection with the kingdom 
of Ho-lo-tan, leave no doubt about the origin of the practice. 

I. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 10. 


The use of Cakra (discus) as an offensive weapon is men- 
tioned in connection with P'o-li, as we have seen above. This 
weapon is peculiarly Indian, and the Mahabharata refers to it, 
specially in connection with Krsna or Visnu. That the Indian 
system of warfare was prevalent in the colonies is evident 
from the Chinese account in respect of Ka-la. 1 The description 
given there might apply in toto to any Indian army. 

The following customs of Ka-la, referred to by the Chinese, 
are also Indian in origin 2 . "When they marry they give no 
other presents than areca-nuts, sometimes as many as two 
hundred trays. The wife enters the family of her husband. 
Their musical instruments are a kind of guitar, a transversal 
flute, copper cymbals, and iron drums. Their dead are burned, 
the ashes put into a golden jar and sunk into the sea." 

1. See Chap. V., p. 77. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 122, 

Book II 



Chapter I. 


In the eighth century A.D. most of the small states in 
Malayasia (comprising Malay Archipelago and Malay Penin- 
sula) formed part of a mighty empire. The rulers of this vast 
empire, at least for the first four centuries, belonged to the 
Sailendra dynasty, and we may, therefore, call it the Sailendra 
empire. The current notions about the character and origin of 
this empire differ very widely, and form at present a subject 
of keen controversy among scholars. As it touches the 
very root of the matter, and we shall have to reconstruct the 
history of Sumatra, Java, and Malay Peninsula in altogether 
different ways according as we accept the one view or the 
other, I have discussed in detail these preliminary points in an 
appendix to this section 1 . The history of the Sailendra empire, 
as given below, is based on the views formulated therein. 

Our knowledge of the early history of the Sailendras is 
based solely on four inscriptions. It will be convenient, 
therefore, to begin with a brief summary of these records. 
1. The Ligor Inscription, dated 775 A. D. a 

A stelae, found at ligor, in the Malay Peninsula, to the 
south of the Bay of Bandon, contains two inscriptions on its 
two faces. 

The inscription A begins with eulogy of Srl-Vijayendra- 
raja, and then refers to the building of three brick temples for 

1. A French translation of this was published in the B. E. F. E. O., 
Vol., XXXIII, pp. 121-141. 

2. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XVIII, No. 6, App. I, pp. agff. The inscription 
has been recently re-edited by Mr. B. C. Chhabra ( J. A. S. B. L. Vol. I, 
No. i, pp. 2off.) I do not agree with him that the two portions belong to 
the same record. 


Buddhist gods by Sri-Vijayevarabhiipati. Jayanta, the royal 
priest (rajasthamra) , being ordered by the king, built three 
stupas. After Jayanta's death, his disciple and successor 
Adhimukti built two brick caityas by the side of the three 
caityas (built by the king). In conclusion, it is said, that 
Srl-Vijajanrpati, who resembled Devendra, built the stupas 
here in Saka 697. 

The inscription B, engraved on the back of the stelae, consists 
of only one verse and a few letters of the second. It contains 
the eulogy of an emperor (rajadhiraja) having the name 
Visnu (visnvakhyo). The last line is not quite clear. 1 It seems 
to refer to a lord of the Sailendra dynasty named Sri-Maharaja, 
and though probable, it is not absolutely certain, if this person 
is the same as rajadhiraja having the name Visnu*. 

2. The Kalasan Inscription dated 778 A.D. 3 . 

1. M, Coedes reads the second word in the last line as 'Sailendra- 
Vamfaprabhunigadatah which gives no sense. I proposed to read the 
last word in the compound as nigaditah. But M. Coedes has kindly 
informed me in a letter that there is no trace of i on d. P. Mus 
(B.E.F.E.O., XXIX, 448) has suggested prabha(ba)niga<1atiih. 

2. Mr. B. C. Chhabra has made the same suggestion and 
naturally claims the credit of the discovery. But I wrote this (vide 
J. G. I. S., Vol. I, No. i, p. 12) before I saw his article. I do not agree 
with his identification of this Visnu with Visnuvarman of the Perak seal. 
There are not sufficient grounds to justify it. 

3. This inscription was originally published by Brandes in 1886, 
T.B.G., Vol. 31, pp. 240-60. It was re-edited by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 
in J.Bo.Br.R.A.S., Vol. XVII, part II, pp. i-io. The last revised edition 
is by Bosch, T.B.G., Vol. 68 (1928), pp. 5?ff According to Vogel, there 
are two Sailendra kings referred to in this inscription : the Sumatran 
ailendraraja, whose gurus played an important part in the foundation of 
the Tara temple, and kariyana Panamkurana, the scion of the Sailendra 
dynasty ruling in Java (B.K.I., Vol. 75, p. 634). This is, however, denied 
by Stutterheim who takes the two to be one and the same king of the 
Sailendra dynasty, with whose sanction the temple was built by his gurus 
(B.K.I., 1930, Vol. 86, pp. 567-571)* Vogel has pointed out that kariyana 
is equivalent to the old Javanese rakarayan or rakryan used as the title 
pf a dignified officer, next only to the king. 


The inscription was discovered at the village of Kalasan 
in Jogyakerta district of Java. Its contents may be summed 
up as follows : 

"Adoration to Goddess Srya-Tara. 

"The preceptors (Guru) of the Sailendra king had a 
temple of Tara built with the help (or sanction) of Maharaja 
PaScapana Panamkarana. At the command of the Gurus 
some officers of the king built a temple, an image of Goddess 
Tara, and a residence for monks proficient in Vinaya-Maha- 

"In the prosperous kingdom of the ornament of the Sailendra 

dynasty (Sattendra-ramSa-tilaka), the temple of Tara was 
built by the preceptors of the Sailendra king. In the Saka year 
700, Maharaja Panamkarana built a temple of Tara for the 
worship of Guru (gumpujartham), and made a gift of the 
village of Kalasa to the Samgha. This gift should be protected 
by the kings of the Sailendra dynasty. Srimaii Kariyana 
Panamkarana makes this request to the future kings". 

3. The Kelurak Inscription dated 782 A. D. 1 

The inscription was originally situated at Kelurak, to the 
north of Loro Jongrang temple at Prambanan in Jogyakerta 
district. It is illegible in many parts, and the following 
summary gives us the important points from the historical point 
of view : 

"Adoration to the three jewels (ratnatraya). Praises of 
Buddhist deities. 

"This earth is being protected by the king named Indra, who 
is an ornament of the Sailendra dynasty (Sailendra-vamsa-tilaka\ 

I. Edited by Bosch in T.B.G., Vol. 68 (1928), pp, iff. The 
Kalasan and Kelurak Inscriptions are both written in Indian alphabets 
of the Nagaii type. Several other inscriptions, written in the same 
alphabet, have been found in the same locality, e.g., at Batu-raka, 
Plaosan, and Sajivan, but they are hardly legible and offer no connected 


who has conquered kings in all directions, and who has crushed 
the most powerful hero of the enemy ( Vairi-vara-vlra- 

"By him, whose body has been purified by the dust of the 
feet of the preceptor coming from Gauda (Gaudl-dvlpa-guru)... 

"This image of MaGju&ri has been set up for the welfare of 
the world by the royal preceptor (raja-guru). 

"In the Saka year 704, Kum&raghosha [/.<?., the preceptor 
from Gauda mentioned above] set up this Manjughosha. 

"This pillar of glory, an excellent landmark of religion 
(dharmasettt), having the shape of an image of ManjuSri, 
is for the protection of all creatures. 

"In this enemy of Mara (smararati-nisudana) exist Buddha, 
Dharma, and Samgha. 

"This wielder of Thunder, sung as Svaml Manjuvak, contains 
all the gods, Brahma, Visnu, and MaheSvara. 

"I request the future kings to maintain this landmark of 
religion (dJutrmasetu). 

"The preceptor, who has obtained the reverent hospitality 
(satk&ra) of king Sri-Saiigramadhanafijaya " 

4. The Nalanda copper-plate Inscription dated in 
the 39th year of king Devapala 1 . 

This inscription records the grant of five villages by 
Devapala at the request of the illustrious Balaputradeva, 
king of Suvarnadvlpa. It concludes with a short account of 
Balaputradeva which may be summed up as follows : 

"There was a great king of Yavabhumi ( Yavabhumi-pala), 
whose name signified 'tormentor of brave foes' (Vlra-vairi- 
mathan-aniigat-abhidhftna) and who was an ornament of the 
Sailendra dynasty (Sailendra-ramsa-tilaka). He had a valiant 

I. Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 310. The inscription was also 
published separately by Mr. N. G. Majumdar as a Memoir of the 
Varendra Research Society. 


son (called ) Samaragravira ( or who was the foremost warrior 
in battle). His wife Tara, daughter of king iSrl-Varmasetu l of 
the lunar race, resembled the goddess Tara. By this wife he had 
a son JSii-Biilaputra, who built a monastery at Nalanda". 

The Ligor Inscription B definitely proves the establishment 
of the Sailendra power in the Malay Peninsula. The inscription 
on the other face seems to show that the Sailendras must have 
wrested at least the Ligor region from the kingdom of 
Sii-Vijaya sometime after 775 A. D. a The Kalasan and 
Kelurak inscriptions prove that about the same time the 
Sailendras established their authority in Java. 

Thus during the last quarter of the eighth century A.D. the 
Hindu kingdoms of Sumatra, Java, and Malay Peninsula had 
all to succumb to, or, at least, feel the weight of, this new 
power. The Sailendras ushered in a new epoch in more senses 
than one. For the first time in its history, Malayasia, or the 
greater part of it, achieved a political unity as integral parts 
of an empire, and we shall sec later, how this empire rose to a 
height of glory and splendour unknown before. But the 
Sailendras did more than this. They introduced a new type of 
culture. The new vigour of the Mahayana form of Buddhism, 
and the highly developed art which produced such splendid 
monuments as Candi Kalasan and Barabudur in Java, may be 
mainly attributed to their patronage. The introduction of a 
new kind of alphabet, which has been called the Pre-Nagari 
script, and the adoption of a new name Kalinga for Malayasia, 
at least by the foreigners, may also be traced to the same 

1. Pandit H. Sastrl reads this name as Dharmasetu, but 
Mr. N. G. Majumdar's reading Varmasetu seems to me beyond doubt. 

2. This is the view generally taken, but Dr. H. G. Quaritch Wales 
denies the suzerainty of ri-Vijaya in Malay Peninsula. He takes 
Srl-Vijaya as the name of a kingdom in Malay Peninsula (I.A.L., 
Vol. IX, No. i, p. 4) and refers to the name of 'an ancient site called 
Caiya (i.e. Jaya, a shortened form of Vijaya ; and not far to the south 
is situated 6ri- Vijaya Hill). 1 



Yet, strangely enough, we have as yet no definite 
knowledge of the chief seat of authority of the Sailendras in 
Malayasia. It is generally held that they were originally 
rulers of Sri-Vijaya (Palembang in Sumatra), and extended 
their authority gradually over Java and Malay Peninsula. 
I have discussed this question in the Appendix and tried 
to show how this hypothesis rests on a very weak basis. 
I hold the view that there are far better grounds for the belief 
that the original seat of authority of the Sailendras was either 
in Java or in Malay Peninsula. For the present the question 
must be left open. 

But supposing that cither Sri-Vijaya or Malay Peninsula 
was the nucleus of the Sailendra empire, the question 
arises whether Java was an integral part of the empire 
ruled over by the same king, or whether it formed a separate, 
though subordinate, kingdom under a member of the same 
royal dynasty. The first view would in ordinary circumstances 
appear more reasonable. But two considerations have been 
urged in support of the latter view. In the first place, as we 
shall see later, the Sailendra period in the history of Java 
was the most glorious in respect of the development of art 
and architecture, which reached its climax in the famous 
monument of Barabudur. Now, neither Sumatra nor 
Malay Peninsula has left any monument worth comparison, and 
although the destructive agencies of man and nature may 
account for much, it is impossible to believe that mighty 
monuments like Barabudur could have entirely vanished 
without leaving any trace or memory behind. It is difficult 
to believe, although such a thing may not be altogether 
impossible, that an outlying dependency of such a kingdom 
should produce so magnificent structures. In the second place, 
in the Nalanda copper-plate of Devap&la, Balaputradeva 
is mentioned as the king of Suvarnadvlpa, but his grandfather 
is expressly referred to as a king of Yavabhumi, an ornament 
of the Sailendra dynasty. If Yavabhumi means Java, as is 
commonly accepted, the reference should be taken to mean 


that Java formed a separate state under a member of the same 
dynasty. Mainly on these two grounds, Krom lias laid down 
the hypothesis, that while Java, no doubt, came under the 
sphere of influence of Srl-Vijaya, sooner or later it came 
to form a separate state under a member of the same dynasty 
which ruled over Srl-Vijaya 1 . 

I am unable to concur in this view. As regards the first 
argument, it is not so forcible against Malay Peninsula. In 
addition to the archaeological monuments referred to above 
(pp. 80ff.), Mr. R. J. Wilkinson has noted that here and there 
in the forests of the Siamese Western States are fallen cities 
and temples, the relics of a civilisation that built in imperishable 
stone. He has also referred to other facts which "point to the 
past existence of powerful states and a high standard of wealth 
and luxury in the north of the Malay Peninsula 8 ". Besides, 
it may be easily supposed that the seat of central authority 
was transferred to Java for a period. As to the second 
argument, I have shown in the Appendix that the expression 
Yava-bhumi-pala in the Nalanda copper-plate may lead to u 
very different inference from that of Krom. 

But whatever might have been the original seat of the 
Sailendras, there is no doubt that from the eighth century 
A. D. they were the dominant political power in Malayasia. 
The Sailendra empire is referred to by various Arab writers, 
who designate it as Ziibag, Zabaj, or the empire of Maharaja, 
and describe its wealth and grandeur in glowing terms. 
It is quite clear from these accounts that the authority of 
the king of Zabag extended over nearly the whole of Malayasia, 
and possibly also over the two mighty kingdoms in Lido-China, 
vix. 9 Kamboja (Cambodia) and Champa (Annam). 

1. Krom-Geschiedenis 2 , pp. H2-45- M. Coedes, in a private letter, 
objects to the Malay Peninsula on the following, among other grounds : 
"The Peninsula is as poor in antiquities as Palembang itself." 

2. R. G. Wilkinson, 'A History of the Peninsular Malays' 
ed,)> Singapore, 1923, p. ij. 


As regards Kamboja, we have a tradition preserved by 
the merchant Sulayman, whose account of a voyage in India 
and China was originally written in 851 and published by 
Abfl Zayd Hasan, with additional remarks, about 916 A.D. 
Sulayman gives us the following story 1 : 

"It is said, in the annals of the country of Zabag, that 
in years gone by the country of Khmer came into the hands 
of a young prince of a very hasty temper. One day he was 
seated with the Vizier when the conversation turned upon the 
empire of the Maharaja, of its splendour, the number of its 
subjects, and of the islands subordinate to it. All at once 
the king said to the Vizier : "I have taken a fancy into my 

head which I should much like to gratify I should like to 

see before me the head of the kingofZfibag in a dish " 

These words passed from mouth to mouth and so spread that 
they at length reached the ears of the Maharaja. That king 
ordered his Vizier to have a thousand vessels of medium size 
prepared with their engines of war, and to put on board 
of each vessel as many arms and soldiers as it could carry. 
AVhen the preparations were ended, and everything was ready, 
the king went on board his fleet and proceeded with his troops 

to Khmer The king of Khmer knew nothing of the 

impending danger until the fleet had entered the river which 
led to his capital, and the troops of the Maharaja had landed. 
The Maharaja thus took the king of Khmer unawares and 
seized upon his palace. He had the king brought forth and 

had his head cut off. The Maharaja returned immediately 

to his country and neither he nor any of his men touched 

anything belonging to the king of Khmer Afterwards 

the Mahftrflja had the head washed and embalmed, then putting 
it in a vase, he sent it to the prince who then occupied the 
throne of Khmer." 

i. Elliot History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. i, p.8. 
Ferrand in J.A., II- XX (1922), pp. 58ff., 219$. The story is also 
repeated by Mas'Odf (Ferrand-Textes I, p. 93). 


The story undoubtedly belongs to the domain of folklore, 
but seems to have been based on a real struggle between Zabag 
and the Khmer kingdom 1 of Cambodia. This is confirmed 
by an inscription discovered in Cambodia itself. The 
Sdok Kak Thorn Inscription, written in Sanskrit and Khmer, 
and dated in 974 Saka (=1052 A.D.), tells us that king 
Jayavarman II, who came from Java to reign in the city of 
Indrapura, performed a religious ceremony in order that 
KambujadeSa might not again be dependent on Java 1 . As 
Jayavarman II ruled from 802 to 869 A. D., it follows that 
the Khmer kingdom of Cambodia had come under the influence 
of Java towards the close of the eighth century A. D. Taking 
Java of the inscription to be identical with Zabag of the 
Arabian account, it is reasonable to refer the 'old' story of 
Sulayman to the same period. This fits in well with other 
known facts. We have seen that the Sailendras had 
established their authority over Malay Peninsula and Java 
by 775 and 778 A. D. It is, therefore, quite reasonable 
to hold that they had at least a temporary success 
against the Khmcrs towards the close of the eighth 
century A. D. 

About the same period the fleet of Java raided the coast of 
Annum as far as Tonkin in the north. The Chinese annals refer 
to an invasion of the "March of Tran-nam in 767 A.D. by the 
people of Co-Ion (Kuen-Luen) and of Daba', which Maspero 
identifies with Cho-p'o or Java. 8 In the inscriptions of the 
kingdom of Champa (corresponding to Annam, south of Tonkin), 
several references are made to naval raids by a foreign people, 
and in one case the raiders are named 'forces coming by way of 
sea from Java/ The first reference occurs in Po-Nagar stelae 

1. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XV, Part II, p. 87. 

2. Maspero Le royaume de Champa, pp. 97-98 and p, 98 f. n. 4. 
Da-ba may be equivalent to Arabic Djawag. 


inscription of King Satyavarman dated 706 Saka (=784 A.D.). 
It runs as follows 1 : 

"In the Saka year, denoted by Kosa-nava-rtu (696=774 
A.D.), ferocious, pitiless, dark-coloured people of other cities, 
whose food was more horrible than that of the vampires, and 
who were vicious and furious like Yama, came in ships, took 
away the Mukhalinga of the God (Sambhu, established at 
Kauth&ra by Vicitrasagara), and set fire to the abode of the God, 
as the armed crowds of Daityas did in heaven." 

The same event is referred to in another inscription as 
follows 8 : "Multitudes of vicious cannibals coming from other 
countries by means of ships carried away the images." 

The next reference occurs in Yang Tikuh stelae inscription 
of Indravarman 1, dated 721 Saka (=799 A.D.). Speaking of 
the temple of BhadradhipatlSvara, it says 8 that it was burnt by 
the army of Java coming by means of ships, and became empty 
in the Saka year 709 (=787 A.D.). 

Here, again, we find the fleet of Java raiding the distant coast 
of Champa during the last quarter of the eighth century A.D. 
Although definite evidence is wanting, there are reasons to 
believe that the successive naval raids overthrew the royal 
dynasty of Champa. But even if it were so, the success was a 
shortlived one. For a new dynasty soon established itself in 
Champa*. On the whole, therefore, while there is nothing to 
show that the fleet of Java gained any permanent material 
success in Champa, the circumstances narrated above indicate 
their power, prestige, and daring nature. 

Now the question arises about the identity of Java mentioned 
in the Cham record. It has usually been taken to stand for 
Yavadvlpa, or the island of Java, but it may also be taken as 
equivalent to Arabic Zabag, and thus identical with the Sailendra 
empire. In the present instance, however, it makes but little 

I. R. C. Majumdar Champa, Book III, p, 43. 

3. Ibid,, p. 70. 3. Ibid., p. $o. 4. Ibid, Book J f Ch. V, 


difference whether we identify it with the one or the other ; for, 
as we have seen, Java was at that time either included within 
the empire of the Sailendras, or ruled by a member of the same 
dynasty, and as such there must have been a close association 
between the two, so far at least as the foreign policy was 
concerned. On the whole, therefore, we are justified in regar- 
ding the naval raids as ultimately emanating from the empire 
of the Sailendras. 1 

The emergence of the Sailendras as the leading naval power 
in Indonesia constituted an international event of outstanding 
importance. The Arabian merchant Sulayman concludes his 
story, quoted above, by saying that "this incident raised the 
king (of Zabag) in the estimation of the rulers of India and 

The evidences, collected above, leave no doubt that 
the empire of the Sailendras reached the high-water mark 
of its greatness and glory in the eighth century A. D. The 
following century saw the beginning of the inevitable 
decline. By the middle of the ninth century A.D., their 
supremacy was successfully challenged by the two great 
neighbouring states of Cambodia and Java. We have 
already seen the determined attempt of Jayavarman II of 
Cambodia (802-869 A. D.) to throw off the yoke of the 
Sailendras, and there is no doubt that he was entirely successful 
in that respect. There is no evidence that the Sailendras 
had any pretension of supremacy over that kingdom after 
Jayavarman's time. 

About the same time, the Sailendras lost their hold on 
Java. Unfortunately we know almost nothing of the circum- 

i. It is, of course, possible to regard the naval raiders as mere 
pirates belonging to no country in particular. But the pointed references 
to the raiders as "nnvagatairJava-'vala-samghais" seems to exclude this 
possibility. The expression implies 'an organised force sent from Java 
by way of sea,' and should more reasonably be taken as belonging to 
the ruling authority in Java, 


stances under which the Sailendras lost Java. It is also 
difficult to assign even any approximate date for this event. 
If king Samarottunga, who issued the Kedu inscription in 
A. D. 847, may be identified with king Samaragravira of the 
Nalandii copper-plate, we may presume that the authority of 
the Sailendra kings had continued in Java till at least the middle 
of the ninth century A. D. But this identification cannot be 
held as certain, the more so because a later king of East Java 
also bore the title Samarottunga. In any case the Sailendras 
must have lost their authority in Java by 879 A.D., as we 
find that Central Java was then being ruled over by a king of 
Java belonging to a different dynasty. The middle of the ninth 
century A. D. may thus be regarded as the approximate limit 
of the Sailendra supremacy in Java 1 . 

But, in spite of the loss of Cambodia and Java, the 
Sailendra empire retained its position as a great power, and, 
to the outside world, it was still the greatest political power 
in the Pacific region. 

In addition to the Nalanda copper-plate, which describes 
the Sailendras as rulers of Suvarnadvipa or Malayasia, our 
knowledge of them about this period is derived from the 
accounts left by Arab writers, who, as already remarked, refer 
to their country as Zabag or Zabaj. Jbn Khordadzbeh (844-848 
A. D.) says that the king of Zabag is named Maharaja. His 
daily revenue amounts to two hundred Jiians of gold. He 
prepares a solid brick of this gold and throws it into water, 
saying 'there is my treasure/ A part of this revenue, about 
50 mans of gold per (Jay, is derived from cock-fight. A leg 
of the cock which wins belongs by right to him, and the 
owner of the cock redeems it by paying its value in gold 8 . 

The Arab merchant SulaymSn (851 A. D.) gives a more 
detailed account of the empire of Zabag. He says : "Kalah-bar 

1. The history of the Sailendras in Java will be further discussed 
in Bk. Ill, Ch. I. 

2. J,A., Ser. n. Vol. XX (1922), pp. 52-53- 


(i.e., the country round the Isthmus of Kra in the Malay 
Peninsula) is a part of the empire of Zabag which is situated 
to the south of India. Kalah-bar and Zabag are governed by 
the same king 1 ." 

The same account is repeated by Ibn al-Faklh (902 A.D.) 
who adds that there is no country in the south after Zabag, and 
that its king is very rich*. 

Ibn Rosteh, writing about 903 A. D., remarks : "The great 
king (of Zabag) is called Maharaja i.e., king of kings. He is 
not regarded as the greatest among the kings of India, because 
he dwells in the islands. No other king is richer or more 
powerful than he, and none has more revenue 3 ." 

These Arab writers, as well as several others, such as Isfcak 
bin Imran (died about 907 A. D.) 4 and Ibn Serapion 8 (c. 950 
A.D.), also refer to merchandises exported from Zabag and tell 
us marvellous tales of the country. 

But the most detailed account of Zabag is furnished by 
Aba Zayd Hasan who published, about A. D. 916, the account 
originally written by Sulayman in 851 A. D., with additional 
remarks of his own. He applies the name Zabag both to 
the kingdom and its capital city. His remarks may be 
summed up as follows : 

"The distance between Zabag and China is one month's 
journey by sea-route. It may be even less if the winds are 

"The king of this town has got the title Maharaja. The 
area of the kingdom is about 900 (square) Parsangs. The 

1. Ibid., p. 53. The reference to tin mines in Kalah (or Kelah) 
localises it definitely in the tin-bearing tract of the country extending from 
southern Tennasserim through the greater part of Malay Peninsula. 
Its identification with Kedah is at least highly probable. (Blagden in 
J. Str. Br. R.A.S., No. 81, p. 24). 

2. Ibid., pp. 54-55. 3 , ibid., p . 55. 
4. Ferrand Textes, Vol. I. pp. 53, 288. 5. ibid., p. 112. 



king is also overlord of a large number of islands extending 
over a length of 1000 Parsangs or more. Among the king- 
doms over which he rules are the island called Sribuza 
(=Srl-Vijaya) with an area of about 400 (square) Parsangs, 
and the island called Ram! with an area of about 800 (square) 
Parsangs. The maritime country of Kalah, midway between 
Arabia and China, is also included among the territories of 
Maharaja. The area of Kalah is about 80 (square) Parsangs. 
The town of Kalah is the most important commercial centre 
for trade in aloe, camphor, sandalwood, ivory, tin, ebony, spices, 
and various other articles. There was a regular maritime 
intercourse between this port and Oman. 

"The Maharaja exercises sovereignty over all these islands. 
The island in which he lives is very thickly populated from 
one end to the other. 

"There is one very extraordinary custom in Zabag. The 
palace of the king is connected with the sea by a shallow lake. 
Into this the king throws every morning a brick made of solid 
gold. These bricks are covered by water during tide, but 
are visible during ebb. When the king dies, all these bricks 
are collected, counted, and weighed, and these are entered in 
official records. The gold is then distributed among the 
members of the royal family, generals, and royal slaves according 
to their rank, and the remnant is distributed among the poor 1 ". 

Mas'udl has given some details about Zabag in his work, 
"Meadows of gold" (043 A. D.). Some of his relevant remarks 
are summed up below 2 . 

1. India is a vast country extending over sea and land 
and mountains. It borders on the country of Zabag, which 
is the kingdom of the Maharaja, the king of the islands. 

1. J. A., H-XX. pp. 56ff. The account concludes with the story 
of the struggle between the king of Zabag and the king of Khmer which 
has already been quoted above. 

2. Ferrand Textes, vol. I. Figures within brackets refer to pages 
of this volume. 


Zabag, which separates India from China, is comprised within 
the former country, (p. 92.) 

2. The kingdom of Khmer is on the way to the kingdoms 
of the Maharaja, the king of the islands of Zabag, Kalah and 
Sirandib. (Here follows the story, quoted above, of the 
expedition of the Maharaja against the Khmer king and the 
death of the latter.) (p. 03.) 

3. (The story of tho throwing of a gold bar every day 
into the lake near the palace.) (p. 93.) 

4. Formerly there was a direct voyage between China 
and ports like Slraf and Oman. Now the port of Kalah 
serves as the meeting place for the mercantile navies of the 
two countries, (p. 96.) 

5. In the bay of Champs!, is the empire of the Maharaja, the 
king of the islands, who rules over an empire without limit and 
has innumerable troops. Even the most rapid vessels could not 
complete in two years a tour round the isles which are under 
his possession. The territories of this king produce all sorts 
of spices and aromatics, and no other sovereign of the world 
has as much wealth from the soil. (p. 99.) 

6. In the empire of the Maharaja is the island of Sribuza 
(Srl-Vijaya) which is situated at about 400 Parsangs from 
the continent and entirely cultivated. The king possesses also 
the islands of Zabag, Ramnl, and many other islands, 
and the whole of the sea of Champa is included in his 
domain, (p. 100.) 

7. The country, of which Mandurapatan is the capital, 
is situated opposite Ceylon, as the Khmer country is in 
relation to the isles of the Maharaja, such as Zabag and others, 
(p. 107.) 

The next in point of time is the account given by Ibrahim 
bin Wasif Sah (c. 1000 A. D.) : "Zabag is a large archipelago, 
thickly populated, and with abundant means of livelihood. 
I( is said that the Chinese, ruined by foreign invasions and 


civil wars, came and pillaged all the islands of the Archipelago 
and all their towns. 

"The islands of Zabag are numerous ; one of them, known 
as Sribuza, has an area of 400 (square) Parsangs 1 ". 

Alberuni (c. 1030 A. D.) says : "The eastern islands in 
this ocean, which are nearer to China than to India, are the 
islands of the Zabaj, called by the Hindus Suvarna-dvlpa 
i. e., the gold islands. . . . The islands of the Zabaj are called 
the Gold Country (Suvarna-dvlpa), because you obtain much 
gold as deposit if you wash only a little of the earth of that 
country/ 8 

The accounts of the Arab writers quoted above leave no 
doubt that a mighty empire, comprising a large part of the 
Malay Archipelago and Malay Peninsula, flourished from the 
middle of the ninth to at least the end of the tenth century A.D. 
Thus we must hold that even after the loss of Java and 
Cambodia, the Sailciidra empire continued to flourish for more 
than a century, and Sribuza or Srl-Vijaya formed an important 
and integral part of it. 

The Chinese annals contain references to a kingdom called 
San-fo-tsi which undoubtedly stands for the Sailendra empire. 
We learn from them that several embassies of the Sailendras 
visited China during the tenth century A.D. 

In the year 904 or 905 A.D. the governor of the capital 
city was sent as an ambassador with tribute. The Chinese 
emperor honoured him with a title which means "the General 
who pacifies the distant countries." 3 

In the 9th month of the year 960 A.D., king Si-li hou-ta 
Hia-li-tan sent an ambassador named Li-tche-ti with tributes, 
and this was repeated in the summer of 961. A.D. During the 
winter of 961 A.D. the tribute was sent by a king called 

1. J.A., ii-XX (1922), pp. 63-64. 

2. Sachau 'Alberuni, Vol. I, p. 210, Vol. II, p. 106. 

3. J.A., n-XX (19*2), p. 17, f.n. 


Che-li Wou-ye. These ambassadors reported that the kingdom 
of San-fo-tsi was also called Sien-lieou. 1 

In the spring of 962 A.D. the king Che-li Wou-ye sent to 
China an embassy, composed of three ambassadors, with tribute. 
They brought back several articles from China.* 

Four embassies were sent in 971, 972, 974, and 975 A.D. 

In 980 and 983 A.D., the king Hiu-tchc sent ambassadors 
with tribute. Hia-tche probably stands for the old Malay 
word 'Haji' which means king. 3 

The trade relation with China was also revived in the tenth 
century. In 971 A.D. a regular shipping-house was opened 
at Canton, and two more were later opened at Hangchu and 
Ming-chu. We are told that foreign merchants from Arabia, 
Malay Peninsula, San-fo-tsi, Java, Borneo, Philippine, and 
Champa frequented these places. 41 

In the year 980 A.D., a merchant from San-fo-tsi arrived 
at Swatow with a cargo which was carried to Canton. 5 

Again, in the year 985 A.D., the master of a ship came and 
presented products of his country. 8 

The Arabic and Chinese accounts thus both testify to the 
political and commercial greatness of the Sailcndra empire 
throughout the tenth century A.D. Unfortunately we possess 
very few details of the political history of the kingdom. The 

1. Ibid., p. 17, notes 2 and 3. It is difficult to trace the original 
of the proper names given in Chinese. Ferrand suggests the following : 

(a) Si-li hou-ta Hia-li-tan>=(Malais) Sen kuda Haridana. 

(b) Che-li Wou-ye = ri Wuja. Takakusu, however, takes the 
first name as ri-Kuta-harit or ri-Gupta-harita (Records, p. XLII). 
Ferrand further amends Sien-lieou as Mo-lieou and regards it as 
equivalent to Malayu. Needless to say, these suggestions are purely 
problematical and far from convincing. 

2. J.A., n-XX ;(iQ22), p. 17. f.n. 4. According to Ma-Twan-lin 
this embassy was sent by the king Li-si-lin-nan-mi-je-lai (i.e., Mi-je-lai, 
son of Li-si-lin). 

3. Ibid., p. 18. 4. Rockhill in T'oung Pao, 15 (1914), p. 420. 
5. J.A., ii-XX (1922), p. 18 ; Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 64. 6. Ibid. 


only facts of outstanding importance that arc known to us, in 
outline only, are its relations with Java and with the Cola 
kingdom in South India. 

The History of the Sung dynasty gives us the first 
definite information that we possess regarding the relation 
between the Sailendras and Java since the latter kingdom 
freed itself from the control of the former. We learn from 
this chronicle that in 988 A.D. an ambassador from San-fo-tsi 
came with tribute to China. He left the imperial capital 
in 990 A.D., but, on reaching Canton, learnt that his 
country had been invaded by Cho-p'o (Java). So he 
rested there for about a year. In the spring of 992 AJ). the 
ambassador went with his navy to Champa, but as he did not 
receive any good news there, he came back to China and 
requested the emperor to issue a decree making San-fo-tsi a 
protectorate of China 1 . 

We hardly know anything about the origin and incidents 
of this hostility, which took a serious turn in the last decade 
of the tenth century A. D. But it is not difficult to imagine 
that the relations between the two countries had long been 
hostile, and perhaps there were intermittent fights ; or it may 
be that DharmavamSa, the king of Java, felt powerful enough 
to follow an imperial policy like his neighbour, and this 
naturally brought about a collision between the two. But 
whatever that may be, there is no doubt about the result of 
the struggle. To begin with, the king of Java had splendid 
success and invaded the enemy's country. But his success 
was neither decisive nor of a permanent character. In 1003 
A.D. San-fo-tsi recovered her strength sufficiently to send an 
embassy to China without any hindrance from Java a . In 1006 
AJD. the kingdom of Java was destroyed by a catastrophe, the 
exact nature of which will be discussed in a subsequent chapter 8 . 
So the Sailendra empire was freed from any further fear from 
that quarter. 

I. Ibid , pp. 18-19. 2. Ibid., p. 19. 3. Bk. Ill, Chap, II, 

Chapter II. 


In the eleventh century A.D., the one outstanding fact 
in the history of the Sailendras, known to us, is a long-drawn 
struggle with the powerful Cola rulers of South India. 

The Cola state was one of the three kingdoms in South 
India which flourished from a hoary antiquity. It extended 
along the Coromandcl coast, and its traditional boundaries 
were the Pennar river in the north, the Southern Vellaru 
river on the south, and up to the borders of Coorg on the west. 
The rise of the Pallavas within this area kept the Colas in 
check for a long time. But the Colas re-asserted their 
supremacy towards the close of the ninth century A. D. 
With the accession of Parantaka I in 907 A. D., the Colas 
entered upon a career of aggressive imperialism. By a 
succession of great victories Rajaraja the Great (985-1014 A.D.) 
made himself the lord paramount of Southern India. His 
still more famous son Rajendra Cola (1014-1044 A.D.) 1 raised 
the Cola power to its climax, and his conquests extended 
as far as Bengal in the north. 

The Colas were also a great naval power and this naturally 
brought them into contact with Indonesia. 

At first there existed friendly relations between the Cola 
kings and the Sailcndra rulers. This is proved by an inscrip- 

i. Rajendra Cola was formally associated with his father, in the 
administration of the empire, in 1012 A.D., and his regnal years are 
counted from this date. The dates of Ccla kings in this chapter, where 
they differ from those given by V. A. Smith, are accepted on the 
authority of Prof. K. A. N. Sastri ( Sastri Colas ). 


tion, which is engraved on twenty-one plates, and is now 
preserved in the Leiden Museum along with another of three 
plates. The two records are known respectively as the 
Larger Leiden Grant and the Smaller Leiden Grant, as their 
find-place is not known 1 . 

The Larger Leiden Grant is written partly in Sanskrit, and 
partly in Tamil. The Tamil portion tells us that the Cola king 
Rajaraja, the Great, granted, in the twenty-first year of his reign, 
the revenues of a village for the upkeep of the shrine of Buddha 
in the Culamanivarma-vihara which was being constructed 
by Culamanivarman, king of Kadaram 8 , at Nagapattana. After 
the completion of the necessary preliminaries the deed of gift 
was actually drawn up in the twenty-third year of the reign of 

The Sanskrit portion tells us that Rajaraja RajakeSari- 
varman (i.e. Rajaraja, the Great) gave, in the twenty-first year 
of his reign, a village to the Buddha residing in the Culamani- 
varma-vihara which was built at Naglpattana by iSrl-Mara- 
vijayottungavarman in the name of his father Culamanivarman. 
It further informs us that Mara-vijayottuiigavarman was born 
in the Sailendra family, was the lord of SrI-visaya, had 
extended the suzerainty of Kataha (Srl-visay-adhipatiiia 
Katah-adlripatyam-atanrata), and had 'Makara as the emblem 
of his banner' (Makaradhvajem}. 

We also learn from the Sanskrit portion that after the 
death of Rajaraja, his son and successor Madhurantaka, i.e., 
Rajendra Cola, issued this edict for the grant made by his 

It is obvious from these statements that king Culamani- 
varman of Kataha commenced the construction of a Buddhist 

1. Cf. B.K.I., Vol. 75, pp. 628 ff. The inscription was originally 
edited in Arch. Surv. South India, Vol. IV, pp. 206 ff. A revised edition 
is being published in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXII. 

2. The name is also written as Ki^aram. The name written as 
Cfl|amanivarman in Tamil character is equivalent to CGtfamanivarman. 


Vihara at Nagapattana, modern Negapatam, in or shortly 
before the 21st year of Raja raja when a village was granted by 
the Cola king for its upkeep. King Culamanivarman, however, 
died shortly after, and the Vihara was completed by his son 
and successor Mara-vijayottungavarman. Presumably, king 
Rajaraja also died by that time, and the actual edict for the 
grant was issued by Rajendra Cola. 

The formal grant in the Tamil portion, although not drawn 
up till the 23rd year of Rajaraja, does not mention Mara- 
vijayottungavnrman, but refers only to Cfllamanivarman. This 
fact might be taken to indicate that the latter died after this 
date. But this is very problematical and no great stress need 
be laid upon it. 

This interesting record naturally recalls the Nalanda 
copper-plate of the time of Devapuia. In both cases an Indian 
king grants villages to a Buddhist sanctuary, erected in India 
by a Sailendra king. Both furnish us with names of Sailcndra 
kings not known from indigenous sources. 

Fortunately the present inscription can be precisely dated, 
for the 21st year of Rajaraja falls in 1005 A.D. We thus come 
to know that king Cildamanivarman was on the throne in 1005 
A.D., and was succeeded shortly after by his son Srl-Mara- 
vijayottungavarman. To G. Coedfcs belongs the credit of 
tracing these two names in the Chinese Annals 1 . The History 
of the Sung dynasty gives us the following details about them 8 . 

"In the year 1003 the king Se-li-chu-la-wu-iii-fii-ma-tiau-hwa 
(Sri Cadamanivarmadeva) sent two envoys to bring tribute ; 
they told that in their country a Buddhist temple had been 
erected in order to pray for the long life of the emperor. 

"In the year 1008 the king So-ri-ma-la-p'i (Sri-Mara-vi- 
jayottungavarman) sent three envoys to present tribute". 

Comparing the Chinese and Indian data we can easily put 
the death of Cudamanivarman and the accession of his son 

1. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XVIII, No. 6. p. 7. 

2. Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 65. J.A., ii-XX (1922), p. 19. 


Sri-Msra-vijayottungavarman some time between 1005 and 
1008 A JD. So the relations between the Cola and Sailendra 
kings were quite friendly at the commencement of the eleventh 
century A.D. 

As noted above, the Sanskrit portion of the Leiden Grant 
refers to Srl-Mara-vijayottungavarman as extending the 
suzerainty of Kataha, and lord of Sri-Visaya, while the Tamil 
portion refers to his father only as the king of KadSra or 
Kidara. In spite of Ferrand's criticism 1 there is much to be 
said in support of the view of G. Coed&s, that Kataha, Kad&ra 
or Kidara are all equivalents of Keddah in the western part of 
the Malay Peninsula 8 . It would then follow, that while the 
king Mara-vijayottungavarmadeva ruled over both Srl-Vijaya 
and Malay Peninsula, as is also testified to by the Arab writers, 
the Colas regarded the Sailendras rather as rulers of Malay 
Peninsula, with suzerainty over Srl-Vijaya. 

There were also commercial relations between the two 
countries. An old Tamil poem refers to ships with merchandise 
coming from Kalagam to Kavirippumpaddinam, the great 
port situated at the mouth of the Kaveri river 3 . Kalagam, 
which a later commentator equates with Kadaram, is almost 
certainly to be identified with Keddah which the Arabs 
designate as Kala. 

The friendly relation between the Cola kings and the 
Sailendra rulers did not last long. In a few years hostilities 
broke out, and Rajendra Cola sent a naval expedition against 
his mighty adversary beyond the sea. The details preserved 
in the Cola records leave no doubt that the expedition 
was crowned with brilliant success, and various parts of the 
empire of the Sailendras were reduced by the mighty 
Cola emperor. The reason for the outbreak of hostility, and 
the different factors that contributed to the stupendous success 

i. J.A., ii XX (1922), pp. 50-51. 2. Op. cit, pp. 19 ff, 

3. Quoted by Kanaksabhai in Madras Review (August, 1902). 
Also cf. K. Aiyangar's remarks in J. I. H., Vol. II, p. 347. 


of the most arduous undertaking of the Cola emperor, 
are unknown to us. Fortunately, we have a fair idea of the 
time when the expedition took place, and we also know the 
name of the Sailendra king who was humbled by the 
Indian emperor. These and other details arc furnished by 
the records of the Colas, and a short reference to these 
is necessary for a proper understanding of the subject. 

1. Several inscriptions at Malurpatna, dated in the 23rd 
year of king Rajaraja, record that he was pleased to destroy 

the ships (at) Kandalur Salai and twelve thousand 

ancient islands of the sea 1 . 

The 23rd year of Rajaraja corresponds to A. D. 1007. 
It is, therefore, reasonable to presume that the Colas possessed 
a powerful navy, and started on a deliberate policy of making 
maritime conquests early in the eleventh century A. D. 

2. The Tiruvalangadu plates, dated in the 6th year of 
Rajendra Cola (1017-8 A. D.), contain the following verse 2 : 

1. Nos 128, 130, 131, 132 of Channapatna Taluq, Ep. Cam., 
Vol. IX, Transl., pp. 159-161. 

2. S. I. I., Vol. Ill, Part III, pp. 383 ff. The inscription consists 
of 271 lines in Sanskrit and 524 lines in Tamil. Both the parts are 
expressly dated in the 6th year of Rajendra Cola. But the Sanskrit 
portion is usually regarded as being engraved at a later date. When 
the inscription was first noticed in the Ann. Rep. Arch. Surv. (1903-4. 
pp. 234-5), the following remarks were made: "The Tamil portion of 
Tiruvalangadu plates is dated in the 6th year of Rajendra Cola's reign 
(A.D. ioi6-i7)/ and the Sanskrit portion also refers to the grant having 
been made in the same year. But the conquest of Kajaha, which, as we 
know from other inscriptions of the king, took place in the 15111 or i6th 
year of his reign, is mentioned in the Sanskrit portion. It has, therefore, 
to be concluded that, as in the Leyden Grant, the Sanskrit Prafastt of 
the Tiruvalangadu plates was added subsequently to the Tamil portion 
which actually contains the king's order (issued in the 6th year of his 
reign)." This argument has, however, very little force, for, as we now 
know, there is no reason to place the expedition to Kajaha in the J5th or 
1 6th year, and, as we shall see later, the conquest of Ka^aram is referred 
to in a record of the nth year, and an inscription of the i3th year of 
the king refers to these oversea conquests in detail- 


"Having conquered Kataha with (the help of) his valiant 
forces that had crossed the ocean, (and) having made all kings 
bow down (before him), this (king) (Rajendra Cola) protected 
the whole earth for a long time" (v. 123). 

3. The preambles of inscriptions dated in the regnal 
years 11, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 29, 30, and 32 of Rajendra Cola 

Hultzsch, while editing the inscription, expresses the same view in 
a modified manner. Referring to the conquests recorded in the Sanskrit 
portion he observes : "These conquests of Rajendra Cola are mostly 
recorded in the historical introductions to his Tamil inscriptions dated 
from and after the I3th year of his reign. It may here be noted that 
the Tamil introduction given in lines 131 to 142 below is naturally the 
shorter one, since it belongs to the sixth year of the king's reign ; and 
since it does not include a list of all the conquests mentioned above, it has 
been suggested that the Sanskrit portion of the grant which includes the 
conquests of the later years must be a subsequent addition." (S. /. /. 
Vol. Ill, Fart III, p. 389). 

It must be observed, however, that none of the records of Rajendra 
Cola gives any specific date for any of his conquests, and we can only 
conclude that the conquests must have been made before the date of the 
inscription which first records them. It is, therefore, too risky to assert 
that any particular conquest is of a later date. 

On the other hand, a comparison of the records shows that they 
contain stereotyped official list of conquests, repeated in exactly the same 
words, with additions from time to time in records of later years. This, 
no doubt, is a strong argument in favour of the belief that the 'additional 
conquests' 1 took place after the date of the last inscription which does 
not mention them. 

Judging from the above, the conquest of Ka$aha in the sixth year 
of Rajendra Cola is doubtful as it is not included in the list of conquests 
in inscriptions dated in the 9th and I3th years of his reign. As will 
be shown below, the conquest of Kataha, with a number of other states 
beyond the sea, is mentioned in inscriptions dated in the 13th and 
subsequent years of the reign. 

If, however, the Sanskrit portion of the Tiruvalangadu plates were 
composed after these conquests, it is very difficult to believe that the 
author, who has devoted 40 verses to the conquests of Rajendra Cola, 
would have merely referred to these mighty exploits in only one verse. 


refer to him as ruling over Gange (or Gangai), the East country, 
and Kadaram. 1 

4. An inscription at the temple of Malur in the Bangalore 
district, dated in the 13th year of R&jendra Cola (A.D. 1024-5), 
gives a detailed account of his oversea conquests." 

5. These details are also repeated in many other 
inscriptions dated from the 14th to 27th and 29th to 31st years 
of Rajendra Coladeva. 

6. These details, as given in the Tan j ore inscription 
of Rajendra Cola, dated in his 19th year (A.D. 1030-31), are 
quoted below : 3 

'And (who) ( Rajendra Cola ) having despatched many 
ships in the midst of the rolling sea and having caught 
Sangrama-vijayottimgavarman, the king of Kadaram, along 
with the rutting elephants of his army, (took) the large heap 
of treasures, which (that king) had rightfully accumulated ; 
( captured ) the ( arch called ) Vidyadhara-torana at the 
"war-gate" of the extensive city of the enemy; Srl-Vijaya 
with the "Jewel-gate," adorned with great splendour and the 
"gate of large jewels ;" Pannai, watered by the river ; the 
ancient Malaiyur (with) a fort situated on a high hill ; 
M&yirudingam, surrounded by the deep sea (as) a moat ; 
IlangaSogam undaunted (in) fierce battles; Mappappajam, having 

On the whole, therefore, until more specific evidence is available, 
we accept the clear deduction from the inscription that a naval expedi- 
tion was sent to Kataha before the sixth year, and presumably the 
same is referred to in the record of the nth year. For reasons given 
below, it has to be distinguished from the more elaborate and successful 
expeditions of the I3th year, referred to in Malur and Tanjore 

1. For these and other inscriptions of Rajendra Cola referred to 
below, cf. the list of inscriptions, arranged according to regnal year, in 
'Sastri-Colas,' pp. 5300. 

2. No. 84 of Channapatna Taluq (Ep. Cam., IX, pp. 148-50), 

3. S. I. I., Vol. II, pp. 105 ff. (Some corrections were made later, 
in Ep., Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 231-2) ; cf. also 'Sastri-Colas' pp. 254-5. 


abundant (deep) waters as defence ; Mevilimbangam, having fine 
walls as defence ; Valaippanduj-u, possessing (both) cultivated 
land (?) and jungle ; Talaittakkolam, praised by great men 
(versed in) the sciences ; Madamalifigam, firm in great and 
fierce battles ; IlamurideSam, whose fierce strength was subdued 
by a vehement (attack^ ; M&nakkavaram whose flower-gardens 
(resembled) the girdle (of the nymph) of the southern region ; 
KadSram, of fierce strength, which was protected by the 
neighbouring sea/ 

7. In an inscription at Mandikere, dated 1050 A.D., 
Rajendra Cola is said to have conquered Gangai in the north, 
Ilafigai in the south, Mahodai on the west, and Kadaram on 
the east 1 . 

8. The Kanyakumarl inscription (verse 72) of the 7th 
year of Virar&jendra contains the following statement about 
Rajendra Cola. 

"With (the help) of his forces which crossed tho seas, 

he (Rajendra Cola) burnt Kajaha that could not be set 

fire to by others*". 

In the light of the above records, the long passage in the 
Tanjore inscription (No. 6) seems to indicate that Rajendra 
Cola defeated the king of Kadara, took possession of various 
parts of his kingdom, and concluded his compaign by taking 
Kadara itself. In other words, the various countries, mentioned 
in the passage, were not independent kingdoms, but merely 
the different subject-states of SaAgr&ma-vijayottungavarman, 
ruler of Kadara and ^n-Vijaya 5 . 

We must, therefore, try to identify these geographical 
names, with a view to understand correctly the exact nature 

1. No. 25 of Nelamangaia Taiuq (Ep. Cam,, p. 33). 

2. Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. Ill, Part I, p. 157. 
Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 45-46, 54- 

3. This view, originally propounded by Hultzsch ( cf. p. 173, 
. n. 3), is accepted by Venkayya (Arch. Surv. Burma. 1909-10, p, 14) and 

(B.E.F.E.O, Vol, XVIII, No. 6, pp. 5-6). 


of Rajendra Cola's conquests, and, indirectly, also of the empire 
of Sangr&ma-vijayottuftga. 

It is needless now to refer to the various suggestions and 
theories in this respect, that wore made from time to time, 
till the ingenious researches of Coedfcs put the whole matter in 
a clear light 1 . Although some of the conclusions of Ccedfcs 
are not certainly beyond all doubt, his views are a great 
improvement on his predecessors, and we cannot do better 
than accept his results, at least as a working hypothesis. We 
therefore sum up below the views put forward by Coedfes 
with some modifications necessitated by later researches*. 

PANNAI. This country is probably identical with Pane 
which Nagarakrtagama includes among the states of Sumatra, 
subordinate to Majapahit. Gerini places it at modern Pani 
or Panci on the eastern side of the island of Sumatra 8 . 

MALAIYUR. This is, no doubt, the same as the country 
known as Malayu, which is sometimes written with a V at 
the end (as in this instance and in some Arab texts), and 
sometimes without it. The identification of this place has 
formed a subject of keen and protracted discussion*. It has 
been located both in the eastern as well as in the western 
coast of Sumatra, and even in the southern part of Malay 
Peninsula. We learn from I-tsing that it was fifteen days' 

1. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XVIII, No. 6. For previous theories, cf. S.I.I., 
Vols. II, p. 106 III, pp. 194-5 i Ann. Rep, Arch. Surv. 1898-99, p. 17 ; 
1907-8, p. 233 ; Madras Review, 1902, p. 251 Arch. Surv. Burma, 1906-7, 
p. 19 ; 1909-10, p. 14 ; 1916-17, p. 25. 

2. These are indicated by references to later authorities in footnotes. 
Unless otherwise indicated, the statements in the text are based upon 
Ccedes' article (op. cit). 

3. Gerini Researches, p. 513. 

4. Pelliot, B.E.F.E.O., IV, pp. 326 ff. ; Gerini Researches, pp. 
528 ff, ; Ferrand, J.A., 1I-XI, (1918), pp. 391 ff., and II-XII, (1918)., pp. 


Journey by sea from SrI-Vijaya 1 and was conquered by this 
state some time between 672 and 705 A.D. 

The Dutch scholars, however, agree in identifying it with 

MlYIRUDINGAM. Taking the first syllable ma as 
equivalent to Sanskrit maha, Yirudihgam has been identified 
with Je-le-ting of Chau Ju-kua. Schlcgel identified this 
place with Jcluion in the island of Banka, 8 while Gerini 
proposed various identifications, viz., with (1) Jelutong at the 
south-west of Jambi, (2) Jelutong in Johorc, and (3) Jelutong in 
Selangort. Coedfcs concludes from a passage of Chau Ju-kua's 
book that it must be looked for in the centre of the Malay 
Peninsula, and belongs to the northernmost group of states 
(in the Malay Peninsula) which wore subordinate to the 
Sailendra empire. Rouffaer, on the other hand, locates it in 
the extreme south-east of the Peninsula near Cape Rumenia 5 . 

ILANGASOGAM. For the identification of this place, see 
ante pp. 71 ff. 

MA-PPAPPALAM. Vonkayya was the first to point out 
that this country is mentioned in Mahavamsa". There 
it is referred to as a port in the country of Ramaiinadesa. 
But as the authority of the king of Pagan extended far to 
the south, the location of this place in the western part of 
the Isthmus of Kra is not barred out. Rouffaer identifies it 
with 'Great Pahang". 

1. Ccedes says that according to I-tsing Malayu was in the imme- 
diate neighbourhood (voisinage immediat) of Che-li-fo-che. This is 
hardly accurate. 

2. Rouffaer, B.K.I., Vol. 77 (1921), pp. u ff. See ante, p. 120. 

3. T'oung Pao (1901), p. 134, 4. Gerini-Researches, pp. 627, 826. 

5. Rouffaer, B.K. I,, Vol. 77 (1921), pp. n ff. 

6. Ann. Rep. Arch. Surv., 1898-9, p. 17 ; Arch. Surv. Burma, 1909- 
10, p. 14. 

7. B.K.I., Vol. 77 (192 1), p. 83- 


MEVILIMBANGAM. M. Sylvain L^vi identifies it with 
Karmaranga, the Kama-larika of Hiuen Tsang, and places it in 
the Isthmus of Ligor 1 . 

VALAIPPANDURU. Rouffaer identifies it with Pandurang 
or Phanrang 8 , but this is very doubtful. 

TALAITTAKKOLAM. It is almost certain that the 
country is identical with Takkola of Milindapanha and Takola 
of Ptolemy, the word 'Talai' in Tamil signifying 'head' or 
'chief . It must be located in the Isthmus of Kra or a little 
to the south of it 3 . 

MA-DAMALINGAM. A short inscription found in 
Caiya refers to a country called Tambralinga, which is to 
be located on the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula, between 
the Bay of Bandon and Nagar Sri Dharmaraja (Ligor). 
Damalingam has been identified with Tambralingam, ma being 
equivalent to maha. It is evidently the same as Tan-ma-ling 
which Chau Ju-kua includes among the tributary states of 

ILlMUEIDESAM. Leaving aside the initial i which is 
often prefixed in Tamil to foreign names, this can be easily 
identified with Lamuri of the Arab geographers, and Lambri 
of Marco Polo, situated in the northern part of Sumatra. 
This country, under the form Lan-wu-li, is included among 
the tributary states of San-fo-tsi by Chau Ju-kua. 

Ml-NAKKAVARAM. Taking the first syllable as 
equivalent to maha, the place can be easily identified with 
Nikobar islands. The form Necuveran, used by Marco Polo, 
closely resembles Nakkavaram. 

1. J.A., Vol. CCIII (1923). See ante, pp. 74-5, 

2. B.K.I., Vol. 77(1921), p. 82. 

3. There is a vast literature on 'Takkola 1 . In addition to the 
authorities cited by Coedes, I may refer to the views of S. Le*vi (Eftudes 
Asiatiques, Vol. II, pp. 3 ff.). 



KATAHA, KADlRAM, KIPlRAM. M. Ccedfes has 
shown good grounds to prove that Kataha is the same as 
Kie-tcha referred to by the Chinese as a port as early as 7th 
century A.D. The same place is referred to in later times 
as Kie-t'o and Ki-t'o, which may be equated to Kada and 
Kido. As the change of a lingual' to liquid' was very common 
in those days, the same place may be identified with Kalah 
or Kilah of Arab geographers, and also with Ko-lo, which Kia 
Tan places on the northern side of the Straits of Malacca, 
and Sin t'ang Chou places at the south-east of P'an-p'an. All 
these different names thus correspond, both phonetically and 
geographically, to the modern Keddah. In a Tamil poem it is 
referred to as Kalagam. 

It has been seen above that Ilafigaogam is also to be 
placed in Keddah. But as Ilangalogam or Gimong Jerai is 
placed too far in the south of Keddah, Koddah is also 
named separately. It may be mentioned that in 
Nagarakrtagama both Keddah and Lenkasuka are named 
as vassal states of Majapahit 1 . 

The detailed discussion clearly shows that Rajcndra 
Cola's conquests extended practically over the whole of the 
eastern coast-region of Sumatra, and the central and southern 
parts of Malay Peninsula, and included the two capital cities 
Kataha and Srl-Vijaya. That the story of this victory is not 
merely an imagination of the court-poets, but based on facts, 
is proved, beyond all doubt, by the detailed references to the 
vassal states. It is interesting to note that many of these 
states are included in the Sailendra empire (San-fo-tsi) by 
later Chinese authorities like Chau Ju-kua. a 

The date of this decisive victory can be ascertained with 
tolerable certainty. The Ins. No. 4, quoted above, shows that 
it must have taken place not later than the 13th year of 

1. Nagarakrtagama, Ch, 16, vv. 13-14* 

2. Chau Ju-kua's account will be dealt with in the next chapter. 


Rfijendra Cola, Now, the Tirumalai inscription, 1 dated in 
the same year, gives an account of his inland conquests, 
but does not contain a word about his oversea conquests. 
If, for example, one compares the Tanjorc Ins. (No. 6 above) 
with the Tirumalai Ins., it would appear that the former 
repeats, word for word, the entire passage in the latter, 
describing the inland conquests of Rftjendra Cola, and then 
adds the passage, quoted above, describing his oversea 
conquests. It may, therefore, be reasonably presumed, that 
these oversea conquests had not taken place at the time the 
Tirumalai inscription was recorded. As the Tirumalai 
inscription is dated in the 13th year, we may presume that 
these conquests took place during the short interval between 
the drafting of this record and that of the Inscription No. 4. 
In other words, the oversea conquests of Rfijeudra Cola took 
place in the 13th year of his reign, i.e., A.D. 1024-5, possibly 
during its latter part. We may, therefore, provisionally accept 
A.D. 1025 as the date of the great catastrophe which befell 
the Sailcndra empire. 

But, according to the plain interpretation of the Inscription 
No. 2, quoted above, the hostility broke out much earlier, and 
as early as 1017-18 A. D., or some time before it, a naval 
expedition was sent against Kataha. There is nothing 
surprising in it, for the Inscription No. 1, quoted above, clearly 
shows that as early as 1007 A.D., the Colas had begun an 
aggressive imperialistic policy to obtain mastery of the sead. 

Although it is impossible now to ascertain exactly the 
cause of either the outbreak of hostility, or the complete 
collapse of the Sailendra power, reference may be made to 
at least some important factors which contributed to the one 
or the other. According to the Cola records, the conquest of 
Kalinga and the whole eastern coast up to the mouth of the 
Ganges was completed before the oversea expedition was 
sent. Prof. S. K. Aiyangar concludes from a study of all 

j. Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 229 ft. 


the relevant records that the actual starting-point of the 
oversea expedition was in the coast-region of Kalinga. 1 
Prof. Aiyangar infers from this fact that the conquest of 
KaliAga was undertaken by Rajendra Cola as it "was parti- 
cularly necessary in view of the oversea expedition that 
must have become necessary *or some reason or other." He 
holds further "that the Kaliiigas were possibly rivals in the 
oversea empire in connection with which the oversea 
expedition was actually undertaken. " 

Now these two statements are somewhat vague and, 
perhaps, even contradictory. But it is quite clear that the 
conquest of Kalinga and the whole coastal region furnished 
the Cola emperor with ample resources for his oversea 
expedition. The mastery over the ports of Kalinga and 
Bengal gave him well-equipped ships and sailors, accustomed 
to voyage in the very regions which he wanted to conquer. 
The naval resources of the whole of the eastern coast of 
India were thus concentrated in the hands of Riijendra 
Cola, and it was enough to tempt a man to get possession 
of the territory, which served as the meeting ground of the 
trade and commerce between India and the western countries 
on the one hand, and the countries of the Far East on the 
other. The geographical position of the Sailendra empire 
enabled it to control almost the whole volume of maritime 
trade between western and eastern Asia, and the dazzling 
prospect which its conquest offered to the future commercial 
supremacy of the Colas seems to be the principal reason of 
the oversea expedition undertaken by Rajendra Cola. But 
it is the conquest of the eastern coastal regions of India that 
alone brought such a scheme within the range of practical 

For the time being, the success of the Colas seemed 
to be complete, but, from the very nature of the case, it 
could not have possibly continued for long. The task of 

I. J. I. H., Vol. II, p. 345- 


maintaining hold upon a distant country across the sea was 
too great to be borne by the successors of Rfljendra Cola, 
and they had too many difficulties at home to think of the 
empire abroad. Rajftdhiraja, the eldest son of Rajendra, 
succeeded him in A.D. 1044. His whole reign was a period of 
unceasing struggle with the neighbouring powers, and he himself 
fell fighting with the Calukyas at the battlefield of Koppam in 
A.D. 1054. VirarSjendra, who ascended the throne in 1003 A.D., 
no doubt inflicted a severe defeat upon the Calukyas, but his 
death in 1070 A. D., followed by a disputed .succession and 
civil war, seriously weakened the prestige and authority of the 
Colas. To make matters worse, Kalinga freed itself from the 
yoke of the Colas, and this crippled the naval resources of 
that power. The supremacy of the Colas was revived to a 
considerable extent by KulottuAga Cola ( 1070-1119 ), the 
grandson (daughter's son) of the famous Rajendra Cola. Ho 
reconquered Kalinga and established peace and prosperity 
over his extensive dominions during a long reign of 49 years 1 . 

The relation between the Colas and the Sailendras, and 
of both to China, during the period of nearly eighty years 
(1044-1119 A. D.), of which a short historical sketch has been 
given above, is referred to in Cola inscriptions and Chinese 
documents. We give below a short summary of them before 
drawing any general conclusions. 

I. Cola Inscriptions 

(a) The Perumber Ins. of Virari5jendradcva 8 dated in 
his 7th year (A. D. 1069-70) states : 

"Having conquered (the country of) Kadaram, (he) was 
pleased to give (it) (back) to (its) king who worshipped (his) 
feet (which bore) ankle-rings." 

1. V. A. Smith, Early History of India (3rd. ed.), pp. 467-8. Some 
of the dates are given on the authority of Prof. N. Sastri (Sastri-Colas 

P- 293)- 

2. S. I. I., Vol. III. Part II, p. 202. Prof. N. Sastri refers to this 

and another record of the seventh year (175 of 1894). These, according 


(b) The Smaller Tamil Leiden Grant 1 dated in the 20th 
ytar of Kulottunga Cola (1089-90 A. D.) says : 

"At the request of the king of KidSra, communicated by 
his envoys Rsjavidyadhara Samanta and Abhimanottuftga 
Samanta, Kulottunga exempted from taxes the village 
granted to the Buddhist monastery called Sailendra- 
Cfldamanivarma-vihara (i. e. the one established by king 
Calamanivarman as referred to in the Larger Leiden Grant )." 

II. Chinese Documents 

The following account is given by Ma-T wan-Lin in respect 
of an embassy from Pagan in A. D. 1106 s . 

(a) "The Emperor at first issued orders to accord them 
the same reception and treat them in the same way as was 
done in the case of the ambassadors of the Colas (Chu-lien). 
But the President of the Board of Rites observed as follows : 
"The Cola is a vassal of San-fo-tsi. That is why in the year 
hi-ning (A. D. 1068-1077) it was thought good enough to write 
to the king of that country on a strong paper with an envelope 
of plain silk. The king of Pagan, on the other hand, is ruler of 
a grand kingdom " 

The History of the Sung dynasty gives the following 
accounts of embassies from San-fo-tsi. 

(b) "In 1017 the king Ha-ch'i-su-wu-chVp'u-mi sent 
envoys with a letter in golden characters and tribute When 

to him, ''mention that Virarajendra conquered Kaclaram on behalf of a 
king who had come in search of his aid and protection, and handed it 
over to him." (Sastri Colas, p. 332). Prof. Sastri does not explain 
why he differs from Hultzsch. As regards the date of Virarajendra, 
Sastri gives it as A.D. 1063-69 on p. 293, but says, on p. 338, that he 
died in 1070 A.D. On p. 341, the ;th year of his reign is regarded as 
equivalent to A.D. 1068-9. 

1. Arch. Surv. of South India, Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff. A revised 
edition is being published in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXII. 

2. D'Hervey de Saint Denys Meridionaux, p. 586, quoted by 
Cgtdts, B.E.F.E.O., XVIII, No. 6, p. 8, and Gerini-Researches, pp. 624-2$. 


they went back, an edict was issued addressed to their king, 
accompanied by various presents. 1 " 

(c) "In 1028, the 8th month, the king Si-li-tieh-hwa (Sri 
Deva?) sent envoys to carry tribute. The custom was that 
envoys from distant countries, who brought tribute, got a 
girdle adorned with gold and silver, but this time girdles 
entirely of gold were given to them.'" 

(d) "In 1067 an envoy, who was one of their high chiefs, 
called Ti-hwa-ka-la, arrived in China. The title of Great 
General who supports obedience and cherishes Renovation 
was given to him, and he was favoured with an imperial 
edict. 3 " 

(e) "During the period Yuan-fung (1078-1085) envoys 

came from the country bringing silver, pearls The 

letter they brought was first forwarded to the court from 
Canton, where they waited until they were escorted to the 
capital. The Emperor remembered that they had come very 
far, he gave them liberal presents and then allowed them 
to return." 

"The next year he gave them 64,000 strings of cash, 15,000 
taels of silver and favoured the two envoys who had come 
with honorary titles.*" 

(f) "In 1082 three envoys came to have an audience from 
the emperor and brought golden lotus-flowers etc. They all 
received honorary titles according to their rank. 5 " 

(g) "In 1083 three other envoys came, who all received 
honorary titles according to their rank. " 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 65. Ferrand restores the name of the 
king as "Haji Sumatrabhumi" the king of Sumatra (J. A., ii-XX,i922, 
p. 19 and f.n. 3. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 65-66, Hoth Groeneveldt and Ferrand 
(J. A., n-XX, 1922, p. 20) restore the name as rl Deva. 

3. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 66. Both Groeneveldt and Ferrand 
(op. cit.) restore the name as 'Deva Kala 1 . Coedes suggests 'DivSkara' 
(B.E.F.E.O., Vol, XXI I J, p. 47o). 

4. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 66. 5. Ibid. 6. Jbid. 


(h) "In the period Shau-Sheng (1094-97) they made their 
appearance once again 1 ." 

Cola embassies to China 

(i) According to Ma-Twan-Lin, an embassy sent by 
Lo-cha-lo-cha, king of Chu-lien, reached China in A.D. 1015". 
Gerini restores this name as Rajaraja, (the Great) 8 . 

(j) According to the Sung-Shih, two kings of Chu-lien 
sent embassies with tribute to China : Shih-li-lo-cha-yin-to-lo- 
chu-lo in A.D. 1033, and Ti-wa-kalo in A.D. 1077.* Prof. 
S. K. Aiyangar has restored the first name as SrI-Rajcndra 
Cola 8 . 

Now, the fact, that some time before A.D. 1069-70 Vlra- 
rajendra conquered Kadaram ( I-a ), shows that the country 
had regained independence in the meanwhile/ It would 
thus appear that, for nearly half a century since 1024-5, when 
Rajendra Cola first conquered the country, the struggle 
between the two continued with varying degrees of success. 

Even the restoration of the king of Kadaram, after he had 
acknowledged the suzerainty of Virarajcndra, does not 
seem to have ended the struggle. On the one hand Kulottunga 
Cola, the successor of Virarajcndra, claims to have destroyed 
Kadaram, 7 on the. other hand the Chinese represent the Cola 
power to be subordinate to Sri-Vijaya (Il-a). This conflicting 
statement perhaps indicates the continuance of the struggle, 
with alternate success and reverse of both parties. 

The embassy from Kadaram to the Cola king in A.D. 1089- 
90 (I-b) seems to mark the beginning of a new era of good- 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 67. 

2. D'Hervey de Saint Denys Meridionaux, p. 574. 
3 Gerini Researches, p. 609, f,n. 2. 

4. J.R.A.S., 1896, p. 490 f.n. 5. J. I. H,, Vol. II, p. 353. 

6. Prof. Aiyangar informs me, in a letter, that even RajadhirSja I, 
the successor of Rajendra Cola, claimed conquest of Kadaram. 

7. J.I. H,, Vol. II., p. 355. 


will and friendship between the two states. But if the 
Chinese statement that "Cola is a vassal of San-fo-tsi" be true 
of the year 1106 A.D., when it was recorded, it would indicate 
the renewal of hostile relation between the two. 

On the whole, it would be safe to assume that in spite of 
the arduous nature of the task, the Cola emperors tried to 
maintain their hold on the distant oversea empire, at least for 
nearly a century. It would be too much to assume that they 
could ever hope to exercise a rigid control over the distant land. 
The utmost they could fairly expect was to have their suzer- 
ainty acknowledged by the king of Kadaram. The latter must 
have seized every possible opportunity to shake off even this 
nominal sovereignty of the Colas. On the other hand, the 
Coin emperors were unwilling to give up altogether their 
pretension of suzerainty, and able monarchs like Vlrarajendra 
and Kulottuiiga would occasionally fit out a naval expedition 
to re-establish their authority beyond the sea. 

In spite of the claims of the Colas to have destroyed 
Kadaram, that kingdom never ceased to function as a separate 
state. This is proved by the regular despatch of embassies to 
the court of China throughout the eleventh century A. 1). 
(II. b-h.). 

The embassy of 1017 was sent by a king, whose Chinese 
name has been restored by Fcrrand as Haji-Sumatrabhiimi or 
king of Sumatrabhumi (Il-b). It must be regarded as some- 
what unusual that this general term is substituted for the 
proper name of the king which was used in case of the two 
immediately preceding embassies. 

The next embassy was sent in A. D. 1028 by a king, whose 
name seems to correspond to Srl-Deva (II-c). The Cola 
emperor must have conquered Kadaram shortly before this date, 
and it may be presumed that this Srl-Deva refers to him or to 
his viceroy. It is to be noted that the Chinese emperor showed 
unusual honours to the envoy. This is perhaps due to the 
mighty fame of Kajendra Cola, who himself sent an envoy to 
the Chinese court, five years later (Il-i). 


The envoy, who visited the imperial court in 1067 A. D., 
is called Ti-hwa-ka-la (Il-d), and is described as a high 
dignitary. It is interesting to note that the Cola king, who sent 
an embassy to China 10 years later, was also called Ti-wa-ka- 
lo (II-j). Now, this Cola king is undoubtedly Rajendra-Deva- 
Kulottunga, and the Chinese name was made up of its second 
and third parts (Deva-Kulo 1 ). 

It is not impossible that this Kulottunga was also the 
envoy, a high dignitary, who visited the imperial court in 
1067 A.D. The history of the early years of Kulottunga lends 
support to this view. He was the daughter's son of Rajendra 
Cola, and his father was the ruler of Vengl. But when his 
father died in c. A.D. 1061-2, he did not, or, perhaps, could 
not succeed him, and indeed his position about that period is a 
mystery. Prof. S. K. Aiyangar writes : "One would naturally 
expect this Rajendra (Kulottunga) to succeed his father, when 
he died in 1061-62 or the next year. In all the transactions 
about the appointment of Vijayaditya VII as Viceroy of Vengl 
we do not hear of the name of Kulottunga 9 ". 

Then, again, the early inscriptions of Kulottunga affirm 
that he "gently raised, without wearying (her) in the least, the 
lotus-like goddess of the earth residing in the region of the 
rising sun." Prof. 8. K. Aiyangar, although unaware of the 
identity of the two names Ti-wa-ka-lo (the Cola king) and 
Ti-hwa-ka-la, the envoy of San-fo-tsi, remarked as follows on 
the above inscription : "This land of the rising sun cannot well 
be the country of Vengl, and if the conquest of part of Burmah 
(sic) by Rajendra I is accepted, as it must now be, this would 
only mean that Rajendra Kulottunga distinguished himself as a 
prince in the eastern exploits of his grandfather, cither during 

1. This identification was proposed by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar 
(J. I. H., Vol. II, p. 353). 

2. 'Ancient India', p. 129. For further discussion on this point 
cf. Sastri-Colas, Chap. XII. 


Rajendra Cola's reign or under Virarajendra when he 
reconquered Kadaram 1 ". 

For 'Burmah' in tho above passage we must now read 
Kadaram. Now, since Kulottunga ruled till 1119 A. D., 
it is impossible to believe that he was old enough in A. D. 
1024-5 to accompany his grandfather Rajendra Cola. The 
reference is therefore possibly to the expedition of Vira- 
rajendra which took place some time before A. D. 
1069-70 (I-a). This fits in with the date of the embassy, 
viz., A. D. 1067. 

If this view be correct, we must hold that Virarajendra's 
conquest was an effective one, and, for some time at least, 
the Colas definitely occupied the kingdom of Kadarani. 
Kulottunga evidently held a very high position in the conquered 
province, and possibly paid a visit to China as an ambassador 
from Kadaram, with a view to establish a friendly relation with 
that power. All these, however, must be regarded as pure 
hypotheses for the present. 

Kulottunga must have returned to India shortly after, 
as he ascended the Cola throne in 1070 A, D., and the 
Perumbar Ins. (I-a) indicates that, before doing so, he 
reinstalled the king of Kadaram, after the latter had paid homage 
and fealty to the Cola emperor*. 

Once back in his country, Kulottunga was faced with a 
grave political crisis, as rioted above. Evidently the king of 
Kadaram took advantage of this to free himself from the yoke 
of the Colas. Possibly he came out successful in some 
engagements with the Colas, and pretended to have established 

1. Ibid., pp. 130-31. Prof, N. Sastri characterises this view as 
'wide of the mark' (op. cit, p. 348 f.n.), but such possibilities should not 
be altogether discounted at the present state of our knowledge. 

2. In addition to what is contained in foot-note 2 on p. 1 88 about 
the grandson of Raja Suran (Cola), the stories of the Cola conquest of 
Malaya occur in other legends (cf. J, Mai. Br. R.A.S., 1926, p. 413 ; 

pp. I ff.). 


his suzerainty over the latter. 1 The Chinese who got their 
information from San-fo-tsi were thus misled into the belief 
that Cola was a vassal of Sri-Vijaya (Il-a). For, it is 
difficult to believe, in the absence of any positive evidence, 
that the king of Kadaram could have established any sort of 
political supremacy over the Colas. 

The successive embassies in 1078, 1082, 1083, and 1094 
(II, e-h) indicate that after the storm of the Cola invasion 
had blown over, Kadaram resumed its normal relationship with 
the Chinese court. 

The political supremacy of the Colas in the Far East, 
for a period extending over more than half a century, is, perhaps, 
echoed in the Malayan tradition about the mythical expedition of 
Raja Suran [Cola?] down the Malay Peninsula 3 . It is 
further indicated by some records in Sumatra. A Tamil 
inscription has been discovered at Lobu Tua near Baros in 
Sumatra. It is dated in 1088 A. D., and refers to the 
organisation, activities, and mythological beliefs of the Corpora- 
tion of Fifteen Hundred 3 . There is no doubt that this was a 
Tamil corporation of the type of Bananja. Nanadesi, Valangai, 

1. It is also possible that the king of Kadaram took possession of 
some territories in Sumatra or Malay Peninsula which was being ruled 
over by the Colas. 

2. A History of Perak by R. O. Winstedt and R. J. Wilkinson, 
p. 4. The authors think that the Cola raid is alluded to in the account 
of the conquest by a Raja Suran of Gangganegara, whose fort still exists 
inland at the Dindings, a little above Perak. A grandson of Suran 
is also said to have founded Singapore. The story is given in full in 
Sejarah Malayu which refers to Deman Lebar Daun, the King of 
Palembang, as a descendant of Raja Sulan (J. A. ii-XI, p. 483). Tales 
of friendly correspondence between Malayan and Indian kings may also 
be attributed to the relations of the Colas with Malayasia. This point 
was first noted by Biagden (J. Str. Br. R. A. S., No. 81, p. 26). 

3. O. V. 1914, p. 113. Not. Bat. Gen., 1892, p. 80. The 
Inscription has been translated into English by Prof. K. A. N. Sastri in 
T.B. G., Vol. 72 (1932) PP- 3M ff. 


Idangai etc., whose activities as trade-unions are frequently 
referred to in South Indian records 1 . According to an 
inscription found at Baligami in the Mysore state, the members 
of these unions were "brave men, born to wander over many 
countries ever since the beginning of the Kpta age, penetrating 
regions of the six continents by land and water-routes, and 
dealing in various articles such as horses and elephants, 
precious stones, perfumes and drugs, either wholesale or 
in retail 2 ." It may be noted here that a Vaisnava Temple 
was built at Pagan by the NanadeSis (merchants dealing with 
various countries). 3 

Another inscription at Porlak Dolok, in Padang Lawas, 
and dated probably in A. D. 1245, is partly written in Kavi 
script, and partly in Indian, probably South Indian, alphabet*. 
A third inscription, at Bandar Bapahat, belonging to the 
Majapahit period, is written in Kavi, and then reproduced in 
South Indian Grantha character. 5 

In addition to these records, the intimate intercourse 
between South India and Sumatra is further indicated, partly 
by common ceremonials, and partly by the identity of some 
Batak clan-names, such as Coliya, Pandiya, Mcliyala, Pelawi, etc. 
with the Cola, Pandya, Malayalam, and Pallava. Another 
name Tekang is probably derived from Tekkanam, the general 
Tamil term for south i.e. South India 8 . 

It is, of course, impossible to say when these South Indian 
names were introduced into Sumatra. In view of the political 
and trade relations between the two countries in the eleventh 

1. Cf. R. C. Majumdar Corporate Life in Ancient India, 
2nd edition, pp. 87-96. 

2. Ep. Cam., Vol. VII, p. 118. 

3. Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 107. 

4. O. V. 1914, p. 112 ; 1920, p. 70. 

5. O. V., 1912, p. 46. Cf. Bk. IV, Chap. I. 

6. T. B. G., Vol. 45. (1902), pp. 541-576. Kern, V. G., Vol. Ill, 
pp. 67-72, B. K. I., Vol. 74, pp, 263 ff, 


century A.D., the large influx of South Indian people, and 
the consequent introduction of these tribal names, may be 
referred to that period. Of course, with the evidence available 
at present, it is difficult to determine whether the more 
peaceful trade relations preceded or succeeded the political 
relations between the two countries. In the modern age we 
can easily quote examples of either. In many cases, the 
commercial intercourse has led to political interference, and 
in many others, political supremacy over a foreign land has 
led to an intense development of trade of the conquering 
country. Whether the traders and merchants of South India 
paved the way for the oversea conquest of the Cola kings, 
or whether the process was just the reverse, the future 
historian alone will be able to say. 

Chapter HI. 


The long-drawn struggle with the Colas, which continued 
throughout the eleventh century A. D., and at one time 
threatened utter destruction to the Sailendras, ended in a 

After fruitless efforts of a century, the Colas finally 
abandoned the impossible enterprise of maintaining their 
suzerainty over Sumatra and Malay Peninsula. The Sailendra 
kingdom, exhausted and humiliated as it was, slowly recovered 
its former position. 

But, although we can definitely trace the existence of the 
kingdom for nearly three centuries more, when it was finally 
destroyed, the Sailendra dynasty passes from our view. After 
the beginning of the twelfth century A. D., we hear no more 
of that powerful ruling family that dominated Malayasia 
since the end of the eighth century A. D. This does not, of 
course, mean that they vanished, or even ceased to reign, but 
only that we do not possess any definite information of them. 
For all we know, they might still continue to rule over the 

The continuity of the kingdom is, however, clearly attested 
by the Chinese, and, perhaps also, by the Arab accounts, which 
still refer to the prowess of San-f o-tsi and Zabag. 

The Chinese annals refer to two embassies from San-fo-tsi 
in the twelfth century A. D. 

In the year 1156 king Si-li-ma-ha-la-sha ( Sri Maharaja ) 
sent envoys to bring tribute. The emperor said : "When 
distant people feel themselves attracted by our civilising 
influence, their discernment must be praised. It is therefore 


that I rejoice in it, but not because I want to benefit by the 
products of their country. 1 " 

"In the year 1178 they sent again envoys to bring as tribute 
products of the country. On this occasion the emperor issued 
an edict ordering that they should not come to court any more, 
but make an establishment at Ch'iian-chou in the province 
of Fukien."' 

According to Ma-Twan-Lin, the ambassadors of 1178 
reported that their king had succeeded his father in A. D. 1169. 
So the emperor invested the new king with all the titles and 
privileges of his ancestors and made suitable presents. 8 

The Arab writers Edrisl ( 1154 A. D. ), Kazwlni ( A. D. 
1203-1283 ), Ibn Said ( 1208 or 1214 to 1274 or 1286 A. D. ), 
and Dimaskl ( c. 1325 A. D. ) all refer to the glory and power 
of Zabag.* But it is difficult to say whether they write from 
their own personal knowledge, or merely quote from old writers, 
as many others expressly have done. But in any case 
the Chinese accounts definitely prove the existence of the 

Fortunately we possess an interesting account of the extent 
of this kingdom in the twelfth century A. D. from the Chinese 
work Chu-fan-chi ( "Records of foreign nations"). The 
author of this work is Chau Ju-kua, Inspector of Foreign 
Trade in Fukien. 5 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 67. Both Groeneveldt and Ferrand 
(J.A., n-XX, p. 22) restore the name as Maharaja. As the Arabs refer 
to the Sailendra kings as Maharaja, we may presume that the king 
belonged to that dynasty. But, then, we must remember, that the term 
'Maharaja 1 , being the ordinary Indian term for a ruler, might have 
been confused with the personal name of a ruler, specially as the personal 
name was usually preceded by the appellation 'Maharaja'. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 67. 3. J. A. n-XX, p. 22, f. n. 2. 

4. Ibid pp. 65-74- 

5. Chau Ju-kua His work on the Chinese and Arab trade in the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chi. Translated by 
F. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, St. Petersburg, (1911). 


As to the date of this Chinese author, Hirth and Rockhill 
conclude from a remark the author makes in the chapter on 
Baghdad, that the work was composed between 1242 and 
1258 A. D. 1 Pelliot has, however, shown that the author 
wrote the preface to his work in 1225 A. D. a We must, 
therefore, hold that the work was originally written in or 
about 1225 A. D., although additions and alterations might 
possibly have been made during the next twenty-five years. 

M. Coed&s holds the view that Chau Ju-kua's account of 
San-fo-tsi is almost entirely based on an earlier work Ling-wai- 
tai-ta, written in 1178 A. D., and as such the picture which he 
draws can only be regarded as true of the period anterior to 
1178 A. D. 3 There does not appear to be any valid reason for 
this assumption. Hirth and Rockhill are definitely of opinion 
that Chau Ju-kua's account of San-fo-tsi is "based exclusively 
on oral information furnished the author by Chinese and 
foreign traders."* 

As we shall see later, some details given by Chau Ju-kua 
(e. </., the inclusion of Ceylon as a dependency of San-fo-tsi) can 
only be explained if we assume the date proposed above. 

In any case we can take Chau Ju-kua's account as a correct 
picture of the state of things in the twelfth century A, D. 
According to this Chinese author, San-fo-tsi was master of the 
Straits of Malacca and thus controlled the maritime trade 
between China and the western countries. San-fo-tsi itself was 
a great centre of trade, and fifteen states were dependent upon 
it. R These were : 

1. Pong-fong (=Pahang). 

2. Tong-ya-nong (=Trengganau). 

i. Ibid , p. 137. 2. T'oung Pao, Ser, II, Vol. XIII, p. 449. 

3. B. K. I, 1927, p. 469. 4. Op. cit., p. 37. 

5. Op. cit, pp. 60 if. The identifications of names given within 

brackets are on the authority of Ferrand (op. cit. pp. 13-14), and Krom 

(Geschiedenis, pp. 303-4). On Nos, 3, 6 and 9, see discussions above, pp. 

78-79. According to S. Lcvi, Nos. 7 and 8 must be looked for in the 



3. Ling-ya-ssi-kia (=Lengkasuka). 

4. Ki-lan-tan ( = Kelantan). 

5. Fo-lo-an (=Beranang on the Langat river, west 

coast of Malay Peninsula). (8. Selangor ? ) 

6. Ji-lo-t'ing (=Jeloting on the east (?) coast of Malay 


7. Ts'ien-mai. ( In Semang ? ) 

8. Pa-fa. (Batak?) 

9. Tan-ma-ling (=Tamralinga or Ligor in Malay 


10. Kia-lo-hi (=Grahi=Jaya or Caiya, south of the 

Bay of Bandon). 

11. Pa-lin-fong (Palcmbang). 

12. Sin-t'o (=Sunda). 

13. Kien-pi (=Kampe or Kampar). 

14. Lan-wu-li (=Lamuri=Atjeh.) 

15. Si-Ian (= Ceylon). 

In addition to the general list of countries subject to 
San-fo-tsi, as given above, Chau Ju-kua has given separate 
accounts of Ling-ya-ssi-kia, Tan-ma-ling, Fo-lo-an, Sin-to, 
Kien-pi, Lan-wu-li, and Si-Ian. 1 Among these, the first two 
and the last had their own kings, but they sent tributes to 
San-fo-tsi. No king is mentioned in connection with Fo-lo-an, 
but the author remarks : "It sends yearly tribute to San-fo-tsi. 
Its neighbours Pong-fong, T6ng-ya-nong and Ki-lan-tan are 
like it." According to Ling-wai-tai-ta, the chief of Fo-lo-an was 
appointed from San-fo-tsi. 9 This may be true of all the four 
states. As regards Sin-to Chau Ju-kua says : 'As, however, 
there is no regular government in this country, the people are 
given to brigandage, on which account foreign traders rarely go 

Malay Peninsula (Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, pp. 108-9), but Schlegel 
(T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. II, p. 135 ) and Gerini (Researches, p. 627), 
place them in Sumatra. The identification of No. 5 is on the authority 
of Gerini (Researches, p. 825). 

I. Chau Ju-kua, pp. 67-73- 2 - Ibid " P- 6 9' f - n - f 


there/ About Kien-pi we are told : "Formerly it was a depen- 
dency of San-f o-tsi, but, after a fight, it set up a king of its 
own." Nothing is said about the political status of Lan-wu-li in 
the brief note which Chau Ju-kua gives more as an introduction 
to his account of Si-Ian, than as an independent account of that 
kingdom. It would thus appear that Kicn-pi had recently 
shaken off the yoke of Saii-f o-tsi, but the other fourteen states 
were tributary to that power. In spite of a few uncertainties, 
the identification of these vassal states, as given above, would 
indicate that the empire of San-f o-tsi included territories in 
Sumatra, Java, and Malay Peninsula. 

M. Ccedfcs has attempted to show that although the empire 
is called by the old name of San-fo-tsi, the seat of the empire 
was now transferred from San-fo-tsi to Malayu or Jambi. 1 
His principal argument is that Chau Ju-kua included Palembang 
among the dependencies of San-fo-tsi, and as San-fo-tsi is 
identical with Palembang, the seat of the empire must be 
at a place different from Palembang or San-fo-tsi. He 
rightly points out, that while describing the empire of Java 
or Cambodgc, Chau Ju-kua never includes these names in 
the list of their vassal states. But Coedfcs' argument, as we 
have indicated above, only discounts the view that San-fo-tsi 
is identical with Palembang. The absence of Malayu from 
the list of vassal states merely indicates that Malayu was 
no longer dependent on San-fo-tsi. But neither the inclusion 
of Palembang, nor the exclusion of Malayu, gives us any right 
to maintain, in the face of the express statement of Chau 
Ju-kua about San-fo-tsi, that that kingdom had yielded its place 
of preeminence to Malayu. 

M. Coedfcs seeks to support his view by reference to the 
Caiya inscription, dated 1183 A. D., which refers to Maharaja 
Srlmat-Trailokyaraja-mauli-bhQsana-varma-deva and his 
governor of Grahi, Mahasen&pati Galanai. Coedfcs argues that 
if in 1183 A. D. the name of a king of Malayu appears in a 

1. B. K. I., 1927, pp. 469 ff. 


record of Caiya, it simply means that "Malayu had substituted 
its own authority in place of Srl-Vijaya (sic) over the petty 
states of the Malay Peninsula." 1 

But it is a mere gratuitous assumption that Trailokya- 
raja-mauli-bhnsana-varma-deva is a king of Malayu. Coedfcs 
evidently relies on the fact that an inscription, found at Padang 
Rocho in Batanghari district in Jambi, refers to a king named 
Maharaja Srimat-Tribhuvanaraja-mauli-varrna-deva, as ruling 
in 1286 A.D. 8 In spite of the resemblance in the names of 
the two kings, who lived a century apart, it would obviously 
be absurd to regard the royal name as a monopoly of Malayu, 
and, in the absence of any other evidence, to take the earlier 
king also as a ruler of Malayu, although his records have 
been found in Malay Peninsula alone. We must remember 
that the Sailendra emperors also bore names like Cudamarii- 

Further, Edrisl (1154 A.D.) clearly says that the king of 
Kalah, Zfibag, and the neighbouring islands lived in the city of 
Kalah which is clearly the Katalm of the Cola records. 3 

There is thus no reason to disregard the evidence of Arab 
and Chinese writers that the old kingdom of Znbag or Smi-fo-tsi 
continued in its old glory and splendour till the beginning of 
the thirteenth century. The Caiya inscription has perhaps 
furnished us with the name of the only individual emperor of 

1. Ibid,, p. 469, The Caiya inscription was originally edited by 
M. Coedds (B.E.F.E.O,, XVIII, No. 6, pp, 34-5), but the date was wrongly 

2. J. A., n-XX, p. 179. Ccedes says with reference to 
TrailokyarajaHTiauli-bhusana-varma-deva that "his title is identical to 
that of the kings of Malayu known by the inscriptions dating from 
1286 to 1378 A.D." (B, K. 1.1927, p 468). Evidently he refers to 
the titles of Adityavarman ( see Bk. IV, Chap. I ), who lived nearly 
hundred years later than Tribhuvanaraja-mauli-varma-deva, but no 
intermediate king is known to have borne such titles. 

3. Cf. my article in B.E.F.E.O,, Vol. XXXIII, p. 131., and the 
appendix to Bk. II. 


San-fo-tsi of the 12th century A. D. known to us. For, as 
Grahi has been identified with Chau Ju-kua's Kia-lo-hi, it 
was a dependent state of San-fo-tsi towards the end of the 12th 
and the beginning of the 13th century A. D. The ruler, whose 
dominions included Grahi as a Governor's province in 1183 A.D., 
may not, therefore, unreasonably be regarded as the king 
of San-fo-tsi. It would thus be more proper to regard the 
Maharaja Srimat-Trailokyaraja-mauli-bhusana-varma-dcva as 
a remote successor of Cadamani-varma-deva, though it is 
difficult to say whether he belonged to the same family, 

Chau Ju-kua's account of the great power of San-fo-tsi 
is corroborated by an independent evidence. About the time 
when he wrote his book, we come across the name of a king 
Candrabhanu in an inscription at Caiya, dated 1230 A.D. 1 
Ccedfcs has established beyond all doubt that this king Can- 
drabhiinu is referred to in the Ceylonese Chronicles as having 
led two expeditions against Ceylon. 

The detailed account as given in Cullavamsa may be 
summarised as follows 2 : 

"In the eleventh year of the reign of king Parakramabahu 
II, a king of Javaka, called Candrabhanu, landed with an army 
at Kakkhala, on the pretext that they were Buddhists and 
therefore came on a peaceful mission. The soldiers of Javaka, 
who used poisoned arrows, treacherously occupied the passages 
across the rivers, and having defeated all those who opposed 
them, devastated the whole of Ceylon. But the regent Virabahu 
defeated them in several battles and forced them to withdraw 
from the land. A few years later, king Candrabhanu again 
landed at Mahatlrtha, and his army was, on this occasion, 

1. Edited by M. Ccedes (B.E.F.E.O., XVIII, No. 6. p. 32). 

2. Cullavamsa, i. e., the later continuation of Mahavamsa Ed. 
Geiger, Chap. 83, vv. 36-48* ; Chap. 88, vv. 62-75. The king of Javaka 
mentioned in the passage was taken by Kern to refer to a Javanese king 
(V.G. Ill, pp. 27 ff.)> bu * ne is n w usually taken as a king of rI-Vijaya. 
For a more detailed discussion of the proposed identification, cf, 
B.E.F.E.O., XXXIII, pp. 133. ff, and the Appendix, 


reinforced by a large number of Pandya, Cola, and other Tamil 
soldiers. After some initial successes the Javaka army was 
surrounded and completely defeated by the Ceylonese troops 
under Vijayabahu and Virabahu. King Candrabhanu some- 
how fled with his life, leaving behind his family and treasures 
in the hands of the victorious enemy." 

The date of these events has been variously interpreted. 
But Ccedfcs has established on good authority that the two 
invasions of Candrabhanu took place in A.D. 1236 and 1256 \ 

Now the inclusion of Ceylon among the vassal states of 
San-fo-tsi has been justly regarded as the most surprising of 
all ; for, although Masudf, in his 'Meadow of Gold' (10th century 
A.D.), refers to the Maharaja of Zabag as king of Sirandib or 
Ceylon 9 , there is no historical evidence to show that Ceylon 
was a vassal state of the Sailendras. 

But even in this respect, perhaps, on the face of it, the 
least credible of all, Chan Ju-kua's account is corroborated 
to a certain extent by the passage of Cullavamsa quoted above. 
For the Ceylonese author admits in a way the triumph of the 
Javaka army sometime in 1236 A. D., before Chau Ju-kua 
concluded his work. 

It is obvious that Candrabhanu's invasion of Ceylon was 
an act of extreme imprudence, and had the most regrettable 
consequences. The two expeditions to the distant island must 
have taxed the strength of the Javaka kingdom to the utmost, 
and the disastrous end of the second expedition weakened its 
prestige and authority beyond recovery. 

In an inscription, dated 1264 A. D 3 ., Jatavarman Vira- 
Pandya claims to have defeated and killed the Savaka king, 

1. B.K.I., 1927, pp. 463 ff. Ccedes has shown that the date usually 
assigned to the Ceylonese king Parakramabahu II (A.D. 1240-1275) 
should be pushed back by 1 5 years, He would thus have ruled from 
1225 to 1260 A.D. Ccedes further points out that the account of Culla- 
varfisa is corroborated by the Pali work Jinakalamalini. 

2. Ferrand Textes, p. 93- 

3 . S. I. Ep. Rep., 1917, Ins. No. 588. pp. 50, in, 


and in another inscription, dated the next year 1 , he includes 
the king of Kadaram among the host of rulers conquered by 
him. Savaka is no doubt the same as Javaka, and we can 
easily take the defeat of the kings of Savaka and Kadaram to 
refer to the defeat of one and the same king, as in the case of 
Rajendra Cola. 2 Thus the ill-advised expedition to Ceylon 
by the king of Kadaram was followed at no distant date by his 
humiliating defeat and death at the hands of the Pandya king. 

The fact that the Pandya king boasts also of having con- 
quered Ceylon, seems to connect the Ceyloneso expedition 
of Candrabhanu with his defeat and death at the hands of 
Jatavarman. It may be recalled that during his second ex- 
pedition against that island, Candrabhanu was helped by troops 
from Cola and Pandya countries. Perhaps he made an alliance 
with these two powers and organised a joint expedition against 
Ceylon. But as in many other similar allied expeditions, it was 
dissolved on the failure of the project, and then Vira Pandya 
presumably took advantage of the helpless situation of 
Candrabhanu and turned against him. It is also quite likely 
that he betrayed first his two allies and then the king of Ceylon, 
who was temporarily saved by his first betrayal. This would 
explain the statement in the inscription of 1264 A.D, that Vira 
Pandya "was pleased to take the Cola country, Ceylon, and the 
crown and the crowned head of Savaka." In other words, he 
turned against both his allies and defeated them, and ended by 
conquering Ceylon, which was their common objective. This 
view seems more reasonable than that a regular naval expedition 
was sent by the Pandya king against Kadaram or Savaka. 

Candrabhanu who thus met with a tragic end was the last 
great ruler of the mighty kingdom founded by the Sailendras. 
The fact that he is styled the Savaka king, and, perhaps also, king 
of Kadaram, and felt powerful enough to send two military 
expeditions to Ceylon, discounts the view of Coedfcs, referred to 

1. Ibid., 1912, No. 39, p. 72. 

2. For detailed discussion cf. B.K.I., 1927, p. 4$7 


above, that Malayu had established its supremacy over the petty 
states of Malay Peninsula, which once acknowledged the 
suzerainty of San-fo-tsi or Zabag. On the whole, the available 
evidence would justify us in regarding the last-named kingdom 
as continuing in power and glory till the middle of the 
thirteenth century A.D. 

In the Caiya inscription, Candrabhanu is said to have been 
born in the family of lotus. He is also called Lord of 
Tambralinga. It is almost certain, therefore, that he did not 
belong to the family of the Sailendras. Chau Ju-kua describes 
Tambralinga as a vassal state of San-fo-tsi having a separate 
ruler. It would thus appear that Candrabhanu had usurped 
the authority of his overlord by a successful rebellion. We 
have scon above that Kien-pi, another vassal state in Sumatra, 
had also successfully rebelled against San-fo-tsi about the same 
time. Thus the disruption of the empire of San-fo-tsi, both in 
Sumatra as well as in Malay Peninsula, set in at the beginning 
of the thirteenth century A.D. 

The catastrophic end of Candrabhanu completed the 
disruption and gave a unique opportunity to the Javanese king 
Kptanagara to extend his authority over the dominions of the 
Sailendras. He conquered Pahang in Malay Peninsula which 
was a vassal state of San-fo-tsi. He also sent an expedition 
against Malayu (Jambi) in 1275 A.D., and converted it into a 
separate state under his own authority. The Padang Rocho 
inscription of 1286 A.D., referred to above, clearly shows that 
the new kingdom extended far into the interior, and its king 
Srlmat-Tribhuvanaraja-mauli-varma-deva regarded himself as a 
vassal of Maharajadhiraja Krtanagara. Thus Java planted 
important outposts in the very heart of the empire of San-fo-tsi, 
from which it could gradually extend its power and authority 
in all directions. 

For the time being, however, these calculations were upset 
by the tragic end of Kj-tanagara and the fall of his kingdom. 
The Javanese army of occupation was withdrawn from Malayu, 


and therewith the Javanese authority vanished from the land. 
But San-fo-tsi, which was not strong enough to resist the 
Javanese encroachments, was yet too weak to take advantage 
of this opportunity to re-assert its authority over Malayu. 
Malayu remained an independent kingdom and soon became a 
powerful rival of San-fo-tsi. 

The fact is that San-fo-tsi had not only to reckon with the 
growing menace from the side of Java, but also to contend with 
another great military power, the Thai, who had conquered Siam 
and were extending their power towards Malay Peninsula. The 
rise of the Thais of Sukhodaya was an epoch-making event in 
the history of Indo-China. Towards the close of the thirteenth 
century A.D. they had conquered the northern part of the 
Malay Peninsula. We know from the inscription of king Rama 
Gomhcng of Sukhodaya, dated 1292 A.D., that Srl-Dharma- 
raja of Ligor, one of the vassal states of San-fo-tsi, had 
already been conquered by the king of Siam 1 . Thus 
hemmed in between the rising power of the Thais in the north 
and the growing kingdom of Malayu in the south, the 
discomfiture of San-fo-tsi was complete. She lost her position 
of supremacy and sank into a local power. Henceforth her 
possessions in the Malay Peninsula formed a bone of contention 
between Malayu and Siam. 

San-fo-tsi continued this inglorious existence for nearly 
a century. Wang Ta-yucn (1349 A. D.) refers to its king as 
a local ruler, and says nothing of the great power and splendour 
of the Maharaja 8 . The Nagarakrtagama (13G5 A. D.) includes 
Paleinbang among the list of vassal states of Java, and 
the Chinese accounts refer to the conquest of San-fo-tsi 
by Java sometime before 1377 A. D. According to the History 
of the Ming Dynasty 3 , the Chinese emperor sent an envoy 

1. Ccectes Inscriptions de Sukhodaya (1924), pp. 37-48. 

2. T'oung Pao, 1915, pp. 61-69. 

3. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 68 ff ; Ferrand, J.A., n-XX (1922) 
pp. 24 ff. 



in 1370 A. D. "to command the presence of this country, and 
in the next year (1371 A. D.) the king, who was called 
Maharaja Prabu, sent envoys with tribute and a letter written 
on a golden leaf. 

By the year 1373 A. D., San-fo-tsi was divided into three 
states, and their rulers, named Tan-ma-sa-na-ho, Ma-na- 
ha-pau-lin-pang 1 , and Seng-ka-liet-yu-lan* sent envoys with 
tribute to the imperial court respectively in 1373, 1374, and 
1375 A.D. 

In the year 1376 A. D. king Tan-ma-sa-na-ho died and 
his son Ma-la-cha Wu-li succeeded him. In 1377 AJD. he 
sent tribute to the emperor and asked permission of the 
imperial court to ascend the throne. "The Emperor ordered 
envoys to bring him a seal and a commission as king of 
San-fo-tsi." The interference of China in the affairs of a 
vassal state caused the just resentment of the Javanese who 
had conquered San-fo-tsi. They waylaid and killed the imperial 

Thus there can be no doubt that Java now exercised an 
effective authority over the kingdom of San-fo-tsi, which 
was hopelessly divided and sank gradually into insignificance. 
The Chinese historian pathetically remarks : "After this 
occurrence San-fo-tsi became gradually poorer and no tribute 
was brought from this country any more." 

During the next twenty-five years the destruction of 
San-fo-tsi was completed. Its condition in 1397 A. D. is 
thus described in the History of the Ming Dynasty : 

"At that time Java had completely conquered San-fo-tsi 
and changed its name to Ku-Kang 8 . When San-fo-tsi 

1. Ferrand (op. cit) restores this name as Maharaja Palembang. 

2. Ferrand suggests that this king is identical with the 
minister sent by Java to the Imperial Court in 1325 and 1332 A. D. 
(op. cit., p. 25, f. n. 2). 

3. Ku-Kang is the Chinese name for Palembang up to the present 
day (Groeneveldt Notes, p. 7* f.n.i.), but it cannot be taken as 


went down, the whole country was disturbed and the Javanese 
could not keep all the land. For this reason, the local Chinese 
residents stood up for themselves and elected as their chief 
a man from Nan-hai in Canton, called Liang Tau-ming, 
who had lived there a long time and roamed over the sea, 
and who had the support of several thousand men from Pu-kien 
and Canton/' 

In other words, a Chinese pirate set himself up as a king 
in a part at least of what was once the flourishing kingdom 
of the Sailendras. This was no doubt due to the weakness of 
Java. Java was able to destroy the old kingdom, but could not 
build up a new one in its place. Krom even goes so far as 
to suggest, that the destruction of San-fo-tsi was a deliberate act 
on the part of Java. In order to wipe off from the face of the 
earth a power that had been in the past, and might be in future, 
a great rival in political and economic spheres, she intentionally 
and systematically laid waste the country, which afterwards 
became a stronghold of Chinese adventurers. 

From the beginning of the fifteenth century A. D. San-fo-tsi 
passes from our view. One or more Chinese adventurers 
established authority in that land from time to time, but 
their history and intercourse with the imperial court, 
described in detail in the History of the Ming Dynasty, is 
outside the scope of this work. 

In conclusion we may refer to Kadiiram. If we are right 
in identifying it with Kcddah, we may refer to Keddah 
Annals (Hikayat Marong Mahavamsa) for the seven Hindu 
rulers of the State before the last one adopted Islam in 
1474 A. D. 1 

equivalent to San-fo-tsi. It must have denoted only a part of that 
kingdom. I have discussed this point in an article in B.E.F.E.O., 
Vol. XXIII, p. 135, and also in the Appendix. 

i. R. O. Winstedt History of Kedah ( J. Str. Br, R. A. S., No. 81, 
p. 29.)- 



The present views about the greatness of the Sailendras 
have been gradually developed during the last twenty years. 

It was Dr. Coedfcs who first set the ball rolling. In an 
article, which has now become almost classic, he sought to 
prove that Srl-Vijaya is the original form of the name which 
has been rendered variously as Fo-Che, Che-li-fo-chc, Fo-tsi 
and San-fo-tsi by the Chinese, and Sribuza by the Arabs. As 
these places could be positively located at Palembang, Sri- 
Vijaya also must be identified with that place.* 

M. Cocd&s then naturally inferred from the Ligor Inscrip- 
tion that the authority of Srl-Vijaya had extended to the 
northern part of Malay Peninsula by the end of the eighth 
century A. D. He further assumed that the king of the 
Sailendra dynasty, referred to in face B of the Ligor Ins., was 
the same as king of Srl-Vijaya referred to in face A of that 
inscription. 3 

1. This Appendix forms the part of an article published in 
B.E.F.E.O., Vol. xxxiii, pp. 121-141. On the publication of this and 
another article ( corresponding to Chapter I, Bk. II ) M. Coedes contri- 
buted an article ''On the origin of the Sailendras' in J. G. I. S., Vol. 1, 
pp.6iff. Here he modified some of his old views which will be noted 
in footnotes. 

2. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. xviii, No. 6. 

3. M. Coedes States : "Although I had not formulated this 
hypothesis in a sufficiently precise manner in 1918 (i.e. in article 
referred to in the preceding footnote) I willingly recognise my part of the 
responsibility for the identification of the ailendras with the kings of 
ri-Vijaya" (op, cit,, p. 64), 


A Sailendra empire, with Palembang as capital, 1 and inclu- 
ding Sumatra and Malay Peninsula, was thus the logical 
conclusion of M. Coedfcs* studies. He also regarded as probable 
the views of Chavannes and Gerini, that this empire was 
identical with the one described by the Arabs as Zflbag. 
Ferrand* went a step further, and declared this identity to be 
beyond all doubt, by equating Zabag with San-fo-tsi. The 
Sailendra dynasty of Palembang thus came to be regarded as 
the ruler of a mighty empire in the Pacific, of which glowing 
descriptions have been preserved by so many Arab writers. 

Further light on the greatness of the Sailendras was thrown 
by Krom 3 and Vogel.* These two scholars, writing indepen- 
dently filmost at the same time, brought out the important part 
which the Sailendras must have played in Java. The Kalasan 
and Kelurak inscriptions clearly indicated Sailendra supremacy 
in Java in 778 and 782 A. D. Starting from this basis, Krom 
pointed out the great influences which the Buddhist Sailendras 
must have exerted on the art and religion of Java. In short, 
he held the view that these Sailendras imported the Mahayana 
form of Buddhism into Java and were instrumental in building 

1. M. Coedes has made the following observation in his recent 
article ( op. cit., p. 63, f.n. 4 ). 

"Everybody ( including myself ) has had difficulty in losing sight 
of a note in my first article on ri-Vijaya ( B.E.F.E.O., XVIII, 6, p. 3, 
note 5 ) where I cautiously said, "This expression, 'The kingdom of 
Palembang' which will frequently occur in course of the present article, 
is a convenient designation : in employing it, however, I do not wish to 
affirm that the capital of this State was always at Palembang. 1 ' 

2. G. Ferrand L'Empire Sumatranais de rivijaya/ J. A. t u- 
XX, pp. 1-104, 161-244 ; cf. specially pp. 163. ff. 

3. Krom De Soematraansche periode in de Javaansche Geschie- 
denis, Leiden, 1919. A French summary of this article appeared in 
B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XIX, No. 5, p, 127. 

4. J. P. Vogel 'Het Koninkrijk Sri-vijaya' B. K. I,, 1919, pp. 
6556 ff, 


such famous structures as Barabudur, Candi Mendut and 
Candi Kalasan. Thus originated the hypothesis of a Sumatran 
period in Javanese history, with far-reaching consequences in 
the political and cultural history of Java. 

The table was, however, completely turned by Stutterheim, 1 
who amazed the world of scholars by his bold hypothesis, that 
the Sailendra dynasty belonged to Java, and, later, conquered 
Sri-Vijaya. Thus, instead of a Sumatran period in Javanese 
history, we should, in his opinion, think of a Javanese period 
in Sumatran history. 


Iii view of this radical difference among the scholars, we 
propose to review the whole question again from the very 
beginning, in the clear light of positive data, without any theory 
or prejudice to obscure our view. 

In the first place, let us examine Dr. Coedfes* view that the 
Sailendras were originally kings of Sri-Vijaya (Palembang). 
The evidence on which he relies is the Ligor Inscription. In 
face A, it refers to Sri-Vijayendraraja, Sri-VijayeSvarabhOpati, 
and Sri-Vijayanrpati. Dr. Coedfcs takes them all to mean 
'king of Sri-Vijaya/ but Stutterheim proposes the translation 
"king over the lords of Sri-Vijaya" for the first two expressions. 
The third expression, of course, can mean only 'king of Sri- 
Vijaya/ Stutterheim, in defending his hypothesis about 'over- 
lord/ remarks : "In mentioning his person for the third time, 
this intentional indication was no longer added, and replaced 
by the short indication of 'king of Sri-Vijaya', which, in 
fact, he was for the people of that country."- Now, without 
ignoring the force of this argument, it must be conceded that 
the probability lies in favour of Dr. Coedfcs' view. 3 Although, 

i. W. F. Stutterheim A Javanese period in Sumatran History, 
Surakarta, 1929. 2. Ibid., p. 14. 

3. The correctness of Coedes view was also shown by Mus in 

P.E.F.E.O., vol. xxvm, p. 520. 


therefore, we may not regard it as certain, we may hold for 
the time being that the king of Sri-Vijaya was intended by 
those expressions. 

But when this king of Sri-Vijaya is identified with the king 
of SailendravamSa mentioned in the inscription on face B, we 
must express a serious doubt. The word 'Svasti* at the 
beginning of the second inscription shows that it was an entirely 
new record, and not a part of the first. A comparison of the 
alphabets of the two records certainly indicates that they were 
contemporary or nearly so, but were not incised by the same 
hand, at one and the same time. Then, in the long eulogy of the 
king of Sri-Vijaya in the first inscription, he is nowhere 
referred to as belonging to the Sailendra dynasty. On the other 
hand, Sri-Vijaya is not mentioned in the second inscription, 
which not only refers to a Eajadhiraja and Frabhu (Lord) of 
the Sailendra dynasty, but gives us two of his appellations, 
Visnu and Maharaja. It is thus legitimate to hold that the two 
inscriptions must be regarded as emanating from different 
persons until we find proof to the contrary 1 , the face B being 
obviously later in point of time. Thus the only reasonable 
conclusions that we can draw from the Ligor inscriptions arc 
that the locality was included in the kingdom of Sri-Vijaya in 
775 A. D., and that it acknowledged the suzerainty of a king 
of the Sailendra dynasty at a subsequent period. There is 
nothing to prove that the king of Sri-Vijaya belonged to the 
Sailendra dynasty. 

It has been argued by Dr. Coedes that kings Cudamani- 
varman and Mara-vijayottungavarman, belonging to the 
Sailendra dynasty, arc referred to in Cola records as rulers of 
Sri-Vijaya, and that, therefore, the Sailendra king of Face B 
of Ligor Ins. may also be regarded as king of Sri-Vijaya. 

On examining the Cola records it appears that the two kings 
were regarded rather as kings of Kadara (or Ka$aha=Kedda 
in Malay Peninsula), also ruling over Sri-Vijaya, than kings of 

i. This is now admitted by Coedes ( op. cit, pp. 64-65). 


Sri-Vijaya. In all records, save one, they are referred to simply 
as rulers of Kataha, Kadara or Kidara. Even in the one 
exceptional case, m., the Larger Leiden Grant, the Tamil 
portion refers to Cudamanivarman as king of Kadara, while 
the Sanskrit portion refers to Sri-Mara-vijayottungavarman 
as lord of Sri-Vijaya, and extending the suzerainty of Kataha 
(sec ante, p. 168). This last phrase hardly leaves any doubt that 
the Colas regarded them primarily as rulers of Kataha who 
had extended their suzerainty over Sri-Vijaya. 

While the records of the Sailendra kings have been found 
in Java and Malay Peninsula, none has yet been found in 
Sumatra, and there is no evidence whatever to locate the centre 
of authority of the Sailendra kings in Sri-Vijaya, at least before 
the close of the 10th century A. D. It is interesting to note 
in this connection, that the Sailendra dynasty is not referred to 
in any of the four inscriptions 1 of Sri-Vijaya, belonging to the 
close of the seventh century A. D., when that kingdom had 
already begun its career of aggrandisement which, according to 
Krom and others, ultimately led it to establish its mastery over 

Java. / 

We have thus definite evidence that the Sailendras were 
ruling over Malay Peninsula and Java about the end of the 
eighth century A. D. Now the story of the grand empire of 
Zabag, consisting of the islands of Indonesia and Malay 
Peninsula, first appears in Arab writings in the middle of the 
ninth century A. D. 9 . The earliest Arab writer, Ibn 
Khordadzbeh (844-848 A. D.), makes the statement that the 
king of Zabag is named Maharaja. This immediately recalls 
to our mind that in the Ligor Inscription, face B, the Sailendra 
emperor is said to be 'Maharajanama', 'whose name is 
Maharaja'. This is interesting, but can not be regarded as a 
conclusive argument in favour of the view that the empire of 

1. These inscriptions have been edited by Coedes ( B.E.F.E.O., 
Vol. XXX, Nos. 1-2). See ante, pp. 122-3. 

2. Cf. Bk. II. Ch. I. 


Zabag and the Saileudra empire are one and the same. But, on 
general grounds, it is reasonable to hold, that there was only 
one such empire, rather than two, in the Pacific in the ninth 
and subsequent centuries, as is described by the Arab writers. 
As the Sailendras undoubtedly ruled over an extensive empire 
in Malayasia during this period, a prima facie case is esta- 
blished for the hypothesis that the Sailendra empire is referred 
to by the Arabs as the empire of the Maharaja of Zabag. But 
before this question can be further discussed we have to 
consider the identity of Zabag. 


As stated above, it is now generally accepted that the name 
Zabag and its variants, used by the Arab writers, denote the 
same country which the Chinese designate as Che-li-fo-che, 
Fo-Che, or San-fo-tsi, i.e., Sri-Vijaya. The question is, 
however, not certainly free from doubts or difficulties. Ferrand, 
the latest writer on this subject, has given the following 
reasons for the identification 1 . 

1. According to Ligor Inscription, the king of Sri-Vijaya 
is called Maharaja (S'rl-Mahartija-nama). The Arab writers 
all refer to Zabag as the kingdom of Maharaja. 

2. Abulfida states, on the authority of previous writers, 
that "the island of Maharaja is the island of Sribuza", which 
means that the two refer to the same island. Sribuza, 
undoubtedly, stands for Sri-Vijaya. The island of Maharaja, 
according to Dimaski, is "the mother of the islands belonging 
to Maharaja", or, in other words, the capital of the islands 
forming the domain of Maharaja. It, therefore, denotes 
Zabag. We thus get the following equation. 

The island of Maharaja = Zabag = Sri-Vijaya. 
Now the first of these arguments loses its force in view 
of what has been said before. As to the second, we can easily 
accept the view that the "island of Maharaja" is identical 

i. Ferrand, op. cit. pp. 163 ff. 


with Zabag. It is also proved by the fact that various Arab 
writers describe some peculiar characteristics of the kingdom 
which they refer, sometime to Zabag, and sometime to the 
island of Maharaja, Thus, Abu Zayd Hasan says that Zabag 
is thickly populated, and there is a continuous line of villages 
there, so that when the cocks crow in the morning, the cry 
is taken up by those in the next village, and in this way the 
sound is taken up for nearly a distance of 100 parsangs. 
The same writer tells the story of the lake in front of the 
palace, in which the king of Zabag throws a brick of gold 
everyday. Now Ibrahim bin Waif Sah relates the first 
story about the island of Maharaja, while Ibn Sa'id reproduces 
the second in connection with the island of Maharaja. 

But although the island of Maharaja is the same as Zabag, 
its identification with SrI-Vijaya seems to be impossible. 
For Abalfida, on whose statement Ferrand relies, clearly 
distinguishes Zabag from Sribuza ( SrI-Vijaya ), and gives 
different longitudes for the two. This view is supported by 
the testimony of other Arab writers, 1 which Ferrand has 
altogether ignored. Ibn Sa'ld, for example, definitely 
distinguishes Sribuza from Zabag. The former he places in 
3-40' Latitude and 88-30' Longitude, while the Latitude and 
Longitude for the latter arc given respectively as 12-30' and 
151. This is fully in keeping with his general statement that 
to the south-east of Sribuza is a large number of islands which 
constitute the archipelago of Zabag. 

AbQ Zayd Hasan also clearly distinguishes Zabag from 
Sri-Vijaya. After describing the kingdom of the Maharaja, 
of which Zabag was the capital, he says : "Among the kingdoms 
over which he rules are the islands called Sribuza and Kami/' 
Similarly Mas'udi also states that the island of Sribuza is 
within the empire of Zabag, thus distinguishing the two. 
HarakI enumerates Zabag and Sribuza as separate islands in 
the Indian sea. Yakut is still more definite. He not only 

i. For the Arab accounts cf. J. A., i i-XX, pp. 52 ff. 


mentions the two separately in the list of islands, but further 
remarks that while Zabag is an island at the border of India 
and China, Sribuza is an island in India itself. 

It is thus quite clear that as against Abalfida's statement 
that the island of Maharaja is the same as Sri-Vijaya, there 
are definite statements by a large number of Arab writers 
that Zabag and Sri-Vijaya arc two separate islands. 

The Arab writers do not enable us to locate Zabag 
definitely, but they make certain general statements about its 
position. These may be summed up as follows 1 

(1) India is bounded on the south by the kingdom of 
Zabag (62,54) which is midway between China and the 
Balhara kingdom (62). Zabag is at the eastern end of India 
beyond the sea of Harkaiid (Bay of Bengal), and to the west 
of China (66) 

(2) Zabag separates China from India (62), and its capital 
is about a month's journey by sea from China (56) 

(3) The Khmer country is situated on the same longitude 
as Zabag. The distance between the two is ten to twenty days' 
journey by sea in the direction north to south, or reverse (59). 
The relative position of Khmer and Zabag is like that of 
Madura and Ceylon (62). 

(4) There is a 'bay of Zabag', and the sea of China forms 
numerous creeks on the coast of Zabag (62). The islands of 
Zabag form a large archipelago (63). 

(5) The equator commences in the sea to the south of 
China and passes through the island of Zabag (which contains 
gold) between the islands of Kalah and Sribuza (65, 73) 

(6) The Latitude and Longitude of Zabag, as given by the 
Arab writers, do not always agree, and as their mode of 
calculation differs considerably from ours, the utmost that we 

i. Numerical figures within brackets in the following passages 
refer to pages of Ferrand's article (J. A., u-XX). 


can safely deduce from theso data is a comparative view of the 
position of different localities. 

Thus Ibn Sa'id (70) gives us the following data. 

Latitude. Longitude. 

Zabag 12-30'. 151. 

Sribuza 3-40' 88-30' (Abalfidft (p. 74) 

quoting Ibn Sa'id gives this 
figure as 108-30'. 

Jawa 5 145.( a ) ) (a) According to 

Lamuri 5 145.( a ) [ quotation of Abal- 

Pancfir(Fancur)l-30' 145.( a ) ) fida (p. 74) 

Atwal quoted by Abnlfidfi (p. 74) 
Zabag 115 

Alberuni quoted by Abalfidft (p. 74) 
Sribuza 1 140 

The only place in the above list that can be definitely 
identified is Larauri or Lanibri in Northern Sumatra which 
evidently is referred to as Jawa. 

It will appear that the island of Zabag is definitely located 
about 6 to the east and about 7-30' to the north of Northern 
Sumatra which contains Lambri. The Longitudes given for 
Sribuza differ widely, but all of them place it to the west of 

All these data would point toward Malay Peninsula which, 
like Sumatra, was conceived by the Arab writers as consisting 
of a number of islands. The account of Ibn Sa'id seems 
to be very definite on this point It says that to the south of 
Zabag is the island of Jawa. As the towns of Lamuri and 
Fancur are placed in Jawa, it must be identified with the northern 
part of Sumatra. Thus the island of Maharaja is to be placed 
in Malay Peninsula. This is confirmed by the fact, that the 
author places Kalah in the south-east, either of the island of 
Maharaja, or of Jawa. In any case as Kalah denotes the 
well-known place Keddah, the island of Maharaja must be 
placed to its north. The Longitudes for Jawa (the western- 
most point), Zsbag, and Kalah are given respectively as 144, 


151, and 154. Jawa is placed between Latitudes 1 and 5 
while the island of Maharaja is placed at the latitude of 12-30'. 
Further, Ibn Sa'ld places the islands of Maharaja not far from 
Andaman in a south-easterly direction. All these would fit in 
well with the northern part of Malay Peninsula. 

The earliest Arab writer Ibn Khordadzbeh (844-848 A.D.) 
refers to the island kingdom of Djaba, and although he some- 
times uses the form Djawaga, the following considerations show 
that the two places were identical 1 . 

(1) He refers to the island of Kilah (i.e. Kalah) as 
belonging to the kingdom of Djaba (p. 27), while his contempo- 
rary Sulayman (851 A.D.) and other Arab writers refer to 
Kalah-bar, the same place as Kilah, as a dependency of 

(2) He refers to the volcano at Djaba (p. 28), which 
Sulayman (p. 41) and other Arab writers (p. (50) place close 
to Djawaga (p. 41, fax. 7). 

(3) He refers to Djaba, Salahit, and Harladj as lying in 
close proximity to one another (pp. 27-8), whereas Ibn Rosteh 
(903 A.D,) puts Djawaga, Salahat, and Harladj as neighbouring 
islands (pp. 78-9). 

Now Edrlsl (1154 A.D.) not only refers to Kilah, Djaba, 
Salahat, and Haridj (variant of Harladj) 2 as lying in close 
proximity, about two parsangs from one another, but he further 
states that all these form the territories of one king, who lives 
in Kilah, and is called Djaba 8 . In other words, the lord of 
all these states took his title from Djaba, but his headquarters 
were in Kilah. This statement leaves no doubt that Djaba 
and also, therefore, Djawaga, was in Malay Peninsula, and in 
the 12th century, the overlord of this and the neighbouring 
islands lived in Kalah. This fits in well with the Cola records 
which refer to the king as that of Kataha (Kalah). 

i. Cf. Ferrand Textes (Figures within bracket refer to pages of 
this book). 

3. Ibid. f p. 27 f. n. 9. 3, Ibid, ? pp. 184-5. 


We arrive at the same conclusion by a general study of 
the geographical conception of the Arabs. The early Arab 
writers refer to a country called Rahma, and, from the details 
given, there remains no doubt that by that term they meant 
Pegu, as is indeed admitted by Perrand 1 . Now Ibn al- 
Paklh says : "In India there is a kingdom called Rahma which is 
situated on the sea-coast. Next to this is the country of Djawaga 
whose king is called Maharaja. There is nobody behind him 
for he is in the last of the islands V ; 

Now if Rahma denotes Pegu, we have evidently to look for 
Djawaga in Malay Peninsula, and to an Arab writer, perhaps 
ignorant of Borneo, and regarding China, Combodia, and 
Malaya Peninsula as a series running from north to south, 
the expression 'there is no country behind (i.e. to the east of) 
Djawaga' is not very far from the truth. Of course we must 
not forget that the name Djawaga is also used by almost all 
the Arab writers in the extended sense of Malayasia, and the 
statements of Ibn al-Faklh may easily be explained on this 
supposition. Some other statements may also be similarly 
explained. Thus Ibn al-Fakih refers to the volcano in the 
neighbourhood of Zabag 8 , and also describes FancQr as a 
province or country included in Zabag 4 . As Sumatra, or 
at least a part of it, was undoubtedly included in the wider 
designation of Zabag, his statements are not difficult to under- 
stand, and do not appear to be inconsistent with the view that 
Zabag proper denotes Malay Peninsula. As against Fancdr, 
we may note, for instance, that Ka-Kula which Kia-tan places 
to the west of Kalah, and which has thus to be located in 
Malay Peninsula R , is referred to as a country of Djawaga. 8 

The Arab statement that Zabag was the borderland between 
India and China supports its location in the Malay Peninsula. 
For the port of Kalah is referred to by the Arab writers as the 

i. Ibid., pp. 29,36,43 (f.n. 2). 2. Ibid,, p. 64. 

3. Ibid., p. 59. 4- Ibid., p. 65. 

5. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, p. 353. 6. Ferrand Textes, p, 308. 


first Indian country in the neighbourhood of China, and 300 
parsangs from the latter 1 . If we remember that also Rahma 
(Pegu) and Khmer 9 are both regarded as parts of India, and 
that Djawaga is described as 'separating China from India, or 
at the eastern end of India, beyond the sea of Harkand, and to 
the west of China 3 ' we should naturally take Djawaga as 
denoting the northern part of the Malay Peninsula and the 
countries adjoining to the north of it. 

The Arab statement that Zabag was the borderland between 
India and China might induce us to include within it Laos 
and the vaguely defined hilly country on its north which was 
actually known as Java or Sava.* In this vague extended 
sense, Davaka, used in Samudragupta's inscription, may be 
regarded as the origin of the forms Javaka or Arabian Zabag.* 

The view that Zabag is to be located in Malay Peninsula is 
strikingly confirmed by independent evidence. The South 
Indian literature refers to an oversea kingdom called Savaka, 
Savaka, or Javaka. We find references to it in the famous epic 
Manimekhalai 6 which mentions its kings Bhumicandra and 
Punyaraja, and says that the latter was ruling the earth with 
his capital at Nagapura. That this country is the same as 

I. Ibid, p. 313. 2. Ibid., p. 64. 

3. Ibid,, pp. 92, 205. From these two instances we may conclude 
that although Zabag was in the borderland between India and China, it 
was technically included in the former. But an earlier writer, Ibn 
Rosteh ( c. 903 A. D.) f definitely says that 'behind Multan are many 
kings as far as Djawaga, The king of Djawaga is not included among 
Indian kings because he lives in the island' ( Ibid p. 78.) 

4. Gerini Researches, p. 131. 

5. The connection of Zabag with Java, Sava or Davaka, is 
merely offered as a suggestion which need not be pressed very far in the 
present state of our knowledge. 

6. V.R.R. Dikshitar Studies in Tamil Literature and History, 
p. 83 ; S.K. Aiyangar Manimekhalai in its Historical Setting, pp. 147, 
I49 165, 180. 182, 199. 


Zabag admits of no doubt. As Ferrand has remarked, the two 
names Javaka and Zabag are the only ones in Indonesian 
geography which can be equated with certainty. 1 

The Ceylonese Chronicle Cullavamsa has preserved a 
detailed account of two invasions of Ceylon by CandrabhSnu, 
king of Javaka. ' Now an inscription of a king CandrabhSnti, 
king of Tambralinga, has been found at Caiya, near Ligor. 
Dr. Coedfcs has shown, by a comparison of the dates, that king 
Candrabhanu of Ligor, who issued this inscription in 1230 A.D., 
must be the king referred to in the Ceylonese Chronicle. 8 It 
is thus definitely established, that by J&vaka, the Cullavamsa 
meant a part of the Malay Peninsula. 

Candrabhanu was helped in his second expedition by the 
Pandyas. But, sometime later, the PSndya king boasts in his 
inscriptions of having defeated the Javaka king as well as 
Ceylon. Now in an inscription of Jatavarman Vira Pandya, 
dated A.D. 1264, he claims to have defeated and killed the 
SSvaka (king), and in an inscription of the following year we 
find among the list of defeated kingvS, king of Kadaram (and no 
king of Savaka) 4 The conclusion is almost irresistible, that 
Savaka or Javaka and Kadara both refer to the kingdom of 
Candrabhanu in the Malay Peninsula. Thus the Ceylonese 
Chronicle agrees with the Arab writers in locating Javaka in 
the Malay Peninsula. Further, the Arab writer Sulayman, 
writing in 851 A.D., has remarked that "Kalah-bar and Zabag 
are ruled over by the same king." Kalah-bar is, no doubt, the 
same as Keddah, and thus Keddah and Zabag formed a united 

1. Op. cit., p. 172. 

2. Cullavathsa, Ch. 83, vv. 36-48; Ch. 88 vv. 62, 75. See ante, 
pp. 197 ff 

3. B.K.I., 1927, pp, 463 ff, See ante, p. 198. 

4. These inscriptions are reported in S. I. Ep Rep. (No. 588 of 
1917, and No. 356 of 1906). Their contents are summarised by Ferrand, 
J. A., n-XX, pp. 48-49. 


The Arab writers of the tenth century A.D. refer to the 
extension of the authority of Zabag over the various islands of 
the Pacific. But Aba Zayd Hasan ( c. 916 A.D. ), our earliest 
authority in this respect, clearly distinguishes the kingdom of 
Zabag proper, with its capital city called Zabag, from the 
island called Sribuza, 1 forming a dependent state of the 
former. In Sribuza we cannot fail to recognise Sri-Vijaya. 
Thus it is quite clear that Zabag was originally a different 
kingdom, and had extended its authority over Srl-Vijaya at 
least as early as the tenth century A.D. It is, no doubt, due to 
this extension of political authority of Zabag over the various 
islands, that the Arab writers gave the name of Zabag to the 
whole of Malayasia. But the island of Zabag proper was always 
distinguished from the Zabag empire comprising the archipelago. 
In view of the agreement between the accounts of Arab writers 
and the Cullavamsa, we are justified in locating the kingdom of 
Zabag proper in the Malay Peninsula, probably in the 
neighbourhood of Ligor. 

The discussion of the identity of Zabag cannot be closed 
without a reference to the Chinese data. It is now generally 
accepted that the kingdom referred to as San-fo-tsi in the 
Chinese documents from tenth to fourteenth century A.D. is 
the same as Zabaj or Zabag. But there are two implications 
in this theory which, in my opinion, have been tacitly accepted, 
without sufficient evidence. These are : (1) that San-fo-tsi, 
Che-li-fo-che, Zabag, and Sribuza are all equivalent to Sri- 
Vijaya ; and (2) that all these are to be identified with modern 

As regards (1) we have seen above that Zabag is different 
from Sribuza, and this alone is sufficient to show the weakness 
of the theory. Che-li-fo-che and Sribuza are both obviously 
equivalent to Sri-Vijaya, but the same cannot be said either of 
San-fo-tsi or of Zabag. M. Aurousseau, no doubt, equates San-fo- 
tsi with Che-li-fo-che, 8 but Ferrand is of opinion that it 

i. Ferrand, op. cit, p. $6. 2. B.E.F.E.O. Vol. XXIII, p. 476. 



is impossible to equate San-fo-tsi with Sri-Vijaya from a 
philological point of view. 1 Further, the Chinese accounts 
do not seem to imply that Chc-li-fo-che is the same as San-fo-tsi. 
The history of the Ming Dynasty* says that San-fo-tsi was 
formerly called Kan-da-li ( or Kan-to-li ). According to Chau 
Ju-kua 8 San-fo-tsi began to have relations with China 
during 904-907 A.D. Both these statements are definitely 
against the proposed identification. It is true that Cuda- 
manivarman and Sri-Mara-vijayottungavarman are referred 
to as kings of San-fo-tsi, but that does not prove 
that San-fo-tsi was Sri-Vijaya. For, as stated above, we have 
no right to infer from the Cola records that these two 
were primarily kings of Sri-Vijaya. We should rather regard 
them as kings of Kadaram, and Sri-Vijaya was included in their 
realm. Thus the fact remains that no satisfactory evidence 
has yet been brought forward to show that San-fo-tsi is equiva- 
lent to Sri-Vijaya. It is noteworthy that there is no reference 
to Che-li-fo-che in Chinese records after 742 A.D., ''while 
San-fo-tsi makes its appearance early in the tenth century A.D., 
shortly after the first reference to Zabag by Arab writevs. Of 
course if ultimately San-fo-tsi proves to be the same as Sri- 
Vijaya, we have to dissociate the former from Zabag. 

The identity of San-fo-tsi and Palembang also does not 
appear to be beyond question. It evidently rests upon the 
following statement of Ma Huan ( 1416 A. D. ) : "Ku-kang is 
the same country which was formerly called San-fo-tsi ; it is also 
called Palembang, and is under the supremacy of Java."* The 
History of the Ming dynasty also informs us that sometime 
before 1397 A. D., "Java had completely conquered San-fo-tsi 
and changed its name to Ku-Kang. 5 

i. Ferrand, op. cit. p. 170. 

2 Groeneveldt Notes, p. 68. Ferrand, op. cit. p. 24. 

3. Edited by Hirth and Rockhill, p. 62. Ferrand, op. cit, p, 14. 

4. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 73. I have substituted San-fo-tsi for 
San-bo-tsai of Groeneveldt. 

5. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 71. 


These statements appear to be decisive in favour of the 
identification of San-fo-tsi with Palembang. But when we 
read the detailed account which follows the statement quoted 
above from the History of the Ming dynasty, the view is 
bound to be changed. It tells us in effect that when the 
Javanese had conquered San-fo-tsi, they could not keep all the 
land and the whole country was disturbed. It then describes 
how two Chinese adventurers set up as kings of San-fo-tsi 
and Ku-Kang. From this Groeneveldt has made the obvious 
inference that Ku-Kang and San-fo-tsi were different places. 1 
It might appear that Ku-Kang was the name given to that part 
of the extensive kingdom of San-fo-tsi which was under the 
control of Java, and by a natural process, the name of the former 
kingdom, San-fo-tsi, came to be applied to the latter, which 
originally formed merely a part of it. But then we should 
remember that San-fo-tsi and Ku-kang are treated as two 
different places in Tao-yi Che-lio ( 1349-50 A.D. ), i.e. long 
before Java finally conquered San-fo-tsi. All these certainly go 
against the view that San-fo-tsi is equivalent to Ku-kang 
or Palembang. 8 That San-fo-tsi and Palembang were 
different places is also proved by the account of Chau Ju-kua 
who includes Pa-lim-f ong or Palembang among the dependencies 
of San-fo-tsi.* Palembang was thus a dependent kingdom 
of, and therefore different from, San-fo-tsi. 

We have thus no satisfactory evidence for the identification 
of either (1) Srl-Vijaya with San-fo-tsi, or (2) of San-fo-tsi with 
Palembang. It is needless to add that the identification of 
Srl-Vijaya with Palembang, so far as it is based on these two 
identifications, cannot be seriously maintained. At the same 

1. Ibid., f.n, 4 ; cf. also p. 76. 

2. Ferrand, op. cit. p. 167. The attempts of Rockhill and Pelliot 
to explain away the difficulty, and maintain the identity of San-fo-tsi 
and Palembang do not appear to me to be at all successful (cf, T'oung 
Pao, 1915, pp. 134-5 ; 1933. P- 376). 

3. p. 62. 


time it is only fair to add that there is a strong presumption 
in favour of this identification, as the inscriptions of Srl-Vijaya 
have been found in this locality, and one from Palembang 
itself seems to refer to the foundation of Sri-Vijaya. 1 

The only safe clue for the identification of San-f o-tsi is to 
regard it as equivalent to Arabic Zabaj or Zabag. In that case 
San-fo-tsi should be located in Malay Peninsula, and several 
circumstances support this view. 

The Chinese writers of the Ming period assert that Kan- 
to-li was the old name of San-fo-tsi. The History of the Liang 
dynasty refers to several embassies from Kan-to-li to China, 
one between 454 and 465 A. D. and three others in 502,519 and 
520 A. D. The history of the Chen dynasty refers to another 
embassy from the kingdom in 563 A. D. 

Gerini a was the first to point out that "there was, and 
still exists, Khanthuli or Kanturi district on the east coast of 
Malay Peninsula which may very well be old Kan-to-li of 
First Sung and Liang periods/' But the chief objections 
against this view were the generally accepted identification of 
San-fo-tsi with Palembang, and the fact that Kan-to-li is 
mentioned as a separate state in 820 A. D., whereas Palembang 
was called by the Chinese as Chc-li-fo-che for at least 150 
years before that. 

Now the view propounded above disposes of both these 
objections, and I may point out that Kan-to-li (or Kin-to-li), 
which is regarded by the Chinese as the old name of 
San-fo-tsi, resembles to a great extent Kadara or KidSra, the 
Cola name for the kingdom of Cudamanivarman and Srl-Mara- 
vijayottungavarman who are referred to in the Chinese records 
as kings of San-fo-tsi. It is thas legitimate to suggest, as a 
not improbable hypothesis, that the first Chinese name, 
Kan-to-li, corresponded to Kadara, while the second Chinese 
name, San-fo-tsi was equivalent to Arabic Zabaj or Zabag. 

i. Cf. B.K.I., 1931, pp. 508 ff. J.G.I.S., Vol. I, p. 63, f,n. 7. 

2. Gerini Researches, pp. 602 ff, 


Except for the addition of a nasal sound in both Kan-to-li 
and San-fo-tsi, these two names seem to correspond quite 
well with Kadara and Zabaj. Further, it is to be noted that 
corresponding to the variant forms Kadara and Kidara in 
the Cola records, we have Kan-to-li and Kin-to-li in the 
Chinese annals. 1 

The location of Kan-to-li, as suggested by Gerini,is supported 
by the fact that both the History of the Liang dynasty and 
Han Yii mention Kan-to-li along with Champa and Kamboja. 
Ma-Twan-lin also enumerates in a course with Kan-to-li, P'an- 
p'an, Lan-ya-hsiu, and Po-li, the first two of which can be 
definitely located in Malay Peninsula. All these would suit 
the location of Kan-to-li in Malay Peninsula far better than in 
Sumatra, as Ferrand does, on the authority of Ibn Majid ( A.D. 
1462 ) who mentions Kandari as a general name of Sumatra. 

I am indebted to Dr. Coedfcs for an additional argument, 
which the Chinese sources supply, in favour of locating San- 
fo-tsi in the Malay Peninsula.* The Chinese Charts of Father 
Ricci ( beginning of the 17th century) place Kieou-Kiang and 
San-fo-tsi in the middle of the Peninsula. 3 Dr. Coedfcs, 
however, observes that the Charts give fantastic localisations 
for this region ; besides their late date takes away much of the 
weight of their evidence.* But taken in conj action with the 
other Chinese evidences quoted above, the Charts constitute, in 
my opinion, an important evidence. 


We must now go back to the Nalanda copper-plate which 
refers to the Sailendra kings as ruling over YavabhQmi and 

1. Not being a sinologue or a philologist I do not stress these 
points very much, but merely offer a suggestion to scholars who are 
competent to deal with them. It may be noted that my main thesis does 
not rest on these identifications. 

2. J.G.I.S., Vol I., p. 63. 

3. The Geographical Journal, Vol. LI 1 1, pp. 20-21. 

4. Op. cit. f.n. 3. 


Suvarnadvipa. Pandit H. Sastrl repeats the generally accepted 
view when he says : "The Yavabhuini and the Suvarnadvipa 
arc evidently identical with the Yavadvipa and the Suvarna- 
dvipa islands spoken of in Sanskrit works like the Ramayana 
or the Kathasaritsagara, and are unquestionably the modern 
Java and Sumatra/' 1 

Unfortunately, none of these identifications is beyond 
question. Ferrand has challenged the identification of Yavadvipa 
of Ramayana with Java, and whether one agrees with him or 
not, it is difficult to ignore altogether the arguments of 
considerable weight which he has brought forward in support 
of his thesis that Yavadvipa denotes Sumatra and not Java. 8 
But we shall see presently that Yavabhuini is perhaps to be 
taken in a different sense altogether. 

As regards Suvarnadvipa, the assumption that it unques- 
tionably denotes Sumatra is as unwarranted as the assertion 
that immediately follows, m., 'that Suvarnadvipa is different 
from Suvarnabhumi/ The question has been fully discussed 
above in Bk. I., Chap. IV, and it has been shown that the 
name Suvarnabhumi or Suvarnadvipa was indifferently used 
to denote a wide region including Burma, Malay Peninsula, 
and the islands of the Indian archipelago. 

I am inclined to agree with Pandit II. Sastri that the author 
of the Nalanda plate regarded Yavabhumi and Suvarnadvipa 
as one and the same. If this view be correct we can easily 
equate YavabhQmi with the Arabic Zabag and its variants, and 
may thus hold Yavabhumi-=Zabag=Suvarnadvipa=San-fo-tsi. 


As a result of the preceding discussions we can now 
consider briefly the relations of the Sailendras with Sumatra 
and Java. 

i. Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII. p. 312. 

3. Ferrand, op. cit, pp. 173 ff - s e ante, pp. 98 ff. 


It is well-known that, with the exception of Stutterheim, all 
scholars locate the seat of authority of the Sailendras in 
Sumatra. It will appear from what has been said above that 
there is no warrant for such an assumption. In view of the 
insufficient nature of evidence, it is unwise to be dogmatic one 
way or the other, but I hope it will be readily conceded, that 
barring the identification of San-fo-tsi with Palembang, which 
is at best a very doubtful one, there is no evidence to regard 
Sumatra as the home of the Sailendras. Only in the Cola 
Inscriptions of eleventh century A. D. they are referred to as 
kings of Ka^ana and Sri-Vijaya, very much in the same way 
as the Arab writers from the tenth century onwards regard 
Sribuza as one of the dependent states of Zabag. The growing 
commercial importance of Srl-Vijaya, and perhaps its past 
historical record, invested it with special importance, and hence 
it formed an important centre of the growing Sailendra 
Empire. The evidence at our disposal proves nothing beyond 

Indeed, the case for Java is much stronger. We find here 
two records, definitely referring to the Sailendra kings, and 
belonging to the earliest period of their history known to us. 
At least one of these kings, Rakai Panamkarana, appears in the 
famous Kedu inscriptions among the predecessors of the 
Javanese kings of Mataram. It is also possible to identify 
Samarottuiiga, mentioned in a Kedu record dated 847 A.D., with 
Samaragravlra of the Nalanda Inscription. 1 These facts, 
added to the existence of Barabudur and other famous temples, 
may tempt us to the view that Java was the original home of 
the Sailendras. The temptation is increased if we remember 
how easy and natural it would be to derive Zabag from Yava, 
and how certain statements of Arab writers would admirably 
suit Java. We may refer, for example, to three characteristics 

i. See later, Bk, III, Chap I. 


of Djftwaga which are constantly referred to by Arab 

(1) There is a volcano in the neighbourhood of Djawaga. 

(2) There is no land behind DjSwaga, and it is the last 
of the islands. 

(3) The whole country is fertile, and the villages succeed 
one another without interruption, so that the cries of cocks in 
the morning would be heard continuously for 100 parsangs. 

Now all those characteristics would be more applicable to 
Java than Malay Peninsula. The statement that Djawaga is 
situated on the borderland between India and China may not be 
regarded as a decisive argument against Java, if we remember 
that the, curly Arab writers had a somewhat vague notion in 
this respect. It is clear, however, that some of their positive 
statements, particularly those about the latitude and longitude 
of Djftwaga, as compared with those of Sribuza and other well- 
known places, cannot apply to Java. It is thus legitimate to 
hold that Djawaga perhaps originally meant Java, but later, 
the Arab writers located it in some place in the Malay 
Peninsula. This confusion can be easily explained by the 
transference of the scat of authority of the Sailendrag from 
Java to Malay Peninsula in the ninth or tenth century A.D. 
Perhaps the Arab writers applied the original name of the 
Sailcndra kingdom to its new seat of authority. 

The only other alternative view, which can be justified by 
available evidences, is to locate Djawnga, and therefore the seat 
of authority of the Sailendras, in Malay Peninsula from the 

The Malay Peninsula is indeed poor in antiquities as 
compared with Java, but not poorer in this respect than Sumatra, 
where Zdbag is usually located. Wilkinson goes even further. 
Referring to the antiquities and some other characteristic 
features of the northern part of the Peninsula he remarks : 
"All these facts point to the past existence of powerful states 


and high standard of wealth and luxury in the north of the 
Malay Peninsula." 1 

Quite recently, Dr. II. G. Quaritch Wales made an 
archaeologieal survey of several ancient sites in the Malay 
Peninsula, and has emphatically endorsed the hypothesis that 
the centre of the mighty empire of the Sailcndras was in Malay 
Peninsula. He holds that Caiya or Jaiyu was the first 
capital of this empire, and when this city was overrun by the, 
Khmers in the twelfth century, the capital was transferred 
further south to Nakhon Sri Thauimarat." 

Indeed it is in Mal-iy Peninsula alone thut we can trace tho 
rule of the Sailcndras from beginning to end. Tho Ligor 
inscription, the scries of South Indian inscriptions referring to 
friendly or hostile relations of Tolas with Soilcndra* of Kat&ha 
or Kadfira, tho continuity of similar relations between Kacjftni 
and Siivaka king on the one hand and the Pilndya and (.'eyloncse 
kings on the other, and tho location of Zabag or Siivuka in Malay 
Peninsula, all these constitute a strong argument in favour 
of regarding Malay Peninsula as the home of the Sailondrus, 
and the seat of the great empire over which they ruled. 

Such an assumption would further explain tho spread of 
the Malay people and their language all over Indonesia, and 
the extensive application of the name Yavn, Jiiwa or its 
equivalents in Sumatra, Cambodia, Laos, mid A imam. In other 
words, the trace rf tho old Malay empire of tho Sailondras 
called Javaka can still be found in the wide-spread charartor 
of tho Malay race and language all over Indonesia, and the wide 
use of the geographical name to its different constituent parts. 


Iii conclusion we must lay stress on tho fact that thorn 
are some reasons to believe that the Sailondnis wero now 
arrivals from India. This would explain the introduction of 
NSgari alphabet in their inscriptions and of a now namc,Kalmga, 

1. R. G. WilkinsonHistory of the Peninsular Malays, 3rd Ed. p. 15. 

2. I.A.L.. Vol. IX, No i, pp. 1-25. See ante, pp. 80-7. 



for Malayasia, as we know from the Chinese records. The 
portion of the western coast of Bay of Bengal, which was known 
as Kalinga in old days, contained the famous port 'Paloura' 
which was from very early times the port of embarkation for 
the Far East. The same region was ruled over in the sixth 
and seventh centuries A.D. by the Ganga 1 and Sailodbhava* 
dynasties, and behind them, in the Vindhya region, we find 
another dynasty called the Sailas. In the preamble of an 
inscription, this family is said to have descended from Gangs, 
the daughter of Himalaya (8ailendra), and the first king 
is referred to as Sattaramsa-tilaka (ornament of the Saila 
family). 8 Thus the Ganga, Sailodbhava, and Saila dynasties 
may all be the source of a name like Sailendra. 

The Gangas were a wide-spread tribe, the most notable 
being the Gangas of Kalinga and Mysore. According to the 
tradition preserved among the Gangas of Kalinga, Kamarnava, 
giving over the paternal kingdom to his uncle, set out with 
his four brothers to conquer the earth, and took possession of 
the Kalinga country. The accession of Kamarnava would fall 
in the eighth century A. D., according to the regnal years 
supplied in their records. 4 But, before him also, Ganga kings 
ruled in Kalinga, probably from the sixth century A. D. 

The title 'Lord of Tri-Kaliiiga' was borne by the Ganga kings 
from the sixth century A. D. till a late period. Now the 
expression Tri-Kaliiiga is an old one, and is perhaps preserved 
even now in the Teliiiga or Talaings of lower Burma. If so, 
we may find here an evidence of the Ganga conquest of lower 
Burma in the eighth century A. D. From this base in lower 
Burma they might have rapidly spread to the Far East. 

1. Cf. e.g., Urlam plates, Ep. Ind.. Vol. XVII, pp. 330 if. 

2. Cf. e g., Buguda Plates, Ep. Ind., Vol III, p. 41* 

3. Ep. Ind., Vol, IX, p. 41. 

4. Cf. Ep. Cam, Vol. IX. Introduction, p. 9 J Eng. Translation of 
Inscriptions, pp. 39 ff. 5 Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII, APP. I, p. 17, and the 
references given there. J.B.O. R.S., Vol. XVIII, pp. 285 ff. 


It is interesting to note that the names of the Gfifiga kings 
end in Maharaja or Mahadhinlja, as e.g. Visnugopa-MahadhirSja, 
and Srl-purusa Prthvi-Kongani-Maharaja. In the former of these 
we get an almost exact form of "Visnvakhyo MaharajanSma," 
i.e. having the name of Visnu Maharaja, which we meet with 
in the Ligor inscription. It is not, of course, suggested that 
the two kings were identical, but the agreement in the very 
unusual fashion of including Maharaja as part of the name is 
certainly striking. Reference may also be made to the city 
named Gangganegara (see p. 188, f. n. 2). 

Thus while no definite conclusion is possible at the present 
state of our knowledge, indications are not altogether wanting 
that the Sailendras originally came from Kaliiiga, and spread 
their power in the Far East through Lower Burma and 
Malay Peninsula. l 

I. Since the publication of my paper on the Sailendras in 
B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 121 ffof which this appendix is the 
English original several views have been put forward regarding the 
origin of the Sailendras. Dr. Coedes suggested that they were kings 
of Funan, and being evicted therefrom, carved out a kingdom in Java 
in the 8th century A.D., and claimed back their own possessions in the 
9th cent. A.D. (J.G.I.S., Vol, I, pp. 66 ff.). Dr. J. Przyluski opooses this 
view and holds that Sailendravams'a derives its origin from 'Sailendra', 
originally an Indonesian deity of the Bataks, enthroned upon a high 
mountain, who has been successively identified with Siva Girisa and 
the supreme Buddha (J.G.I.S,, Vol. II, pp.28 ff.), Prof. K. A, Nilkanta 
Sastri infers from some expressions in the Cangal Ins. of Safijaya 
that the Pandyan country was the original home of the Hindu- 
Javanese immigrants and their rulers, and he thinks it possible that 
Safijaya himself was a member of the Sailendravamsa. ( T. B. G., 
1935, pp, 610-11). The last two views do not appear to me to be 
even plausible, The view of Coedes is not in conflict with my theory. 
As regards Prof. Sastri's criticism (op. cit.) of this theory, it is partly 
based on misunderstanding of my arguments. For the rest, I may point 
out to him that my view is a tentative one, and is not to be regarded as 
one that can be definitely proved. Indeed this was quite clearly 
stated in my paper, and has been properly understood in this spirit 
by others, 

Book III 




Chapter I. 


We have seen above that several Hindu kingdoms 
flourished in Java as early as the fifth or sixth century A. D. 
But we do not possess any detailed knowledge of the history 
of the country till we coine to the eighth century A. D. About 
the beginning of this century, a powerful kingdom was founded 
in central Java by king Sannaha. Some information about 
him and his successor is furnished by the Cangal inscription. 1 
This record is engraved on a stone slab, which was discovered 
among the ruins of a Saiva temple at Cangal, on the plateau of 
the Wukir Hill in Kedu. It contains twelve verses in Sanskrit. 
It begins by stating that a Sivalifiga was set up in the Saka 
year 654, i.e. 732 A. D., by a king named Safijaya, son of 
Sannaha. Then, after an invocation of the gods Siva (w. 2-4), 
Brahma (v. 5), and Visnu (v. 6), it praises the island of 
Java (v. 7), and refers to its king Sanna or Sannaha who ruled 
righteously like Manu for a long time. lie was succeeded 
by Safijaya (vv. 8-12) who was ruling at the time the record 
was set up. Certain statements of the inscription have led 
scholars to think that the dynasty had recently emigrated 
to Java from a locality named Kurijara-Kunja in South India. 
The relationship between Sannaha and SaSjayu, although 

i. Edited by Kern, V. G., Vol. VII, pp. 117 ^ ; and commen- 
ted on by B. C. Chhabra, J. A. S. B. L. Vol. i pp, 34 ff. The latter has 
pointed out that there is no definite statement in the record in support of 
the generally accepted interpretation that Sanjaya was the son 
of Sannaha, and that Safljaya's sister had some share in the 


generally presumed to be that of father and son, cannot be 
regarded as absolutely certain on account of some lacuna in 
the record. 

King Safijaya is referred to in this inscription as a 
"conqueror of the countries of neighbouring kings." Ordinarily 
such a vague statement really does not mean much, but there 
is literary evidence to corroborate it in this particular instance. 
A long list of the countries conquered by king San jay a, son of 
Sena (presumably the same as Sauna), is given in a book 
called Carita Parahyangan. After mentioning his conquests 
in Java and Bali it says : 

"From there Safijaya proceeded to the Malayu country ; 
he fought with Kernir (Khmer), the rahyang Gana is defeated. 
Again he fought with Keling, sang Sri-Vijaya is defeated. 
He fought with Barus, ratu Jayadana is defeated. He fought 
with China, pati Srikaladarma is defeated. Then rahyang 
Sanjaya returned from his over-sea expedition to Galuh 1 ". 

It is difficult to decide how far we can accept, as historical, 
the detailed account, given above, of the victories gained by 
SaSjaya. While Dr. Stutterheim is inclined to take the passage 
at its face value 8 , Dr. Krom finds in it nothing more than a 
possibility that SaSjaya led some expeditions across the sca. s 
Dr. Stutterheim even goes further. He takes SaSjaya to be 
the founder of the Sailendra dynasty, referred to above in 
Book II, and regards his conquests, as mentioned in Carita 
Parahyangan, as mere precursors of the military expeditions, 
which the Sailendras sent against Champa and KSmboja in the 
latter part of the eighth century A.D. (sec ante pp. 156 ff.) 

i. T. B. G., 1920, pp. 417 ff. Quoted by Stutterheim in 
"Javanese period in Sumatran History," p. 18. Carita Parahyangan 
is written in old Sudanese. A short account of the book, together 
with the Text, is given by Poerbatjaraka in T. B. G., Vol. 59, pp. 
394 if, 402 ff. 

2* Op. cit. Stutterheim would, however, substitute Champa 
for China. 

3. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , p. 126, 


This revolutionary theory of Dr. Stutterhcim is based upon 
a Grant, engraved on two copper-plates 1 , which are now in 
Srivedari Museum, Solo, but of which the original find-spot is 
unknown. The inscription is almost an exact copy of two other 
inscriptions, one on stone, and the other on a copper-plate, 
which were previously known. But as some parts of the 
inscription were missing in both, the identity could not be 
recognised. Of these two copies the find-spot of the stone 
inscription is not known, though it was believed by Ilouffaer to 
have come from eastern Java. The copper or rather bronze 
plate was found at Nagadireja, Kedu. 

The copper-plate grant at Solo is dated 907 A.D., but the 
stone inscription bears a date, which was formerly read as 84x 
Saka, and then doubtfully restored as 830 Saka (928 A. D.). 
In view of the fact that the Solo inscription gives the date 
clearly as 907 A.D., Dr. Stutterheim naturally suggests that 
as the date of the grant, which may hereafter be referred to 
as the Kedu grant. 

The inscription records a grant made by Sri Maharaja Fakai 
Watukura dyah Balitung Sri Dharmodayu MahaSambhu in A. D. 
907. The most interesting part of the inscription, for our 
present purpose, is the reference to a long line of past kings 
whose names are invoked as the protectors of the kingdom. 

The list of kings is as follows : 

1. Rakai Mataram, sang ratu Saiijaya. 

2. Sri Maharaja rakai Paiiangkaran. 

3. Sri Maharaja rakai Panunggalan. 

4. Warak. 

5. Garung. 

6. Pikatan. 

7. Kayuwangi. 

8. Watuhumalang. 

9. Watukura. 

i. T. B. G., Vol. LXVI1 (1927), PP- 172. 


Dr. Stutterheim first of all identified the second king of the 
list, Sri Maharaja rakai Panangkaran, with Kariy&na Panam- 
karana, the Sailendra king referred to in the Kalasan inscription. 
This identity of a king of the Mataram dynasty of Java with 
a Sailendra king is the starting point of his theory. He then 
proceeds to identify SaSjaya with the grandfather of Balaputra- 
deva, called Tira-vairi-mathan-anugat-abhidhana' in the 
Nalanda copper-plate, mainly on the ground that the name of 
the former, "All-conqueror," could be quite well a synonym 
of the latter "heroic destroyer of enemies." Proceeding still 
further, he identifies Panamkarana, who founded the temple 
of T&ra ( Kalasan ins. ) with SarnarSgravira who married 
TarS ( Nalanda charter }, on the assumption that the queen 
Tara" was identified with the goddess. Lastly he identifies 
Dharmasetu, the name of the father of Tara, as read by 
Pandit II. Sastri in the Nslanda charter, with DharmapSla, 
the famous emperor of Bengal, on the ground that the name 
Dharmapala could, in poetry, be regarded as a synonym of 
Dharmasetu. 1 Thus, on tho whole, Sanjaya and his son, the 
first two kings of Mataram referred to in the Kedu grant, are 
regarded by Dr. Stutterheim as the first two Sailendra kings 
mentioned in the Nalanda charter as grandfather and father 
of Balaputra. He then draws the obvious conclusion that 
while the Sailendras were really the Javanese ruling dynasty 
of Mataram, a son, perhaps the youngest son of Panangkaran, 
ruled over Sumatra, which was a part of the Javanese empire 
under the Sailendras. 

It must be admitted at the very outset, that the somewhat 
elaborate structure, raised by Dr. Stutterheim, rests on a 
rather weak foundation. The utmost that can be said in 
favour of his theory is that it is not an improbable one, but 
the amount of positive evidence which he has yet been able to 
bring forward is insufficient to command a general assent to 
his views. 

i. "Javanese Period etc.," pp. 6-13, 


As regards the identification of Dharmasetu and DharmapSla, 
the name of the king, as written in the Nalanda charter, is 
clearly Varmasetu. Dr. Stutterheim has referred to the use of 
the word Dharmasetu in the Kclurak inscription. But the word 
is very commonly used, in the sense of a pious foundation, in 
the inscriptions of the Pfilas and other dynasties 1 , and no 
emphasis, therefore, need be laid upon it. 

The identity of Panariikarana and Samaragravlra on the 
basis of the common name, Tara, can hardly be accepted as 
satisfactory, and the same may be said of the identification of 
Sanjaya and Vlra-vairi-mathana. 

The only view of Dr. Stutterheim that would readily 
command assent, is his identification of Panangkaran, the 
second king in the Kedu list, with the Sailendra king of the 
same name, mentioned in the Kalasan inscription. Now this 
one identification would have gone a great way to support the 
theory of Dr. Stutterheim, if we could readily agree with him 
that the names of kings mentioned in the Kedu inscription are 
those of Sanjaya and his descendants. If that were so, 
the identity of any one of them with a Sailendra king would 
have certainly justified us in regarding the kings of Mataram 
as belonging to Sailendra family. Unfortunately, as Dr. Bosch 
has pointed out, 8 there is nothing in the Kedu inscription to 
justify the assumption that the kings mentioned in it all belong 
to the same family. It merely refers to a long series of kings, 
who protected Mataram before king rakai Watukura, in whose 
reign it was recorded. Thus while all these kings must be 
regarded as having reigned in Mataram before rakai Watukura, 
they cannot, without further evidence, be regarded as his 

We may, therefore, resume the history of Java, from where 
we left it, without any further reference to the theory of 

1. E. g. in line 47 of the Monghyr copperplate of Devapala. 
( Ind. Ant, Vol. XXI., pp. 254-257 ). Cf. J. G. 1. S., Vol. Ill, pp. no-u. 

2. T. B G., Vol. 69 (1929), p. 136. 



Dr. Stutterheim, which would put an altogether new complexion 
on the whole situation. We have seen that early in the 
eighth century A. D. king Sannaha had founded a kingdom in 
central Java, where his son and successor SaSjaya, a great 
follower of Saivism, was ruling in 732 A. D. Tradition of a 
later age credits this king with extensive conquests, but the 
amount of truth contained in it we are unable to verify. The 
very fact, however, that such traditions have gathered round 
a historical king, would justify us in regarding him as a powerful 
ruler, who extended his authority far beyond the borders of his 
own realm 1 . 

Now as the eighth king in the list, furnished by the Kedu 
inscription, reigned at the beginning of the tenth century A. D., 
the first king may be presumed to have flourished about the 
beginning or middle of the eighth century A. D. It would, 
therefore, be quite reasonable to identify the first king Sanjaya 
in that list with king Sanjaya of the Cangal inscription 
dated, 732 A. D. 

This identification at once enables us not only to connect 
king Sanjaya with Mataram, but also to gather some information 
regarding the later history of his kingdom. But unfortunately, 
here, again, the language of the Kcdu inscription is not 
altogether free from ambiguity. Bosch has justly raised a 
doubt if the expression 'rakai Mataram sang ratu Sanjaya', 
with which the list of kings begins, really refers to one person, 
VIA., king Sanjaya, rakai Mataram, or to two persons, one 
called 'rakai Mataram', and the other called 'sang ratu Sanjaya'. 8 
In view of the fact, that all the other kings are referred 
to under their rakai title, the probability is that 'rakai Mataram' 
refers to Sanjaya. So far as the Kedu inscription goes, the title 
'rakai Mataram' has no more significance than the other rakai 
titles which follow. But the fact remains that from the 

1. Stutterheim finds a reference to king Sanjaya and his burial- 
temple in the Pojok Ins. (B. K. I. 1933, PP- 282 if.). 

2. T. B. G., Vol. 69 (1929)1 p. I3 6 > f - n 4- 


beginning of the tenth century A. D., when the Kedu 
inscription was recorded, the kingdom of rakai Watukura and 
his successors, who ruled over both central and eastern Java, 
was officially styled 'the kingdom of Mataram'. SaGjaya, 
rakai Mataram, may thus be looked upon as the founder of the 
kingdom ; at least there is no doubt that he was regarded 
as such in the tenth century A. D. 

Now, Mataram was the name of a famous kingdom in Java, 
ruled over by Muhammadan Sultans since the last years of the 
sixteenth century A. D. Krom is inclined to regard this also 
as the scat of the old kingdom of that name. He rightly 
points out that the adoption of the title 'pmice of Mataram' 
by some members of the royal family of Majapahit shows that 
the name never went out of use, and it is, therefore, exceedingly 
likely, though of course by no means certain, that the 
Muhammadan Sultans merely revived the use of an old 
name. 1 

On the other hand, Dr. Stuttcrheim locates the kingdom 
further north. Now, the charters of the Mataram dynasty 
make it clear that the Kraton (the royal palace), and therefore 
also the capital of the kingdom, was at first at Medang. 
Dr. Stutterheim identifies this place with Mendang Kamulan 
in Grobogan (Semarang) on the basis of a local tradition 
recorded by Sir Stamford Raffles a . But, as Krom points out, 
the new Kraton, according to the tradition recorded by Raffles, 
was founded from Prambanan, and so the old Kraton of 
Mataram kingdom must be placed in or near Prambanan. 
The proximity of the big temples, Lara-Jongrang, Plaosan, and 
Sajivan also fully support this view. 3 

1. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , p. 169. 

2. "Javanese Period etc", p. 19. Cf. also, B. K. I., Vol. 89 
( ! 93 2 ) PP 278-82 where Sturterheim has shown that the burial-temples 
of the kings were not necessarily in the vicinity of the Kratons 
(royal palaces). 

5. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , p, 170. 


Now, as we have seen above, there are good grounds 
to identify the second king of the Kedu inscription, 
Sri Maharaja rakai Panangkaran with the Sailcndra king of 
that name mentioned in the Kalasan inscription, dated 778 A. D. 
It would follow in that case that during the reign of king 
Sanjaya, or his successor, a part at least of central Java 
was conquered by the Sailendras. 

How did the dynasty of Sanjaya fare in the hands of the 
Sailendras ? The question is difficult to answer. But one thing 
seems to be certain. The find-spots of Sailendra inscriptions, 
as well as the reference to a Sailendra king as one of 
the protectors of the kingdom of Mataram, leave no doubt 
that that kingdom, or the Jogyakcrta district, passed from the 
hands of Sanjaya's family. But, as we shall see later, the 
last three or four kings of the list supplied by the Kedu 
inscription must have been ruling in the same region. These 
kings may be presumed to belong to the family of Sanjaya, or at 
least to claim their rights to the kingdom from him. Thus 
central Java, or at least the southern part of it, belonged to 
the kingdom founded by SaSjaya's father, from the beginning 
of the eighth to the beginning of the tenth century A. D., except 
for the period of Sailendra supremacy. The question naturally 
arises, where did the family rule during this interval ? 

A passage in the New History of the T'ang Dynasty perhaps 
enables us to answer this question. It says : "The king lives 
in the town of Java (Cho-p'o). His ancestor Ki-yen had 
transferred the capital to PVlu-kia-sseu towards the east. 
On different sides there are twenty-eight small countries, all 
acknowledging the supremacy of Java". 1 

This account is supplemented by two important details 
in other Chinese texts. From these we learn that the transfer 
of the capital took place during the period A. D. 742-755, 

i. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 13, as corrected by Pelliot, B. E, F. 
E< O., Vol. IV, pp. 224-25,413- 


and that the new capital was eight days' journey to the east 
of the then capital, Java. l 

There are good grounds to believe that the information 
given in the New History of the T'ang Dynasty is true of 
the last part of the ninth century A.D.* Thus the Chinese 
account almost inevitably leads to the conclusion that when 
the dynasty ruling in central Java was ousted therefrom 
by the Sailendras, about the middle of the eighth century A.D., 
it was forced to shift its headquarters to another town, about 
100 or 150 miles ( 8 days' journey ) to the east ; but that 
before the end of the ninth century A.D. the dynasty had 
recovered its old capital. 

We may thus conclude that the Sailendra supremacy in 
Java extended from the middle of the eighth to the middle or 
end of the ninth century A. D., and that during this period, the 
indigenous dynasty ruling in central Java had to shift its head- 
quarters to the east. 

In the present state of our knowledge we cannot be sure 
of anything except this broad outline of events. The few 
records of the period from central Java, that are known to us, 
do not enable us to lift the thick veil of obscurity that surrounds 
the whole period. 

A copper-plate from Pengging in Surakarta contains an order 
issued by rakarayan i Garung, who is probably the same as 
rakai Garung, the fifth king of the Kedu list. The date 
of the record, either Saka 751 or 761 (A. D. 829 or 839), is also 
not in conflict with the proposed identification. But then the 

1, Pelliot, ibid. The Chinese name of the new capital of Java 
has been rendered by Ferrand as Ba-ru-ja-sik=(Kawi) Waruh Gresik. 
According to Ferrand this place is still well-known under its abridged 
form Gresik, being the port popularly known as Grisse, within the 
Residency of Surabaya (J. A. ii-XIH, (1919), pp. 304-6). The name 
seems to correspond to Sanskrit Bharukaccha. 

2. It was evidently later than the embassy that was sent from 
Java between 860 and 873 A. D. See below ; also Krom Geschiedenis, 
p. 160. 


title Maharaja is wanting. 1 Another inscription, found at 
Bolong in Magelang, and dated Saka 753, probably belongs to 
the same king, but no royal name is mentioned in the record". 

Next in chronological order is the stone inscription of 
Karangtengah (Kedu) dated 847 A. D. which refers to king 
Samarottu&ga. It has been already noted above that this 
king has been identified by some with the Sailendra king 
Samar&gravira. But this is by no means certain, as the name is 
also borne by purely Javanese kings of later date. Besides, 
Goris interprets the record as belonging to rakai Paminggalau 
and dated in A. D. 797. 8 

An inscription found at Argapura, and dated A. D. 804, 
refers to rakai Pikatan, but then without any royal title. This 
rakai Pikatan appears to be also named pu Manka. Now one 
pu Manuka issues the stone inscription of Perot, dated 853, but 
with the title rakai Patapan. In the same year we come across 
rakai Pikatan occupying a lower position than rakai Patapan. 
The identity of these two, and of both, with the sixth king in the 
Kedu list, is again a matter of extreme uncertainty.* 

After all these uncertainties we enter into a somewhat clearer 
atmosphere with Sri Maharaja rakai Kayuwangi, the seventh king 
of the series. He is known from three copper-plate inscriptions, 
all found at Ngabean, near Magelang. These are dated in the 
years A. D. 879% 880, and 882 7 . From the last we know 

1. O. V. 1920, p. 136 ; Ibid, 1928, p. 65. 

2. T. B. G., Vol. 70 (1930), PP- I57-I70. 

3. O. J. O., No. IV. The date is corrected by Goris in T. B. G , 
1930, p. 1 60, f.n. 5. 

4. O. J. O., Nos. V, Vi, VIII. Krom, op. cit. p. 156. f. n. 6. 
T. B. G., 1927, pp. 194-5. The Gandasuli (Kedu) inscription issued 
by one rakryan Patapan was formerly dated 847 A. D. But according 
to Goris the date is 787 A. D. (T. B. G., 1930, p. 160, f.n. 3.) 

5. O. J. O., No. XII. 6. K. O., No. X. 

7, K. O., No. XV. rl Maharaja rake Gurunwangi, mentioned 
in a record of 886 A. D. ( O. J. O., No. XVIII), may be a variant qf 


that the official name of the king was Sajjanotsavatungga. 
He may be identified with Svarni Kayuwangi, with the proper 
name Sukri, mentioned in a record dated 861 A. D. 1 
Kayuwangi appears as the name of a locality near Dieng in 
another record dated 866 A. D. 

With the exception of the first king Safijaya, all the 
predecessors of Sajjanotsavatungga are known to us only by 
their Indonesian titles, which were evidently derived from 
place-names'. Their Sanskrit names, probably the names 
adopted at the time of coronation, are unknown to us. 

The inscription of Sajjanotsavatungga, dated 880 A. D., 
refers to the dedication of a silver umbrella to the Bhat&ra of 
SalingsiiHjan. Expression like this refers to the custom of 
deifying a king after his death, and then referring to him as the 
God (Bhatara) of the locality where his body is cremated. 
This custom was very familiar in Java and other countries 
in the Far East, and very often a temple was erected on 
the cremation ground, containing an image of the tutelary 
deity ( Buddha, Siva etc. ) with the features of the king. 
In many instances Javanese kings are referred in later 
documents simply as His Majesty ( or God ) cremated at 
such and such a place. In the present instance, we must 
presume that one of Sajjanotsavatungga's predecessors was 
cremated at Salingsingan, and deified after death. A later 
record refers to an endowment made in 878 A.D. by the 
king cremated at Pastika. This implies that a predecessor of 
Sajjanotsavatungga, perhaps his immediate predecessor, was 
cremated at Pastika and deified.* 

I. O. J. O. f No. VII. 2. Not. Bat. Gen., 1889, p. 16- 

3. Krom Geschiedenis pp. 154, 181.. King Airlangga was, 
e. g., called rakai Halu, because his coronation took place in a locality of 
that name. The raka title assumed by a king might have been borne 
by other persons too, but not probably during $he life-time of the 
king himself. 

4. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , pp. 179-181, 


The eighth king rakai Watuhumalang is known from an 
inscription dated 886 A.D. 1 . 

With one or two exceptions all these inscriptions were 
found in the valleys of Kedu and Prambanan. It would 
thus appear that the series of kings mentioned in the Kedu 
inscription had been ruling in some part of this region. But 
in addition to this series we come across in this region 
inscriptions of other kings who seemed to have ruled in the 
same period. A copper-plate charter, dated 892 A.D. 8 , was 
issued by a king named rake Limus Sri Devendra. Another 
undated copper-plate, most probably originating from Dieng region, 
refers to His Majesty Gwas Sri Jayaklrtivardhana. 3 Another 
undated inscription belonging to this period refers to the 
king cremated at Kwak (in the neighbourhood of Ngabean) 4 . 
Whether these kings really belong to the same series of kings, 
assuming different raka titles at differcnjt times, or whether 
they were independent rulers in different localities, we do 
not know. In any case it would be hazardous to draw any 
definite conclusions from these records, beyond the obvious 
fact that central Java continued to be the chief seat of culture 
and political authority throughout the eighth and ninth 
centuries A.D. 

With the ninth and last king of the series we definitely 
pass to eastern Java. As we possess several inscriptions of 
this king, with variations of names, and as the find-spots of 
these records have formed the basis of important conclusions, 

1. K. O., No IX - also O. V., 1925, p. 42. 

2. Rapp, Oudh. Comm., 1911, pp. 6-9. Stutterheim thinks 
that Devendra was really an official and not a king, the royal title 
being applied to him through mistake in the copy of the original 
inscription which alone we possess. (B. K. 1., Vol. 90, pp. 269-70.) 

3. O. J. O., No. CIV. 4. O. J, O. ( No.CVI. 



we shall begin with a list of these records, arranged in 
chronological order. 
Serial No. Date 
I. 1 898 A.D. 

2.' 901 A.D. 

3.* 002 A.D. 





E. Java/ 

003 A.D. Vanagiri 

G. 5 007 A.D. Blitar. 

7-9." 007 (908) A.D 

10. 7 


907 A.D. 

010 A.D. 

Three copies 
of the Kedu 


(at present in 



Name of the king. 

Sri haji Balitung Ut(t)- 

Sri Maharaja rake Watu- 

kura dyah Balitung. 
Maharaja rake Watukura 


dyah Balitung Sri 

, ga. 

Sri Maharaja rakai Watu- 
kura dyah Balitung 

Sri Dharmodaya 


As in No. 3. 
As in No. 4. 


Watu Kura 


Sri Maharaja Kegalu 
(rake Galu or rake 
Halu) dyah Garuda- 
mtika Sri Dharmo- 
daya Mahasama (Ma- 

2. O. J. O., No. XXIII. 
4. T.B.G., 1934, p. 269. 

i. O.J.O., No. XXI. 
3. O. J.O., No, XXIV. 

5. O. J. O., No. XXVI, 

6. These have been discussed above in connection with the 
grant edited by Dr. Stutterheim. For the other two copies, cf. O. J. O., 
Nos. XXVII andCVIIl. 

7. Nos. 8 and 9 (fragmentary) are edited by F. H. Van 
Naerssen ( Aanwinsten van het Koloniaal Instituut over 1934. 
PP. 135 ff.) 

8. O.J.O., No., XXVIII. 



The full form of the royal name thus consists of a special 
raka-title, an Indonesian proper name (Balitimg) and the 
Sanskrit coronation name. The most striking thing is the 
different coronation names assumed by the king, ru., 
Uttungadeva, Ivara-Keavotsavatunga, ISvarake&iva-samaro- 
ttunga and Dharmodaya MahaSambhu. Even the personal 
names and rake titles are changed, for we have both dyah 
Balitung and dyah Garudamuka and rake Watukura and 
rake Galu (or Halu). 1 

These records show that the king reigned at least from 
A.D. 898 to 910, and that his dominions certainly included 
both eastern and central Java. This is further corroborated 
by the fact that an officer named rakryan i Watutihang Sri 
Sangramadhurandhara, serving king Balitung in the east 
in 901 A.D., 2 is also referred to in a record of the self-same 
year at Baratengah in Bagelcn, i.e., to the west of Matariim.% 
and in two other records in central Java, dated 902 and 
906 A.D.* 

Dharmodaya MahaSambhu was succeeded by Daksottama 
in or before A.D. 915. He is referred to as rakryan ri Hino 
Sri Bahubajrapratipaksaksaya in the Panaraga inscription of 
901 A.D. 5 , as Mapatih i Hino in another record dated 906 
A.D. fl , as Mahamantri Sri Daksottama Bajrabahu ( or Bahu- 
bajra ) Pratipaksaksaya in two records dated 907 A.D. 7 and 
rakryan mahamantri i Hino Bahubajrfiprapaksaksnyj, in 
the Surabaya inscription dated 910 A.D. 8 These records 
clearly indicate that he occupied a very high position during 
the reign of his predecessor, and it may be presumed that he 
belonged to the royal family. 

1. For an explanation of the official titles that occur in these and 
following passages, cf. Book IV, Chapter VI. 

2. O.J. O., No. XXIII. 3. O. J. O., No. XXII. 

4. O. V., 1925, pp. 41-9; O. J. O., No. XXV. 

5. O. J. O., No. XXIII. 6. O. V., 1917, p. 88. 

7. O. J. O., No. XXI. Krom-Geschiedenis 2 p. 186, f. n. 5. 

8. O. J. O., No. XXVIII. 


Of Daksottama, as king, we possess four inscriptions. 
The Singasari inscription, dated 915 A.D., supplies us the 
earliest definite date for his rule. 1 There are, besides, two 
copper-plate grants of this king. 2 As his records have 
been found both at Singasari and Prambanan, it is certain 
that, like Balitung, he also ruled over both eastern and 
central Java. 

The stone inscription of Daksottama, found at Gata 3 
(Getak) near Prambanan, is dated in the Saiijaya era. It is 
difficult to determine the epoch of this era, which is at present 
known only from this and another record, found at Taji*, 
in the same locality. The dates in these two records were 
read as 693 and 604, and Daksottama is known to have reigned 
between A.D. 910 (the last date of his predecessor) and A.D. 
919 ( the earliest date of his successor ). It is, therefore, 
obvious, that the era must have been started sometime between 
A.D. 217 and 226. But no era, either in Java or in India, 
is known to have originated about this time. 

Recently Dr. Goris has offered a solution of this difficulty 5 . 
lie reads the dates of Gata and Taji inscriptions respectively 
as 176 and 172 (or 174), and there remains, therefore, no 
difficulty in ascribing the foundation of the era to the well- 
known king Saiijaya. Goris believes that the era was started 
by Sanjaya to commemorate the foundation of his Linga 
temple in A.D. 732, referred to in the Cangal inscription. The 
date 176 of the Gata inscription of Daksottama would then 
correspond to A.D. 908. This is in conflict with the fact, 
recorded above, that we possess a record of king Balitung 
dated 910 A.D. Goris, however, points out that this date is 
obtained only in a very suspicious copy of an old inscription, 
and, barring this doubtful record, the latest known date of 
Balitung is 907 A.D. Thus, on the basis of his new theory, 

i. O. J. O., No. XXX. 2. K. O., Nos. XVII, XX. 

3. O. J. O., No. XXXV. 4. O. J. O., No. XXXVI, 

5. Feestb. Bat. Gen., Vol. I. (1929), pp. 202 ff. 


he regards Daksottama as having ascended the throne in 
908 A.D. The Taji record, dated in year 172 (or 174) of the 
Safijaya era, and corresponding to A.D. 904 (or 906), would 
then fall in Balitung's reign. It must be added, however, that 
the new readings of dates by Goris have not yet met with 
general acceptance. 

Goris proceeds further, and infers from an analysis of the 
find-spots of inscriptions, that Balitung was originally a king 
of Kediri in eastern Java, and only gradually extended his 
authority towards the west, till he became master of Prambanan 
some time after 904 or 906 A.D. Goris thinks that Balitung 
probably married in the Mataram dynasty, and thus became a 
member thereof. In Balitung and his successor Daksottama, 
Goris finds the authors of an east-Javanese restoration of the 
Mataram house of central Java, who made an attempt to link 
up the past with the present by putting Safijaya's name as 
the founder of the family, and using an era associated with 
his name. 

Stutterheim, while editing the Kedu inscription, suggested 
that the change of the king's name to Dharmodaya MahaSam- 
bhu in 907 A.D. might be due to the marriage of the king 
which is referred to in the record. 1 But this view, as well 
as the theory of Dr. Goris, that Balitung gradually extended his 
authority towards the west, is in conflict with Ins. Nos. 4 and 5, 
noted above, and also with the two records, dated 901 A. D.,* 
of SaAgramadhurandhara, a high official of Balitung, found 
respectively in eastern and central Java, showing that by 
that year both these territories were in possession of king 
Balitung. 5 It is, however, just possible that Balitung was 
originally a ruler of eastern Java, his marriage in c. 901 
A. D. made him the legitimate ruler of Mataram, and he 
took this opportunity to assume a new coronation name. 

i. T. B. G., Vol. 67 (1927), p. 179. 2. See p. 242, footnotes 23. 
3. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , p. 187. Cf. also T.B.G., 1934, p. 275. 


Thus although Dr. Goris' view offers a simple and novel 
interpretation of the history of the period, it is difficult to give 
an unqualified support to it. 1 

Still less can we follow Dr. Goris in his conjecture, that 
the famous temple of Lara-Jongrang, at Prambanan, was the 
burial-temple of Balitung, constructed by his minister and 
successor Daksottama. This theory is based upon, and may 
be regarded as a further development of, Rouffaer's conjecture, 
that the Lara-Jongrang temple was a foundation of Dakso- 
ttama. * Perhaps the only basis of this conjecture is the 
east-Javanese style which distinguishes Lara-Jongrang from 
other buildings in central Java. But this point will be more 
fully discussed in connection with the history of Javanese art. 

We must yet refer to another theory about Balitung before 
we close this episode. Dr. Stutterheim took the name of the 
king, Dyah Balitung, as equivalent to 'Prince of the island of 
Biliton/ and while developing his views about the greatness of 
the Mataram dynasty, he regarded the name as "the remainder 
of an old apanage name from the time of Mataram's hegemony 
over the Rhio-Linga archipelago." s 

The very fact, that so many theories have been evolved 
round the names of king Balitung and his successor Daksotta- 
ma, shows that their importance in Javanese history is being 
gradually realised. For, whatever we might think of these 
theories, the fact remains that these two kings had, for the 
first time, brought about a hegemony of central and eastern 
Java, so far, at least, as available materials enable us to 

1. Dr. Stutterheim fully endorsed the view of Goris (B. K. I., 
Vol. 90, pp. 268 ff), but has since modified it in T.B.G. 1934, pp. 277-8. 

2. B. K. I., Vol. 74, (1918), pp. 151-163. Rouffaer has made 
other suggestions about Daksa, but they must be regarded as merely of 
a tentative character. 

5. Stutterheim "Javanese Period etc." pp. 18-19. 


Daksottama was succeeded by Tulodong in or before 919 
A.D. Although we have no definite epigraphic record of this 
king in central Java, there is hardly any doubt that he ruled 
over both central and eastern Java. This plainly appears from 
the fact that during his rule the self-same officers are known to 
have held office in central and eastern Java. 1 Besides, his 
inscription refers to places in central Java, apparently under 
his authority. * 

Two inscriptions, a copper-plate dated in 919 A.D. 3 and a 
stone inscription at Sukabhumi dated in 921 A.D. *, refer to 
this king by name, while two others may be doubtfully attribu- 
ted to him. a The full name of the king is rake Layang dyah 
Tulodong Sri Sajjanasanmatanuraga-(ut)tunggadeva. 

Tulodong was succeeded by Wawa. In a recently discovered 
copper-plate he is said to be the son of rakryan Ladheyan who 
was buried in the forest. a It has been suggested by Krom 

1. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , pp. 189-90, 194. Mr. H. B. Sarkar 
has shown good grounds for the view that the copper-plates of this king, 
dated 841, were granted in central Java (Dacca University Studies 
No, i, pp. 102 ff). 

2. A Copper-plate (K. O. f No. XX) confirms the grant of the 
king, cremated at Pastika, referred to above, by rakryan mapati i Hino 
Ketudhara in Kartika, 919, A. D. The grant, which was confirmed 
before by Daksottama, evidently related to certain places in central 
Java. But as Tulodong was already a king in the month of ravana, 
919 A. D., the confirmation in the month of Kartika, 919, should be 
referred to the reign of Tulodong, although Ketudhara may be the same 
person, who served under Daksottama with the name Ketuvijaya 
(K. O., No. XVII). This supports the view that Tulodong ruled over 
both central and eastern Java. This view is also confirmed by the 
absence of invocation to Hindu gods in the imprecatory formula of his 
record, a custom followed invariably in eastern Java. 

3. K. O., No, I. 4. O. V., 1924, p. no. 

5. Krom - Geschiedenis, p. 188, f. n. i. O. V,, 1919, p, 67. 
O.J.O., No. XXXIV. 

6. O. V., 1928, pp. 66-69. 


that he is identical with the high dignitary rakryan mapatih i 
Hino, Mahamantri Sri Ketudhara who figures in the record of 
A.D. 919., and served under both Daksa and Tulodong 1 . 

Four other records of Wawa are known. The colossal 
stone inscription, now known as Minto-stone 2 , probably 
belonged originally to Ngendat to the north-west of Malang. 
It is dated in 924 A. D., and gives the full title of the king 
as rakai Pangkaja dyah Wawa Sri Vijayalokanainottunga. The 
opening verses of the inscription are identical with those of 
the inscription of Daksottama dated 915 A. D. and thus 
establish a close relationship between the two. It refers to an 
endowment of a village and gives various details of it. 

The second inscription 3 of Wawa comes from Berbek, 
near Kediri, and is dated in 927 A. D. A third inscription* 
on stone (now in the Museum at Majakerta) is dated probably 
in 926 A. D. All these inscriptions refer to the highest official 
of the kingdom, rakryan mapatih i Hino dyah Sindok Sri 
Isanavikrama, who succeeded Wawa. 

The fourth record of Wawa's reign is only partially known 
from one only of the six copper-plates of which it originally 
consisted 8 . It was found in the slope of the Kavi hills, 
and records the foundation of a temple which probably stood 
near by. The record gives the name of the king as 
Sri Maharaja rake Suinba dyah Wawa. This different raka 
title is also met with in the Berbek inscription. 

Thus all the records of Wawa's reign come from east Java, 
and there is no positive evidence to connect him with 
central Java. There is, however, an indirect evidence which 
shows that Wawa was the last ruler of Mataram. This is 

1. See f. n. 2 on p. 246. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , p. 199. 

2. O. J. O., No. XXXI. B. K. I , Vol. 73 (1917), p. 30. 

3. O. J. O., No. XXXII. 

4. A portion of this record is published in O. J. O., No. XXXIII 
cf. Not. Bat. Gen., 1888, p. 84. 

5. Kern- V. G., Vol. VII, pp. 179 ff. 


furnished by a comparison of the benedictory formulas used 
in official records. Up to the time of Wawa, the formula used 
is : "May gods protect the Kraton (palace) of His Majesty at 
Me<Jang in Matartai". In the time of his successor Sin<Jok 
the formula is changed into "May gods protect the Kraton of 
the divine spirits of Medang." These divine spirits no doubt 
refer to the deified ancestors of the king. It is thus clear that 
after Wawa's time MatarSm had ceased to be the land of living 
kings who no doubt shifted to the east As the old formula 
is used in a record of 927 A. D., and the new one of Sirujok 
makes its first appearance in a record dated 929 A. D., 
the year 928 A. D. may be regarded as the date of the great 
change which meant the end of MatarSm as the seat of the 
royal power 1 . 

We have thus traced the history of the kingdom of Matar&m 
in central Java, from the time of its founder Safijaya (732 A. D.) 
up to the end of the reign of Wawa (927 A. D.), who may be 
regarded as the last king who ruled from a capital in central 
Java. 1 Henceforth central Java gradually loses its importance, 
and its place is taken by eastern Java as the seat of political 
authority and the centre of culture and civilisation. 

The kingdom of Mataram occupied the most prominent 
place in Java during these two eventful centuries (732-927 A. D.), 
and it is quite in the fitness of things that its history should 
form our chief subject of study. But other smaller states also 
flourished in Java during the same period, and we must now 
proceed to give some account of them. 

Reference may be made in the first place to the stone 
inscription discovered at Dinaya 8 to the north of Malang. 

I. Poerbatjaraka Agastya, p. 65, f. n. i. Krom Geschiedenis 
(pp. 189-90). 2. Cf. p, 254 f.n, i. 

3. The inscription was originally edited by Bosch in T, B. G , 
Vol. 57, pp. 410-44. Some additions and corrections were made in 
O. V., 1923, pp. 29-35. Shortly after this the two missing fragments of 
the stone were discovered, and Bosch wrote a further article on the 
subject in T. B. G., Vol. 64 (1924), pp. 227-291. 


This inscription refers to king Devasimha and his son Gajayfina, 
also called Limwa. GajaySna's daughter Uttejana was married 
to Pradaputra. The son of Uttejana was the king who issued 
this inscription in order to record the construction of a temple 
of Agastya 1 . This king, whose name is unfortunately not 
legible, also built a fine stone image of Agastya, in order 
to replace a decayed one made of sandalwood, which was built 
by his predecessors. This image was consecrated in A. D. 760 
with elaborate rituals performed by priests versed in Vedic lore, 
and the king endowed the temple with cows, slaves, and other 
necessaries for performing the cam and other sacrificial 
ceremonies of the god. 

The Agastya-worship, recorded in this inscription, 
has induced some scholars to connect it with the Cangal 
inscription of SaSjaya. It is urged by them that as the 
dynasty of SaSjaya originally belonged to South India, it 
must have brought with it the cult of Agastya, which was 
so very prevalent in that region, and that, therefore, the author 
of the Dinaya inscription probably also belongs to the same 
dynasty. As this inscription belongs to the eastern part of Java, 
it is presumed that the dynasty shifted there from central Java, 
as the Chinese annals have clearly recorded. Poerbatjaraka 
has even gone so far as to identify GajaySna of Dinaya 
inscription with king Ki-yen who removed the capital. 

This view, of which a clear and detailed exposition is 
given by Krom and Poerbatjaraka 9 , was, ID any case, at 
best, a working hypothesis, particularly as there is no direct 

. Y. v 

1. This is the view of Poerbatjaraka (Agastya, p. 53). Dr. 
Bosch, who edited the inscription, interprets the inscription differently. 
He holds that Uttejana, the daughter of Gajayana, was married to king 
Janantya, son of Prada, and that this Jananiya was the author of the 
inscription. ( op. cit. ). 

2. Poerbatjaraka Agastya, pp. 109-110. Krom Geschiedenis, 
pp. 141-42. 



reference to the Agastya-worship in the Cangal inscription. 
This view was so long upheld, mainly because of the absence 
of any definite information regarding the successors of SaSjaya, 
but it has lost its force with the discovery of the Kedu 
inscription. It is not, of course, impossible that the kings 
mentioned in the Dinaya inscription belonged to the family 
of Saiijaya, but until more definite evidence is available, it is 
better to regard them as belonging to a local dynasty of eastern 
Java. There is nothing to indicate that SaSjaya's rule extended 
to the whole of eastern Java, and even if it did, it is likely that 
the decline in the power of the dynasty, as a result of the 
conflict with the Sailendras, gave opportunities to a subordinate 
chief to establish an independent kingdom. On the whole, 
therefore, we must hold that although the successors of 
Sanjaya shifted their capital to the cast, it is just possible 
that there was another, perhaps even more than one, kingdom 
in eastern Java, until the time of Dharmodaya, who is 
definitely known to have ruled over the whole of eastern 

If we now remember that there are several kings, referred 
to above, who cannot be definitely associated with any known 
ruling dynasty, we must, at least provisionally, assume the 
simultaneous existence of three or more ruling families in 
Java, including the Sailendra and Sanjaya dynasties, and the 
ruling family of Dinaya inscription, during the century 
commencing from the middle of the eighth century A.D. 
The Chinese annals refer to several embassies from Java 
during this period, and it is difficult to ascertain from which 
of these kingdoms they were sent. We have already stated 
above ( Book I. Chap. VI. ) that the Chinese annals of the 
T'ang dynasty refer to Java as Ho-ling. But from A.D. 820 
onwards they use the term Cho-p'o. Whether this change in 
name reflects any political change in Java, it is difficult to 
say, though, as has been pointed out above, the period probably 
coincides with the end of the Sailendra power, and the 
revival of Mataram dynasty. 


At least six embassies were sent from Ho-ling to China 
during the Tang period. The dates of these six embassies, 
according to Pelliot, arc A.D. 640 (or 648), 666, 767, 768, 813 
(or 815), and 818 A.D. Two embassies were sent from Cho-p'o 
in A.D. 820 and 831. 1 Two more embassies arc referred to 
in the History of the Tang Dynasty, one between 827 and 
835 A.D., and the other between 860 and 873 A.D. a It is 
evidently from these embassies that the Chinese gathered 
the detailed account of Java which we find in the two histories 
of the Tang Dynasty. 

The Old History of the Tang Dynasty gives us interesting 
information regarding the general condition in Java. 8 

"Ho-ling ( Kaling ) is situated on an island in the southern 

"The walls of the city are made of palisadoes ; there is 
also a large building of two stories, covered with the bark of 
the gomuti palm ; in this the king lives and he sits on a couch 
of ivory. 

"When they cat, they use no spoons or chopsticks, but put 
the food into their mouth with their fingers. 

"They have letters and know a little of astronomy. 

"Wine is made out of the flowers of the cocoa-nut tree ; 
the flowers of this tree are more than three feet long and as 
large as a man's arm ; these are cut and the juice is collected 
and made into wine, which is sweet and intoxicating." 

The New History of the Tang Dynasty gives a somewhat 
more detailed account of Java.* 

"Kaling is also called Java ; it is situated in the southern 

"The people make fortifications of wood and even the 
largest houses are covered with palm-leaves. They have 
couches of ivory and mats of the outer skin of bamboo. 

1. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, pp. 286-7. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 15* 

3. Ibid, pp. 12-13. 4- Ibid, PP- 3-5- 


"The land produces tortoise-shell, gold mid silver, riiiuo* 
ceros-horns and ivory. The country is very rich ; there is a 
cavern from which salt water bubbles up spontaneously. They 
make wine of the hanging flowers of the cocoapalm ; when they 
drink of it, they become rapidly drunk. They have letters 
and are acquainted with astronomy. In eating they do not use 
spoons or chopsticks. 

"In this country there are poisonous girls ; when one 
has intercourse with them, he gets painful ulcers and dies, but 
his body does not decay. 

"The king lives in the town of Java. His ancestors Ki-yen 
had transferred the capital to Po-lou-kia-sseu towards the 
east 1 . On different sides there are twenty-eight small 
countries, all acknowledging the supremacy of Java. There 
are thirty-two high ministers and the Da-tso-kan-hiimg is the 
first of them. 

"On the mountains is the district Lang-pi-ya where the king 
frequently goes to look at the sea. 

"When at the summer-solstice a gnomon is erected of 
eight feet high, the shadow at noon falls on the south side and 
is 2 feet 4 inches long. 

"In the year 813 they presented four slaves, parrots of 
different colours, pinka birds and other things. The Emperor 
honoured the envoy with the title of Left Defensor of the Office 
of the Four Inner Gates ; the envoy wanted to waive this title 
in favour of his younger brother, for which the Emperor praised 
him and bestowed a title on both/' 

The account given in the New History of the T'ang Dynasty 
probably reflects the condition in Java towards the close of 
the ninth century A. D., as it refers to an embassy during 

i. Groeneveldt's translation of this paragraph, as already noted 
above, is amended in the light of Pelliot's criticism in B, E. F. E. O., Vol. 
IV, p, 225, f. n. 2. 


A. D. 860 and 873. It would appear, then, that there was 
at that time a powerful consolidated kingdom in Java, with 
at least 28 small subordinate states under its suzerainty. This 
is in full conformity with the sketch of political history 
we have drawn above. 

The account definitely locates the capital in the town of 
Java ; at least that is the literal meaning of the passage. 
Pelliot, however, thinks that although that is the literal 
meaning, the spirit of the passage seems to be that the capital 
had been transferred from Java to the east, and there it 
remained at the time the account was drawn up. 1 This 
translation would, no doubt, be more in keeping with the 
information derived from Javanese inscriptions, which 
undoubtedly portray a gradual transfer of political authority 
towards the eastern regions. It is to be noted, however, that 
even in the subsequent period, c.g. in the History of the Sung 
dynasty (9GO-1279), Java is still regarded by the Chinese as the 
capital of Java. 8 Whether this view is right or wrong, it 
appears that the Chinese were, even at a later date, under the 
impression that the capital was at Java, and this possibly 
would not have been the case, if the New History of the T'ang 
Dynasty definitely recorded a permanent transfer of the capital 
from Java to the east. We may thus hold that Java was the 
capital of the kingdom throughout the T'ang Period, except for 
a brief period of interval when it was transferred to the east, 
some time between 742-755 A. D. 

The position of the capital city of Java cannot be definitely 
determined. The History of the Sung Dynasty (960-1279) 
gives the following particulars regarding its location : "Going 
from the capital to the cast, one comes to the sea in a month. 
On the west, the sea is at a distance of forty-five days. On the 
south it is three days to the sea. On the north the distance 
from the capital to the sea is five days". 3 Now this descrip- 

1. B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV p. 225, f, n. 2. 

2, Groeneveldt Notes, p, 15. 3. Ibid. 


tion would locate the capital city somewhere near modern 
Surakarta, and it is to be noted that many inscriptions of the 
dynasty have been found in this region. It is not very far from 
the district known as Mataram in later days, and thus we may 
provisionally fix the region round Surakarta as the centre of 
the kingdom of Mataram. There is also hardly any doubt that 
the Chinese accounts, at least of the ninth century A. D., refer 
to this kingdom, and the picture of the powerful kingdom of 
Java, with twenty-eight small subordinate states under it, 
refers to a period when the hegemony of eastern and central 
Java had been accomplished by Dharniodaya MahaSainbhu, or 
his immediate predecessors. 1 

I. I have not taken into consideration, in the above account, of 
some theories of Dr. Stutterheim based on very recent discoveries. 
He thinks, e. g,, that Kayuwangi was a descendant of Pu Apus mentioned 
in an inscription found at Krapjak (T. B. G. 1934, p. 89). He has also 
advanced a hypothesis about the relationship of the last three kings of 
Mataram which will be noted in connection with Sinciok's reign 
(T. B. G. 1935. PP. 459 ff -). 

The copper-plate grant of a king named ri Maharaja Wagisvara 
found near Gorang gareng (Madiun) raises interesting problems. The 
date of the record has been read by some as 829 and others as 849. 
Stutterheim, accepting the latter view, suggests that this king Wagisvara 
is either identical with Wawa or ruled after him and before Sinqlok. 
Stutterheim identifies this king with Sri Maharaja Wagisvara sang 
lumah ri kayu ramya mentioned in another record ( K. O., No. 
XVIII), the date of which was hitherto read as 746, but which Stutterheim 
proposes to read as 846 Saka. This would mean that Wawa succeeded 
Wagisvara, was succeeded by him, and again followed him on the throne : 
In other words, they were identical, or rival kings. (T. B. G., 1935, PP 
420 ff. ; J. G. I. S., Vol. Ill, pp. 1 1 i-a). 

Chapter II. 


With the accession of Sindok, some time between 927 and 
929 A.D., the centre of political authority, as we have seen 
above, definitely changed to eastern Java. At the same time 
we notice a complete collapse of culture and civilisation in 
central Java. The reason for these twofold changes, and the 
circumstances that brought them about, arc alike unknown 
to us, and various theories have been offered as a solution 
of the problem. 

According to one view 1 , the* governor of the eastern 
regions successfully revolted against his master, and the 
struggle between the two powers, accompanied by massacre 
and ravage on an unusually large scale, brought about the 
downfall, not only of the kingdom but also of the culture of 
central Java. As against this it may be pointed out that the 
monuments of central Java bear no signs of wilful destruction, 
and while the successful revolt of a governor may bring 
about the political change, it cannot account for the sudden 
end of a flourishing culture and civilisation. As we shall 
sec later, even when the political authority passed from 
Kediri to Singhasari, the former continued for many years 
to be the seat of culture and civilisation. Besides, the facts 
that the new king of eastern Java still invoked the aid of 
the gods of Mataram, and continued to employ the high 
officials who formerly served in central Java, are weighty 
arguments against a struggle between central and eastern 

i. Cf., e. g., Veth Java, Vol. I (1896), p. 45. Brandes Enc. 
Van. Ned. Ind. (First Edition), Vol. Ill, p. 112. 


Another view, originally propounded by Ijzerman, 1 
attributes the change to a popular superstition. He thinks 
that some such natural phenomena, as the eruption of a 
volcano, might give rise to the notion that it was divine 
manifestation to the effect that central Java should no longer 
be inhabited. The account of a severe epidemic in east- 
Javanese tradition has been traced by some to a vague 
recollection of an actual outbreak of an epidemic in central 
Java. In either case, the eruption or the epidemic would be 
interpreted by the priests as a token of divine wrath against 
the territory in question, and this would exactly fit in with 
the views of the people who would naturally be anxious to 
seek their own safety by a timely flight. 

This theory no doubt furnishes a good explanation for 
the total abandonment of central Java. But then we should 
expect a sudden and wholesale migration of a people struck 
by an overwhelming panic or disaster. According to Krom, 
however, this does not appear to be the case, for several 
records indicate the continuity of a social and cultural life 
in central Java in the early years of the east Javanese 
period. It must be remembered, however, that the dates, 
relied upon by Krom, arc rather uncertain, inasmuch as the 
records might refer to the ninth or tenth century A.D. As a 
matter of fact, there is not a single inscription from central 
Java which we can definitely ascribe to a period after Sindok's 
accession in 929 A.D. 8 A third view, suggested by Krom, 3 
attributes the change to a deliberate policy on the part of 
the kings of Java. The kings were not unmindful of the 
possible danger to which they were exposed from the side 
of the Sailendra kings. They had exercised authority in 
central Java for nearly a century and possibly a section of 

1. "Beschrijving der oudheden nabij de grens der residence's 
Soerakarta en Djogdjakerta" (1891), pp. 5 ff. 

2. Krom Geschiedenis, pp. 201, IQI. O. V , 1928., p. 64. 

3. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 201. 


the people had still sympathy for them. They undoubtedly 
cherished the ambition of reconquering the lost territories. 
It was easy for their fleet to transport an army to central 
Java within a comparatively short time. All these would 
induce the kings of Java not only to shift their seat of 
authority to the east, but deliberately to leave central Java 
to its fate, so that it would soon be reduced to a no-man's 
land and act as a protection against the possible invasion of 
the Sailendra kings from that side. 

This view satisfactorily explains the removal of the seat of 
authority to the east, but it would be too much to believe that 
the kings of Java would deliberately sacrifice a flourishing 
region merely at the possibility of a foreign invasion. Nor is 
it necessary to resort to such a hypothesis in view of the 
new facts discovered. As we have seen above, the kingdom of 
Matarfun continued to exist from the middle of the eighth 
century. During the period of Sailendra supremacy it shifted 
its seat of authority towards the east. Although it recovered 
central Java by the middle of the ninth century A. D., and 
probably the official capital was once more formally restored, 
the epigraphic evidences cited above leave no doubt that the 
political centre of gravity, if we might use the expression, 
still remained in the east. This might be partly an effect of 
the first change, and partly the result of a deliberate policy, 
as suggested by Krom, but the fact admits of no doubt. The 
culture and civilisation of central Java continued for nearly a 
century after this, but gradually the shifting of political 
authority produced its natural effect. Slowly but steadily 
the flow of Javanese life and culture followed the political 
change, and central Java lost political importance as well as 
cultural pre-eminence. Some unknown reasons,- such as a 
volcanic eruption, outbreak of an epidemic, or the ravages by 
the fleet of the Sailendras might have hastened the progress of 
decay, but the decay itself had become inevitable on account of 
the transfer of the seat of authority towards the east. 


But whatever may be the reasons, the broad fact remains 
that from the middle of the tenth century A. D. the Hindu 
culture and civilisation began to lose its hold in central Java, 
as was the case in western Java about five hundred years 
before. Henceforth the political centre shifted to eastern Java, 
which remained, for another period of five hundred years, 
the only stronghold of Hindu culture and civilisation. 

Sindok, the first ruler in eastern Java, seems to have left 
an impression upon posterity which was not shared by any 
of his immediate predecessors or successors. A century later 
Airlangga claims relationship with this king, although the 
genealogy had to be traced twice through the female line 1 . 
In the twelfth century, the author of Smaradahana-kfivya says, 
with regard to the reigning king KameSvara, that he owed his 
life to Sri Kanadharma i.e. Sindok 2 , Yet Sindok can hardly 
be regarded as the founder of a new dynasty, and seems to have 
gained the throne by ordinary rules of succession. In the 
reign of Tulodong we find him mentioned as rakai Halu Sri 
Sindok, occupying the position of the second high official 3 . 
When Tulodong was succeeded by Wawa, Sindok occupied the 
highest rank in the kingdom, next only to the king, and is 
referred to as rakryan mapatih i Hino dyah Sindok Sri 
ISanavikrama*. According to all precedents he was thus 
designated as the future king, and there is no reason to suppose 
that his accession marked any new departure in any respect. 
There must, therefore, have been some special reason why his 
name was singled out by posterity, and he was regarded as the 
remote ancestor of a long line of Javanese kings which came 
to an end with the rise of Singhasari. For the time being we 
can only suggest that probably he was not the son of his 
predecessor, but belonged to a different family, and was hence 
regarded as the founder of a long line of Javanese kings. 

1. Calcutta Stone Inscription ; Kern V.G., VII, pp. 85. flf. 

2. 38 : 15. Cf. T.B.G., Vol. 58 (1919), P. 472. 

3. K. O., No. 1 ; O. J. O., No. XXXIV. 

4. O.J.O.,Nos. XXXI, XXXIII. 


In this connection we may refer to two recent hypotheses 
about Sindoka. Poerbatjaraka held that he had married 
the daughter of king Wawa and thus inherited the throne 1 . 
This view was opposed by Stutterheim who held instead that 
one rakryan Bawang was the father-in-law of Sindok. Later, 
Stutterheim advanced the view that the daughter of this rakryan 
Bawang, named rakryan binihaji Sri ParameSvarl dyah Kebi, 
was not the wife, but the grandmother of king Sindok, and the 
queen of Daksa. Stutterheim thus regards Sindok as the 
grandson of Daksa. He further suggests that Tulodong and 
Wawa were sons of the above queen (?) who succeeded, one 
after the other, before Sindok 9 . It is needless to add that all 
these can at present be regarded as only possible hypotheses, 
and nothing more. 

The ceremonial name which Sindok assumed at the time 
of coronation was Sri Isana-Vikrama Dharmottungadeva. In 
three inscriptions 3 , known to us only from later copies, his 
coronation name is given as Vikramottungadeva, Vikramadhar- 
motsaha, and Vijayadharmottunga. As regards his raka title, 
an inscription of the month of VaiSakha in his first year calls 
him rake Halu*, but from the month of Sravana of that 
very year it is changed to rake Hino 5 . A stone inscription 
of Tengaran 6 dated 857 or ^855 Saka (935 or 933 A. D.) 
is said to be issued by rakryan Sri Mahamantrl pu Sindok sang 
SriSanottungadcvavijaya together with rakryan Sri ParameSvarl 
Sri Varddhani Kevi. It gives no royal title to Sindok, although 
the name of the queen (paramesvarl) is added after his. This 

1. T.BG., 1930, pp 182-3. 

2. T. B.G , 1932, pp. 618-625 ; 1933, pp. 159 ff- 5 1935* PP- 4S6 ff. 

3. O. J. O., Nos. XL1I, L. ; K.O., No. XXII. 

4. O.J.O., No. XXXVIII. 5- O. J O., No. XXXVII. 

6. O. J, O., No. XLV. The date is given as 857 aka. Krom 
says : 'The date in the published edition is 835 but in our opinion 
it should be 833." (Geschiedenis p. 206 ; 2nd Ed., p. 213). Evidently 835 
apd 833 are slips for 935 and 933- 


can hardly be interpreted as indicating a loss of rank on 
the part of Sin^ok. The whole thing is an anomaly and 
is probably due to the mistake of the writer. 

Sin<Jok ascended the throne in c. 929 A. D. and ruled for 
nearly twenty years, his last-known date being 947 A.D. 1 
A large number of inscriptions (nearly twenty) belonging to 
this period are known to us, but they supply very little 
historical information regarding his reign. If we are to judge 
from the findspots of his inscriptions, his kingdom comprised 
only the valley of the Brantas river, viz. the southern part of 
Surabaya, the northern part of Kediri, and the whole of the 
Malang district ; in other words, the territory between mounts 
Wilis and Semeru. 

It is indeed a small part of Java, and possibly his jurisdiction 
extended far beyond this area. But we have no means 
to ascertain either the extent or degree of his royal authority 
beyond the narrow region indicated above, which must in 
any case have formed the nucleus of his kingdom 1 . 

The copper-plates attribute many pious foundations 
to Sindok, and these are mostly Saiva in character. If we are 
to judge from the monuments and records, Saivism was the 
dominant religion with a little of Vaisnavism in the background. 
No reference to Buddhism is found in the records, but the 
composition, or rather a new edition, of the Buddhist tract 
Sang hyang KamahSytaikan about this time indicates the 
prevalence of Tantrik Buddhism in Java. The edition 
is ascribed to Sri SambharasflrySvarana, who, in an Introduction, 
preserved in only one copy, is associated with king Sindok 
and is said to have edited the Subhati-tantra, which was one 
of the most favourite texts studied by king Kj*tanagara. 

I. But cf. f,n. 2, p. 261 below. 

3, Rouffaer's hypothesis, that Sintfok exercised supremacy over 
the southern part of Malay, Peninsula (B.K.I., Vol. 77, p. 114), is 
based on very insufficient grounds. 


Sindok was succeeded by his daughter, who ruled as 
queen Sri IfiSnatunggavijayS. The Calcutta prasasti of 
Airlangga 1 , which is our only source of information about 
the successors of Sindok, compares her to a swan and uses 
epithets applicable to both. One of these epithets is 'Sugata- 
paksa-sahft.' The meaning is obvious in the case of the swan, 
but in the case of the queen it can only refer to her association 
with the sect of Buddha (Sugata). The daughter of Sirujok, 
thus appears to be a follower of Buddhism. 

According to the Calcutta pra&asti of Airlangga, 
lg&natunggavijay& was married to king Sri Lokapala, and the 
issue of this marriage was king Sri Makutavamfiavardhana. 
He is described as belonging to the family of IdSna, i.e. Sindok, 
to whom he owed the throne, and not to the family of his father 
Lokapala, who might, according to a custom prevalent in Bali, 
have been adopted in his wife's family. As to Lokapala, 
we possess three records issued by a king or kings of this 
name, but it is difficult to identify any of them with the 
son-in-law of Sindok/ 

1. The stone bearing this inscription, written partly in Sanskrit 
and partly in Kavi, probably stood originally at Surabaya, and is now 
in the Calcutta Museum. It was edited by Kern (V. G., Vol. VII, p. 
85) for the Kavi portion cf. also O. J. O., No. LXII. 

2. An inscription of a king Lokapala is preserved in a copy of 
the Majapahit period. It is dated in 782 aka, but Krom argues from 
internal evidence that the date is too early ( Geschiedenis, p. 215 ). 
He suggests the date 872 aka (950 A.D ) and attributes the inscription 
to king LokapSla, son-in-law of Sindok. In that case Sinctak must have 
ceased to rule before 950 A.I). On the other hand we possess an 
inscription of rake Hino ri Isana Vikrama i.e. Sincjok dated 971 A.D, 
(O. J. O. LVI). But its genuineness may be doubted as it contains 
awful mistakes even in the king's name. 

Recently Stutterheim has deciphered the first portion of a record 
of king Lokapala, the rest of which was edited a few years ago. 
This portion contains a date, which is read by Stutterheim as 802 or, 
possibly, 812 ( 88o or 890 A.D,), and the palaeography of the 


King Makutavaihgavardhana had a daughter Mahendradatta, 
also known as Gunapriyadharmapatnl. She was married to 
Udayana, who is not referred to as king, but is said to have 
belonged to a renowned royal family. Udayana and 
Mahendradatta, none of whom apparently enjoyed the royal 
power, had a son named Airlangga. Airlangga was married 
to the daughter of DharmavamSa, king of east Java 

This short account preserved in the prasasti of Airlangga 
raises certain difficulties. The question that immediately arises 
is : who was this Dharmavaihsa ? His title, king of cast Java, 
may indicate that he was one of several kings in that island. 
But the Sanskrit expression might also mean an old (purva) 
king of Java, or, as has been suggested by Krom, east Java 
might have been used by way of contrast to the expansion of the 
kingdom under Airlangga. In any case, as we have seen above, 
Sindok was undoubtedly the ruler of east Java, and at the present 
state of our knowledge, it is best to take DharmavamSa as belong- 
ing to the same royal line. Possibly he was the successor of 
MakutavamSavardhana. His name, which literally means, 
'family of Dharma', may indicate that he belonged to a different 
family 1 , but, as Krom suggests, he possibly married a daughter 
of MakutavamSavardhana, perhaps the elder sister of 


inscription, according to him, is fully in keeping with this date. 
Stutterheim also refers to another inscription of Lokapala, dated 778 S 
(-8$6A.D.), found in Ratu Baka, and suggests that these two as well 
as the Majapahit record refer to one and the same king Lokapala, who 
would thus have ruled from A.D. 856 to 880 (or 890). (O.V. 1925, 
PP- i7-3 ; 1926, p. 60. T.B.G. 1935, PP- 437 ff-) This would raise 
the problem of the relation of this king with the kings of Alataram, 
noted in the last chapter, and it would be impossible, in this case, to 
identify king Lokapala with Sindok's son-in-law. 

I. This is denied by Poerbatjaraka, who gives a different 
explanation of the name (T. B. G., Vol. 70, PP- i?!-'^). According 
to him, Dharmavarhsa means relationship with a royal family by 
Carriage, something like prince-consort. 


As regards Mahcndradatta, alias Gunapriyadharmapatnl, 
we learn from the prasasti of Airlangga that her name was 
popular outside Java. Now a few inscriptions, discovered 
at Bali, are issued by a married couple in which the 
name of Gunapriyadharmapatnl is followed by that of her 
husband Dharmodayanavarmadeva. It is not difficult to 
recognise in the latter the full name of Udayana, the father 
of Airlangga. Thus the parents of this monarch were ruling 
in the island of Bali, although they bore no royal title. The 
fact that the name of Gunapriyadharmapatnl is placed before 
that of her husband shows that she was ruling in Bali in her 
own right as the king's daughter, and Udayana, perhaps a 
native of the island of Bali, was merely like prince-consort. 
It would, therefore, follow that Bali was under the political 
authority of Java, and Udayana and Mahcndradatta were 
ruling the island on behalf of the Javanese king Dharma- 

The Balinese records of Dharmodayana and Mahendradatta 
fall between 989 and 1001 A.D., while the name of the former 
alone appears in records dated 1011 and 1022 A.D. It 
would thus appear that Mahendradattii died some time between 
1001 and 1011 A.D., and Udayana alone ruled from that 
time. 1 

i. The tomb at Jalatuno!a, in the western corner of Penang- 
gunggan, contains the name Udayana and the date 899. It was 
generally regarded as indicating that Udayana was cremated there in 
A,D. 977- This view cannot be upheld, as we have seen that Udayana 
was alive up to the year 1022 A.D. Recently at the time of repair, the 
old-Javanese word 'gempeng'* has been found at the end of the date ; 
and it has further come to light that the name Udayana stands beneath 
a series of figures in relief, a long with another name Mrgayavati. Now 
the meaning of the word 'gempeng* is not definitely known, and 
Mrgayavati was not the name of Udayana's queen. Stutterheim takes 
gempeng as equivalent to gempung meaning vinata (destruction) and 
holds that Udayana of Jalatunda should be regarded as a different 
person who died in A D. 977. Krom, however, thinks that the two 


King DharmavamSa, whose name appears in the Calcutta 
prasasti of Airlangga, as his father-in-law, ruled in Java 
towards the close of the tenth and the beginning of the 
eleventh century A.D. His name is associated with two 
important books in old-Javanese language, viz., the law-book 
called Siva-Sasana and the old-Javanese translation of 
MahabhSrata. From these we learn that his full name was Sri 
Dharmavam^a teguh Anantavikramottunggadeva. 

As inscription, dated A.D. 991, found at Sendang Kamal 
(near Magctan) in the Residency Mcdiun, 1 mentions Siva- 
6asana and may thus be referred to the period of king 
Dharmavamsa. The very next year an embassy was sent 
from Java to China, and the following account of it is 
preserved the history of the Sung dynasty. 2 

"In the 12th month of the year 992, their king Maraja 
sent an embassy consisting of a first, a second and an 
assistant envoy, to go to court and bring tribute. The first 
envoy said : "Now that China has a rightful master again, 
our country comes to perform the duty of bringing tribute." 

"The envoys were dressed in a similar way as those of 
Persia who had brought tribute before. With the assistance 
of an interpreter the envoy told that a Chinese from Kien- 
khi, who was owner of many vessels and a great merchant, 

Udayanas may be identical, and explains the discrepancy of date by 
supposing that Udayana prepared his tomb long before his death. 
(Geschiedenis 2 pp. 234-5). Stutterheim regards Udayana, husband of 
Gunapriyadharmapatni, as an inhabitant of Bali (For Stutterheim 's views 
cf. B. K. I., Vol. 85, 1929, pp. 479-483 ; Oudheden Van Hali, Vol. I, p. 16, 
f.n. I). As regards the identity of Gunapriyadharmapatni and Sang Ajfla- 
devl whose name appears in a record at Sembiran, dated 1016 A.D., the 
question will be discussed later in connection with the history of Bali. 
For the Balinese records cf. Ep. Balica 1 (1926) pp. 27-30. 

1. O. J. O., No. LVII. This record is the oldest positive evidence 
for the inclusion of Mediun in East Javanese kingdom 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 17-18. 


had come many times to his country and that he now availed 
himself of his guidance to come to court and bring tribute. 
He also told that his king was called Aji Ma-ra-ya 
( Maharaja ). 

"The envoy was treated well, and remained for some time 
in China. When he left, he was presented with large quantities 
of gold and silk and also with good horses and military arms, 
according to what he had asked." 

This description clearly shows that Java was not in touch 
with China for a long period. The embassy to China may, 
therefore, be taken to indicate a new epoch in the foreign 
policy of Java, when after a long life of isolation, she was 
again renewing her intercourse with her neighbours. The 
imposition of political supremacy over Bali, referred to above, 
showr< that she had begun to pursue a policy of aggressive 
imperialism. After the conquest of Bali she evidently turned 
her attention to her neighbours, the Sailendras. The Javanese 
envoy, sent to China in 992 A.D., related "that his country 
was in enmity with San-fo-tsi and that they were always 
fighting together". This shows that the struggle with the 
Sailendras had probably begun a long time before 992 A.D. 
But, as we have seen in a preceding chapter, the struggle 
assumed a serious turn about this time, and about 990 A.D. 
the kingdom of San-fo-tsi itself was invaded by Java. Indeed 
that kingdom was reduced to such straits that its envoy 
even sought the aid of the Chinese emperor against Java. 
Possibly the Javanese embassy of 992 A.D. was sent to 
counteract the activity of the enemy in that direction. In 
any case there can be hardly any doubt that Java took the 
offensive and gained great success at about 990 A.D. Thus 
under king DharmavamSa the international glory and prestige 
of Java were revived towards the close of the tenth 
century A.D. 

But the success of the king was shortlived. By 1003 A.D. 
the Sailendra king had evidently hurled back the invasion of 


Java and was able to send an embassy to China without any 
hindrance from tho latter. 

Within four years of this a great catastrophe involved 
Dharmavams*a and his kingdom in a common ruin. The exact 
nature of this catastrophe is not known to us, but we learn 
from tho Calcutta prasasti of Airlangga that in 1006 A.D. 
Java was destroyed by a great catastrophe (pralaya) which 
overwhelmed it like a sea. 'Then the flourishing capital city, 
which was hitherto a seat of joy and merriment, was reduced 
to ashes, and the great king met his end in 1007 A. D/ 

It has been suggested that the reference is to a natural 
calamity like a volcanic eruption 1 . But the subsequent story 
of Airlangga's flight, his concealment in a monastery, his long 
and arduous fight with various enemies by means of which he 
achieved the crowning glory of his life, vix. 9 the restoration of 
Java, certainly indicates that the catastrophe was caused by 
the invasion of a hostile king 2 . 

Who this king was, it is difficult to say. The only passage 
in Airlangga's prasasti which seems to throw a direct light on 
this question reads as follows : "Haji Vuravnri an vijil sangke 
LvarSm" i-e. "the king (of) Vuravari when he came out of 
LvarSm." Now this might mean that the king of Vuravari 
was the invader. But, then, we hardly know anything of 
Vuravari, not even if it was in or outside Java. The whole 
question then resolves itself into an attempt to identify 
Vuravari, Lvar5m and two other place-names where Airlangga 
had to carry on fights for the restoration of his kingdom. 
Unfortunately, none of them has been satisfactorily identified. 
Rouffaer has proposed to locate these places in the Malay 
Peninsula 3 , but his arguments are far from convincing. 
There is nothing to show that the places were not in Java. 

1. Van Hinloopen Labberton in Djawa, Vol. I. (1921), pp. 191-195 

2. This view is put forward by Krom (Geschiedenis, pp. 234-5). 

3. According to Rouffaer Vuravari, which means clear water, is an 
exact synonym of Ganggay, which, according to Sajarah Malayu (c. 


But whoever the invader may be, the complete success 
which he attained in his object of destroying Java may indicate 
that he was backed by the mighty power of the Sailendras. 
This is the definite view of Krom who thinks that though the 
Sailendras did not take any direct part in the struggle, they set 
up a third power to destroy their powerful enemy. Apart 
from the general state of hostility between the two, described 
above, this conclusion gains some strength from the fact that 
the restoration of Java was made possible only when the 
Sailendra power was shattered by the invasion of the Colas. 
Further, as Krom points out, it was a question of life and 
death for a maritime and commercial power like the Sailendras 
to keep down their powerful rival state which had lately evinced 
a desire to become a sea-power, so that it might not again 
endanger not only the sea-routes as it had lately done, but also 
the Straits of Malacca which was the only means of communica- 
tion between Sumatra and Malay Peninsula, the two essential 
parts of the dominions of the Sailendras. 

These arguments, no doubt, have great weight, but it is 
difficult to explain why, under these circumstances, the 
Sailendras should remain in the background. The two 
countries had lately been engaged in open hostilities, and there 
was nothing to prevent the Sailendras from openly joining the 
fight against Java, or from taking advantage of the situation when 
Java had gone down before her enemy. And yet the Sailendras 
arc not referred to in Airlangga's praSasti as playing any part 
cither during the invasion of Java by king of Vuravari or 
during the long period of trouble that elapsed before Airlangga 
restored his kingdom, unless, of course, we locate Vuravari 

1612 A. D.), was in Malay Peninsula. Similarly Lvaram, meaning 
sweet water, is the capital of the kingdom which was known as Langka, 
later Lengkasuka, i.e. old Johor. Among the places where Airlangga 
fought battles, Galu (jewel) is identified by him with Johor (Jauhar) and 
Hasin with I-tsing's Mahasin i.e. Singapore. (B. K. I. Vol. 77, 1921, pp, 
43 73, 90-92, 112-125,133). But many of these names occur in Java 
^cf. Krom-Geschiedenis 2 pp. 241-2.) 


and the other places in Malay Peninsula, and regard them as 
vassal states of the ^ailendras. The fact that the restoration 
of Java took place at a time when the kingdom of the 
Sailendras was itself in the grip of a foreign enemy may be a 
pure coincidence. On the whole, it is difficult to maintain 
with any degree of certainty that the Sailendras had anything 
to do with the catastrophe which overwhelmed the kingdom 
of Java. 

But whoever the ememy may be, his efforts were eminently 
successful, and the disruption of Java was complete. King 
DharmavamSa died, and his palace and kingdom perished with 
him. His young son-in-law, Airlangga, 1 then only sixteen 
years old, took shelter in the forest, accompanied by only a 
few faithful followers. Being evidently pursued by the enemy 
they shut themselves up in a small monastery, clothed 
themselves in bark of trees, and lived on food supplied by 
monks and hermits. Three years passed in this way. Evidently 
the partisans of Dharmavamsa came to know his whereabouts. 
In 1010 some people, including eminent Brahmanas, met him 
with a request to assume the royal authority. Evidently he 
was then merely acclaimed as the legitimate king by the 
partisans of Dharmavamsa, and it does not appear that he had 
gained any real power and authority. In that portion of his 
piwsasti which is written in Kavi language, it is said that the 

i. The name is also spelt as Er-langga. Of late, there has 
been some discussion about the meaning of the name Er- 
langga. Rouffaer explained it as water-sipper, a symbolic 
name meaning that the prince had sipped ( enemy ) waters 
i. e. t became lords of the sea ( B. K. I. Vol. 77, 1921, p. 73 ) Stutterheim 
takes Er-langga as the name of a place, in Kediri, which was given as 
dowry by Dharmavamsa to his son-in-law in order to defray his expenses 
in Java, So he takes Er-langga not as a proper personal name, but a 
title like Dyah Balitung ( Prince of Balitung) (Feestbundel, Vol. II. 
pp. 393-5)' According to Poerbatjaraka Er-langga means. 'He who 
crosses the water 1 ( 'Er water langg= Sanskrit Langh = 'to cross. 1 ) As 
we know for certain that Er-langga came from Bali, this meaning is very 
appropriate ( Djawa, Vol. 10, 1930, p, 163 ). 


ceremony of his consecration by the reverend priests of 
Buddhist, Saiva, and Brahmanic faith was held in 1019 A. D. 
As it took place at Halu, he assumed the royal name of "rake 
Halu Sri Lokesvara DharmavarhSa Airlangga Ananta- 
Vikramottungadeva". After his consecration the king offered 
worship to his great-great-grandfather who was buried at 
ISanabajra, viz., king Sindok to whom, in the Sanskrit portion 
of the inscription, Airlangga carried back his genealogy. We 
learn from Nagrakrtiigama that Ifianabajra was situated a 
little to the south of Pasuruhan. This identification makes 
it certain that by 1019 A. D. Airlangga made himself 
master of the territory in the neighbourhood of Pasuruhan. 
The earliest record of Airlangga, 1 dated 1023 A. D., refers 
to places on the Surabaya river, and thus his kingdom at this 
time may be regarded as having extended on the sea-coast 
from Surabaya to Pasuruhan with a belt of inland region 
corresponding to it. It could not have been a very large 
kingdom. Indeed it appears from the subsequent story of 
Airlangga's expeditions that Java was at that time divided 
into a large number of small independent states. Whether 
this was the natural consequence of the destruction of the 
central authority, or whether it was due to deliberate policy 
of Java's foreign enemy in order to keep that land hopelessly 
weak, it is difficult to say. It may be mentioned, however, 
that Airlangga seems to have kept his hold on Bali all 
along (See Bk. IV, Chap. V). 

By 1028 A. D. Airlangga felt powerful enough to make a 
bold bid for the lost kingdom. He had to fight with a 
number of petty kings during the first four years. Some of 
them submitted to his authority and those that refused to do 
so were either killed or expelled. In 1029 a king Bhlsmapra- 
bhava was defeated at Vuratan. During the two following 
years a somewhat severe contest ensued with the king 
Adham&panuda. Airlangga achieved a complete victory and 

j, K.O., No. V, 


burnt his enemy's capital city. In 1032 Alrlangga defeated a 
powerful queen of the south and returned with a large booty. 
The same year he had to finally reckon with the king 
of Vuravari, who was the cause of Java's calamity. As 
already remarked, Vuravari was most probably a place in 
Java itself ; in any case it is safe to presume that the fight 
took place on the soil of Java. For, with powerful enemies 
like king of Vengker still unsubdued, Airlangga could hardly 
think of military expedition outside Java. 1 The inscriptions 
tell us that the king of Vuravari perished. If he was really 
a foreigner it may also mean that he was forced to leave 

The king of Vengker, a small state in the modern 
district of Madiun, with its capital at Setana, now remained 
the only powerful foe of Airlangga. Already in 1030 A. D. 
Airlangga had inflicted a defeat upon this enemy. Although 
it was not of a decisive character, it forced Vijaya, king of 
Vengker, to remain on the defensive and left Airlangga free 
to reckon with his other powerful enemies. In 1035* in the 
month of Bh&dra Airlangga led an expedition against Vengker 
on a large scale, and gained a great victory. Two months 
later Vijaya was imprisoned by his own troops and killed, 
thanks to the diplomatic move of Airlangga, learnt from the 
book of Visnugupta. With the fall of Vengker, the war of 
restoration came to an end, and Airlangga became the undis- 
puted master of Java. 

With the expansion and solidarity of his dominions 
Airlangga also changed his royal residence. An inscription, 

1. We should presume on the same ground that Hasin, whose 
king was defeated by Airlangga, was also in Java and not in Malay 
Peninsula, as suggested by Rouffaer ( B. K. I., Vol. 77 (1921), pp. 


2. The portion of the inscription, written in Kavi language, 

gives the date as 1037. Possibly it is a mistake for 1035. Kern, however, 
thinks that 1035, the date given in the Sanskrit portion, is a mistake 
for 1037. 


dated 1031 A. D., 1 places it at Vuatan Mas, but from another 
record, dated six years later 2 , we learn that it was removed 
to Kahuripan. None of these two places has been identified 
yet. The seal of the king was Garudamukha, an indication 
that he regarded himself as an incarnation of Visnu. 

During Airlangga's reign Java came into contact with 
foreign lands. An inscription at Truneng 8 contains a passage 
which has been taken to mean that he had overthrown his 
enemies in foreign lands (paradvlpa paramandala). But the 
text of this inscription has too many lacunae to be properly 
understood, and perhaps the passage merely contains a 
reference to his peaceful relation with foreign lands. In any 
case there is no definite evidence that Airlangga ever undertook 
any military expedition outside Java. Even his relation with 
the Sailendras seems to be quite a friendly one. On the other 
hand his records 4 contain a long list of foreign peoples who 
used to come to Java for purposes of trade or other peaceful 
pursuits of life. The list includes Kling, Singhala, Dravida, 
Karnataka, Champa, and Kmir which may be easily identified 
as Kalinga, Ceylon, Cola country, and Kanara in south India, 
Annam, and Cambodge. Three other countries vix. Aryya, 
Pandikira, and Remen are more difficult to identify satisfactorily. 
The first possibly means North India as opposed to Dravida 
country in the South, and Pandikira may be a combination of 
Pandya and Kerala. Remen, which has been identified by 
Krom with Pegu, may be the same as 'Ramin' or Ramni of 
Arabic writers and thus a part of Sumatra. 6 

1. O. J. O., No. LVIII The date is given here as 1021, but 
Krom reads it as 1031 (Geschiedenis, p. 258) ; Cf. T. B. G., Vol. 59 
( 1921 ), p. 423- 

2. O. J. O., No. LXI. 

3. O. J. O., No. LXIV. 

4. O. J. O., Nos. LVIII, L1X, LXIV. 

5. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 260, Ferrand Textes, Vol. I., p. 97 ; 
p. 25. f. n. 2. 


The Kelagen inscription informs us that the Brantas river 
burst its banks at Varingin Sapta (modern Vringin pitu) and 
caused great havoc when Airlangga built a dam to stop it. 1 
It is interesting to note that even irrigation works undertaken 
in the nineteenth century have profited by this dam built by 
Airlangga. The same inscription informs us that the work of 
Airlangga caused great joy to the foreign merchants and 
captains of ships who thronged the port of Hujung Galuh. 
Now it is evident from the context that Hujung Galuh was 
at the mouth of the Brantas river and was therefore either 
Surabaya itself, or a former port in its immediate neighbour- 
hood which played the same r6le as Surabaya docs now. 
From another inscription 9 , which, though undated, may be 
referred to the same period, we come to know of another 
sea-port Kambang-putih at or near modern Tuban. All these 
indicate that maritime trade and commerce flourished in Java 
during the reign of Airlangga. 

In the early records of Airlangga we come across the name 
of a lady as the most important official next to the king. 
Her full name is "rakryan mahamantri i Hino Sri Sangrama- 
vijaya Dharmaprasadottungadevl." She was evidently 
not the queen, for the queen at this period usually 
assumed the title 'Sri ParameSvarl'. She has been regarded 
as the daughter of Airlangga. She evidently held the high 
position up to A. D. 1037. For while her name occurs with 
full titles in an inscription dated A. D. 1037, we find another 
person in the same position in the Pandangkrayan inscription 3 
dated A. D. 1037, the Calcutta stone inscription dated 1041 
A. D., and the Pamotan inscription dated A. D. 1042. 4 The 
full name of the latter has, unfortunately, not been preserved. 
But its first part is Sri Samaravijaya and it ended with 

1. O. J. O.. No. LXI. 

2. O. J. O., No. CXVIII. 

3. O. V., 1915, p. 70 ; 1925, p. 20. 

4. Unpublished, cf. Inv. No. 1827. 


'Uttungadeva', and so the person probably belonged to the 
royal family. It may be mentioned here that Narottama, who 
accompanied Airlangga in his flight in 1007 A. D., remained 
his trusted official to the end, and his full title was rakryan 
kanuruhan pu Dharmamurtti Narottama DanaSura. 1 

According to the Calcutta inscription Airlangga established, 
in 1041 A. D., a monastery at Pucangan, modern Penanggungan, 
the place where he found a shelter in his dark days. According 
to a Javanese tradition, Kili Suci, a nun belonging to the royal 
family of Kahuripan, practised asceticism at this place. 
Rouffaer concludes from this that this royal nun is no other 
than the daughter of Airlangga, and the monastery was founded 
for her sake 9 . 

According to a later Javanese tradition, Airlangga himself 
retired from the world in his old age and lived the life of an 
ascetic (named rsi Gentayu). An edict 3 dated A. D. 1042, is 
issued by Aji paduka mpungku sang pinakacatra ning bhuvana 
who lived in the temple of Gandhakuti. This singular 
combination of secular and spiritual titles perhaps points to a 
monarch who adopted a religious life but still continued to 
exercise the royal authority. The date of the record and the 
tradition that king Airlangga took to an ascetic life seems to 
indicate that the author of the record is no other than king 
Airlangga himself. In that case Airlangga must have left the 
world some time between the month of MargaSlrSa, 1042 A. D., 
the date of the Pamotan inscription, and the month of Magha 
of the same year when the edict referred to above was issued. 

An inscription* of a later king refers to a canal originally 
dug by paduka mpungku bhatara Guru sang lumati ri Tlrtha, 

1. O. J. O. f No. LXl, The reading Narottama jananasura', 
in II 2-3, given here, is evidently a mistake for 'Narottama-Danasura', 
which, according to Krom, can be clearly read on the stone. 

2. Krom-Geschiedenis, p. 264. 

3. O. J. O., No. LXI1I. The inscription is preserved in 
a later copy. 

4. Groeneveldt, Catalogus Batavia ( 1887 ), p. 376. 


and another later record 1 confirms a boon originally granted 

in 1039 A. D. by Bhatara Guru with the seal of Garuda- 

mukha. Now Garudamukha was the well-known seal of 

Airlangga and thus the reference is apparently to the same 

king who, after his ascetic life, was thus cremated at Tirtha. 

Now we come across Tirtha as the name of a monastery near 

Pavitra, in an inscription of Sindok. 8 The findspot of this 

inscription, the names of places contained in it, and the 

detailed account of the journey of king Hayam Wuruk as 

given in Nagarakrtagama all indicate this place to be situated 

in the eastern slope of Penanggungan. Now near this place 

are found the remains of an old site, the bathing-place of 

Belahan, which contains among other things a fine statue of 

Visnu on Garuda. Rouffaer long ago made the suggestion 

that Belahan was the burial place of Airlangga and that the 

king himself is figured as Visnu. The identification of Tirtha 

with Belahan, on independent grounds, lends a strong support 

to this view. 8 The figure of Visnu is a beautiful piece of 

sculpture, and according to Rouffaer's theory, we can see in 

it the actual portrait of the famous king who passed such 

an eventful life. We may also infer from it that the art of 

sculpture flourished during the reign of Airlangga. That the 

king was a patron of literature, too, appears clearly from the fact 

that the famous old- Javanese kuvya, Arjunavivaha,* the first 

book of its kind, was written under his patronage by poet 

Kanva. This poet says at the end of his poem that he wished 

to follow the king in his military expeditions. The book 

was thus apparently written before 1035 A. D. when Airlangga 

set out on his last military expedition. 

1. O. J. O , No. LXX. 

2. O. J. O., No. XLI. 

3. T. B. G., Vol. 55 (1913), pp. 596 ff; Vol. 56, pp. 442-44 I 
Vol. 65, pp. 222-5. Stutterheim, in the last named article, explains 
Tirtha as a burial place, and not a proper name. 

4. Published by Friederich in Verh. Bat. Gen., Vol. 23 (1850), 
and by Poerbatjaraka in B. K. I., Vol. 82 (1926). 


With the adoption of an ascetic life, king Airlangga 
passes from our view, and we do not know anything about the 
last days of his life. There is no doubt that his career was one 
of the most interesting in the history of Java. The various 
phases of life through which he passed ever since he was 
married, at the age of 16, mark him out as a striking 
personality. He was indeed a hero, in the arts of war as well 
as in those of peace. 

Chapter HI. 


Before his death Airlangga had divided his kingdom into 
two parts and bestowed them upon his two sons. This partition 
of the kingdom gave rise to two states in Eastern Java which 
continued to divide the country for a pretty long time. It is, 
no doubt, a matter of surprise, and of regret, that Airlangga, 
who had experienced more than anybody else the evils of a 
divided kingdom, and the aim and crowning success of whose 
life was to undo the evils thereof by a reunion of the country, 
should have himself sacrificed his life-work by such a fatal 
measure. There must have been very strong reasons for 
inducing him to this decision. According to Nagara- 
krtftgama 1 it was out of pure affection that Airlangga crowned 
both his sons as kings. An older document, an inscription 
dated 1211 Saka ( = 1289 A.D.), throws a new light on this 
question.* A learned Pandit named Bharada is said to have 
divided Java into two parts, named Janggala and Pafijalu on 
account of quarrel between two princes eager to fight. Bharada 
is also referred to in Nagarakj* tagama as the person to whom 
the work of division was entrusted, and in both cases Bharada 
is said to have accomplished his task by means of Tantrik or 
magical process of which he was a past master. There is no 
doubt, therefore, that the inscription refers to the division of 
Java by Airlangga. Now the reference to quarrel between 
two princes, eager to fight, as the reason of the division, 
seems to be significant. It is clear that two sons of Airlangga 

1. Nag.Kr.68 : I. 

2. The Sanskrit Inscription on the Image of Mahakobhya at 
Simpang (Surabaya); Kern, V. G., Vol., VII, pp. 189 ff; cf, also 
B. K. L, Vol. 78 ( 1922 ), pp. 426-462. 


claimed succession to the throne, and both felt powerful enough 
to contest It by force. It seems that the aged father, unable 
to reconcile them, and in order to avoid the inevitable civil war, 
was compelled to take the only step which offered some 
reasonable chance of a peaceful succession after his death. It 
was not then a pure sentiment, but a stroke of dipolmacy which 
dictated the action of the old monarch. 

We have seen in the last chapter that a daughter of Airlangga 
held the highest position in the state till 1037 A,D. She was 
evidently the crown-princess, and legitimate heir to the throne 
through her mother, the daughter of king DharmavamSa. But 
she took to an ascetic life, and it disturbed the regular order 
of succession. This was undoubtedly the main cause of the 
dispute between the two sons of Airlangga by junior queens. 
For, while the right of the eldest child by the chief queen to 
succeed to the throne was not questioned by any, positive rules 
and precedents were lacking for selection from among the 
junior princes. Perhaps each of them was backed by a 
powerful party in the court, and when the prospects of a dread- 
ful civil war loomed large before the eyes of the aged king, he 
cut the Gordian knot by dividing the kingdom among the two 

Thus arose the two kingdoms of PaSjalu and Janggala. 
The boundary between these two kingdoms cannot be clearly 
ascertained. According to Nagarakytagama, and the inscription 
of the thirteenth century referred to above, the sage Bharada 
fixed the boundary by means of magical water (Kumbha- 
vajrodaka). These statements, together with other traditions 
of a later date, convey the idea that from the northern coast 
the sage flew in the air while water was flowing from his pot 
all along the way, indicating thus the boundary between the 
two kingdoms. Unfortunately, he could not complete his 
aerial journey up to the southern coast, as he was stopped by 
a tamarind tree at Palungan. There he stopped, and dug his 
water pot beneath the ground. Evidently the boundary between 
this spot and the southern coast was marked by other means. 


Various opinions have been expressed on the nature and 
meaning of this popular tradition, and attempts have been 
made to form an idea of the boundary line on the basis of this 
popular story 1 . It is not necessary for our present purpose 
to enter into a detailed discussion on the subject. On the 
whole it seems to be generally agreed, that PaSjalu comprised 
the western half of the kingdom, including the modern districts 
of Blitar, Kcdiri, and Madiun, while Janggala comprised the 
eastern half including Malang, Pasuruhan, Rembang, and 
Surabaya, excepting the south-western part of the last which 
belonged to the former. How far to the west the authority of 
PaSjalu extended, it is difficult to say, and it might well have 
included at least a portion of central Java. The whole of the 
eastern extremity of Java belonged no doubt to Janggala. 

PaSjalu, the official name of the western kingdom, was soon 
changed to Kadiri, and towards the close of the thirteenth 
century it was called Gelanggelang. The capital of the kingdom 
was, throughout, the city of Kadiri also called Daha. There 
is no doubt that this place is now represented by the town of 
Kediri* which has thus preserved the old name. 

Nothing is known as to the name or position of the capital 
of Janggala. It has been tentatively located at Bakong 8 on 
the Porong river, at Sidukari*, or at Jedong 5 on the northern 
slope of the Penanggungan hill. The probability, however, 
is that Kahuripan, the capital of Airlangga, still continued to be 

i. E.g. Bosch T. B. G., Vol. 58 (1919)-, PP- 4*9 ff J Stein 
Callenfells O. V., 1916, p. 106. ; Rassers ( 'De Pandji roman/ pp. 
135 ff., 229 ff, 299 ff ) ; Krom-Geschiedenis, pp. 269 ff.; Stutterheim (B.K.I., 
Vol. 89 (1932), pp. 101-105 ) regards Bayalangu as the boundary 
between the two. 

a. Formerly Daha used to be located at Madiun, but Chinese 
annals and inscriptions have satisfactorily established the identity of 
Daha and Kediri. 

3. Not. Bat. Gen., 1864, p. 230. 

4. Hageman-Indisch. Archief,, I, I. pp. 616 ff. 

5. De Kopiist, I, p. 389. 


the capital of the eastern kingdom. 1 For it seems quite 
reasonable to hold, that when the kingdom was partitioned 
into two, the old capital with the territory in its neighbourhood 
should form one of them. This seems to get some corrobora- 
tion from the fact that in NagarakptSgama, two daughters of 
the founder of the kingdom of Majapahit are referred to as 
queen of Kahuripan and queen of Daha. 

We possess very little information regarding the kingdom of 
Janggala. The earliest inscription is a copperplate, dated 1053 
A.D., issued by a king named Mapaiiji Alanjung Ahyes. But 
this record is only known from a very corrupt copy of the 
Majapahit period, and its authenticity may be doubted. 8 

Next comes the Surabaya stone inscription of a king whose 
full title is 'rake Halu pu Jurau (?) Sri Samarotsaha Karnna- 
keana DharmavamSa Kirttisingha Jayantakatunggadcva. 8 
The rake-title of the king is, the same as that of Airlangga, and 
the seal-mark of the latter, viz. Garudamukha is also adopted 
by the king. Further he uses the family name of Dharma- 
vamla, which the kings of Kadiri never did. The contents of 
the inscription relate to the use of some water-works. 

The inscription contains a date but the figure for hundreds 
is badly damaged. The other two figures are 8 and 2. Now 
the remnants of the first figure indicate that it cannot be 8, 
and our choice lies therefore between 782 and 982, But the 
first is out of the question, if we consider the title of the king 
and the form of the alphabet. We may thus reasonably 
construe the date as 982 (=1060 A.D.). 

With the exception of these two records, no other certain 
document of the kingdom of Janggala has come down to us. 
Indeed, it may be doubted if the kingdom of Janggala 

1. This is the view of Krom. ( Geschiedenis, p. 275. ). 

2. The record is not yet published (Krom Geschiedenis, 2 
p. 282). It is now in the Surakarta Museum, cf. O. V,, 1928, 
pp. 64,70. 

3. Groeneveldt, Catalogus Batavia, (1887), P- 37 


continued to exist for a long time. It is true that a queen 
of Kadiri, of the twelfth century A. D. (see below, under 
Kamelvara I), is said to have come from Janggala, but there is 
no mention of any king or kingdom. On the whole, the available 
evidence leads to the conclusion that the kingdom of Janggala 
did not last long, and while a portion of it was annexed to 
Kadiri, the remainder was probably ruled by independent or 
semi-independent chiefs. About the end of the twelfth century 
a new kingdom was established at Tumapel near Malang, 
and although it pretended to represent the old Janggala 
kingdom, the claim was probably based on no more solid 
ground than the fact that Tumapel once formed a part of the 
defunct Janggala kingdom. We find a large number of records 
belonging to the twelfth century A.D., and all of them, with 
hardly any exception, originate from the present district of 
Kediri. It may, therefore, be safely presumed, that in the 
twelfth century A.D. Kadiri was the principal kingdom in Java 
and the centre of its culture and civilisation, and that to the 
outside world it represented the kingdom of Java proper. 

The Javanese embassy to China in 1109 A.D., the honour 
shown by the Chinese emperor to the king of Java in 1129 
and 1132 A.D. 1 , and the reference in Annamesc records 9 
to merchant vessels of Java plying to Annamite ports in the 
middle of the twelfth century A.D., all these probably refer 
to Kadiri, though it is not impossible that reference is to the 
kingdom of Janggala. 

The first king of Kadiri whose name is known to us is 
Sri Jayavara Digjaya with the titles Sastraprabhu and 
Jayaprabhu. His stone inscription, dated A.D. 1104, has been 
found at Sirahketing in Madiun 3 . Probably this Jayavar?a 
is the same as Varsajaya under whose royal patronage the poet 
Triguna wrote the famous old-Javanese poem, Krnayana* 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 15-19- 

2. Maspero Le Royaume du Champa (1928) p. 197. 

3. O. J. O., No. LXVI. 

4. T. B.C., Vol. 57 ( 1916), pp. 221, 515 ff. 


which later supplied the subject-matter of sculptures in the 
temple of Panataran. One Varsajaya is also referred to in 
the concluding stanza of Sumanasantaka by Monaguna 1 , but 
as he is not mentioned as a king, it is doubtful if we have 
to take this name also as that of king Jayavarsa of Kadiri. 

From 1116 onwards, we come across a scries of records 9 
referring to kings bearing exactly the same titles, but with 
the first part written variously as BameSvara, ParameSvara 
and Kame6vara. Poerbatjaraka has suggested that the name 
is really Kame^vara, and the two other forms are due to wrong 
reading of inscriptions 3 . On the other hand Krom says that 
the two forms Bamesvara and Kamcfivara are clearly legible 
on records. In view, however, of the identity of titles, 
Krom agrees with Poerbatjaraka in referring these records 
to one and the same king, whose name was probably 
Kame^vara*. As a stone inscription of Brumbung 6 , dated 
1115 A.D., gives all the titles, KameSvara must have ascended 
the throne in or before that year. 

The latest record of KameSvara I bears a date which is 
usually interpreted as A.D. 1140 A.D. a This gives rise to a 
difficulty inasmuch as there are two records of king Jayabhaya, 
dated respectively in A.D. 1135 and 1136. Poerbatjaraka 
has inferred from this that the two were contemporary kings 
ruling in different parts of the kingdom 7 . This is, however, 
not very likely, as their records arc found in the same part 
of the country. Krom has shown good grounds for the belief 
that the date, which has so far been read as 1140, is really 
to be construed as A.D. 1130 s . 

1. Brandes, Beschrijving der Handsch, Van der Tuuk Vol. 3 
(1QI5) P. HO. 

2. For these records, cf. T. B. G., Vol. 56 ( 1914 ) pp. 242-252. 

3. T. B. G., Vol. 58 ( 1919 )> PP- 479-483. 

4. Krom Geschiedenis, pp. 285-6. 
5 O. V., 1915, PP. 68 ff. 

6. O. J. O., No. LXIX. 7. T. B. G., Vol. 58 (1919), p. 488. 

8. T. B. G., Vol. 59 ( 1921 ), pp. 419-424. 


King Earned vara, whose reign thus covers the period 
1115 to 1130 A^ D. had a grandiloquent title "Sri Maharaja 
rake Sirikan Sri Kamevara SakalabhuvanatustikSrana 
SarwSniv&ryyaviryya Parakrama Digjayottunggadeva. His 
seal-mark is 'death's head' called Candrakapala. His inscrip- 
tions record gifts of land, but supply very little historical 
information. It is curious to note that the name of one of 
his officials, rakryan Kanuruhan, the highest minister of 
state in Kadiri, is given as Vaprake,4vara. The name of another 
official "Sang Juru Pangjalu" reminds us of the official name 
of the kingdom which occurs but twice in the records of the 
Kadiri period. 

The old-Javanese Kavya Smaradahana 1 by Dharmaya 
refers to a king KanieSvara, who may be identified with the 
king under discussion, if not with the later king of the same 
name. He calls the country 'Yava-MadhyadeSa' surrounded 
by ocean. While there is no doubt, therefore, that the whole 
of Java is meant, it is not clear whether Madhyade.4a indicates 
the position of Java in the middle of the Archipelago or the 
location of the kingdom of Kamesvara in the middle of the 
island with two other kingdoms on its east and west. It is 
interesting to note that the poet has in this connection referred 
to a tradition that the book of Kumara (Skanda or Karttikeya) 
in Kashmir, was, by a curse of Siva, transformed into the 
island of Java. While it no doubt refers to the prevalence 
of Saivism, the shape of Java like an old Indian manuscript 
may also be referred to, for immediately after this the poet 
compares the island to an weapon called 'Lipung' which is 
pointed at both the ends and thin in the middle, which serves 
as the handle. 

The poet describes the king as the incarnation of the god 
Kama (Cupid), and his abode, the wonder of the world, is called 
Dahana. Sri Isanadharma is referred to as the founder of 

i, Poerbatjaraka Agastya, p. 35. T. B. G., Vol. 58, ( 1919 ), 
pp. 461 ft. 


the family. Thus, like Airlangga himself, his descendants, 
the kings of Kadiri, traced their ancestry to Sindok-lgSna. 
KSmeSvara's queen is referred to as Sri Kirana, the daughter 
of Vajadrava and the best of women in Janggala. As no 
royal title is bestowed on Kirana's father, it may be presumed 
that while the geographical name Janggala was still in use, 
it did not form any separate kingdom but was part of Kadiri. 
According to Poerbatjaraka, King KameSvara and queen Kirana 
are the historical personages round whom the whole cycle of 
PaSji-legends have been evolved (cf. Bk. V, Ch. IV.). 

KameSvara was succeeded by his son Jayabhaya, one of 
the few royal names that have lived in popular tradition in 
Java. In the case of Jayabhaya, the explanation is perhaps 
to be found in the fact that he was the patron of the famous 
poem Bharatayuddha. Two of his records are dated in 1135 1 
and 1136 a A. D., while a third record 3 has also been 
doubtfully ascribed to him. These records give him the 
title Sri Maharaja Sri DharmmeSvara Madhusudanavatara- 
nindita Suhrtsingha Parakrama Digjayottungadeva. The 
personal name of the king is given, in one case, as Sang 
MapaSji Jayabhaya at the beginning, and in another case, as 
JayabhayalaScana, at the end. The royal seal-mark is 

The poem Bharatayuddha, which was composed by Sedah 
In 1157, eulogises king Jayabhaya in most flattering terms. 
He is regarded as incarnation of Visnu, the undisputed 
master of the whole of Java, against whom no other king can 
dare to raise his arms. All the king's enemies bow down 
before him, even the king of the golden land (Hetnabhupati). 
The golden land may be taken to refer to SuvarnabhQmi 

1. O.J. O.,No. LXVII. 

2. O. J. O, f No. LXX. The date, read here as 1146, 
should be corrected to 1136 . cf. T. B. G., Vol. 56 (1914), p. 243,. 
Vol. 59 ( 1921 ), p. 420. Inv,, No, 2098. 

3. O. V., 1916, p. 87, and Inv. f No. 2097. 


(Malayasia) in a general sense, or to Sumatra, which is also 
called Suvarnabhumi. But although a struggle with Sumatra 
is not improbable, it would be risky to base any historical 
conclusion on the extravagant eulogy of the court-poet. 

The poet Sedah could not complete his poem Bharata- 
yuddha, and the task was accomplished by Panuluh presumably 
in the reign of Jayabhaya. For Panuluh also wrote a poem, 
HarivamSa, in which he refers to king Jayabhaya as Sri 
DharmeSvara Digjaya which, as we have seen above, formed 
parts of his titles. A third work of the poet Panuluh, vix., 
GhatotkacaSraya refers to king Sri Jayakrta. He may thus 
be regarded as the successor of Jayabhaya, but this docs not 
tally with the tradition that the son of king Jayabhaya was 
called Jayakatvang. 1 Nothing more is known about the 
latter, but he is perhaps identical with Jayanagara Katvang 
ing jagat to whom a poem is dedicated. 4 But as this 
invokes at the beginning Sri KameSvara, Jayanagara was 
most probably the son of king Kamesvara II. This is not, 
however, necessarily the case, as Kama is often invoked 
elsewhere, without any reference to king Kainesvara. 

The difficulty is increased by the fact, that an inscription of 
Kajunan, south-east of Kediri, dated 1160 A.D. 8 i. e. only 
three years later than Bharatayuddha, gives the name of a 
king which is neither Jayakrta nor Jayakatvang, but His 
Majesty rake Sirikan Sri Sarwesvara Janarddhanavatara 
Vijayagraja SamasinghanadSnivaryyaviryya Parakrama Dig- 
jayottunggadeva. A homonymous royal name occurs in 
another inscription found at Pikatan* whose date is lost. 
The seal-mark is a flying figure. 

We know hardly anything more than the name of the 
next king, His Majesty rake hino Sri AryycSvara Madhusuda- 
nSvatSrarijaya Muka. . .ryya Parakramottunggadeva, referred 
to in an inscription of Jemekan, north of Pikatan, dated 1171 

i. Van der Tuuk, Kawi-Bal. Nederl, Woordenb. II. ( 1899) 
p. 179. 2. Cat. I, p. 1 80. 

j. T. B. G., Vol. 56 ( 1914 ), PP.245 ff - <* Ibid. p. 246. 


A. D., 1 with the figure of a Ganea as its seal. An 
inscription at Waleri, 8 near Blitar, whose date is illegible, 
gives the same seal and the same royal name, with slight 
changes, and may thus be referred to the same king. 

A stone inscription, dated 1181 A. D. 3 found at Jaring, 
near Blitar, furnishes the name of the king His Majesty Sri 
Kroncaryyadipa Handabhuvanapiilaka Parakramanindita 
Digjayottunggadeva Sri Gandra. The inscription refers to 
a royal officer 'Senapati sarbajala' which evidently means 
an admiral. The existence of this officer naturally leads to 
the inference that the kingdom of Kadiri possessed a fleet. 
This was evidently necessary for maintaining the hold of 
the Javanese kingdom over neighbouring islands. As we 
shall see, in less than half a century Java established her 
authority over eastern archipelago, and so there is nothing 
surprising in the fact that the kingdom of Kadiri should 
possess a strong navy. 

The next king KiimcSvara II is known from an inscription 
dated 1185 A.D. 4 His full title is His Majesty Sri 
Kamcfivara Trivikramfivatara Anivaryyaviryya Parakrama 
Digjayottunggadeva. The record, found at Ceker, to the 
south of Kediri, refers to the kingdom of Kadiri. It is only 
partially legible and does not supply any valuable historical 
information. It should be remembered, however, that king 
Kamelvara, referred to in the epic Smaradahana, may also be 
identified with this king rather than with Karne&vara I, and in 
that case all that has been said above regarding KameSvara I, 
on the basis of this work, should refer really to 
KameSvara II. 8 

1. Ibid. The inscription is now at Kediri ; cf. Inv., No. 1873. 

2. O. V., 1917, p. 62. 

3. O. J. O., No. LXXI. The reading Hantfabhuvanamalaka 
is corrected to Handabhuvanapalaka by Krom (Geschiedenis, p. 293). 

4. O. J. O., No. LXXI I. 

5. This is the view of Krom. He thinks that the arguments 
brought forward by Poerbatjaraka in favour of K^mesvara I are not 


After KameSvara II we come across the name of king 
Sjrngga whose dated records extend from 1194 to 1200 A. D. 1 
The full name of the king is 'His Majesty Sri SarvveSvara 
TrivikramSvatSrSnindita Spnggalaficana Digvijayottungadeva. 
According to one of his records, dated A. D. 1194, * he firmly 
established his power over the kingdom of Kadiri by driving 
out somebody from the kraton of Katangkatang. Another 
record of the king 8 , found at Panataran and dated 1197 A.D., 
refers to the temple of Palah, and we know from the detailed 
account of journey of king Hay am Wuruk that it refers to the 
group of temples at Panataran. The building, whose remains 
we see there to-day, may be of a later date, but there is no 
doubt that it was a sacred place containing shrines even so 
early as the end of the twelfth century A.D. It is not, however, 
absolutely certain that king Srngga was the immediate suc- 
cessor of KSmeSvara II. A stone inscription,* found at Sapu 
Angin, and dated in 1190 A.D., contains the name of Krtajaya 
above the seal in the middle of the record. The text of the 
record also refers to Krtajaya, but does not give him any royal 

convincing ( cf. T. B. G., Vol., 58 ( 1919 ) PP- 47$ ff 5 Bosch, ibid, 
pp. 491 ff ). Krom's arguments may be summed up as follows : The 
tradition which closely associates the two poets Dharmaya and Tanakung 
rather indicates the king to be Kamesvara II. In Tanakung's 
Lubdhaka, the mention of Girindravarhsa seems to refer to the 
dynasty of Singhasari, while his other work Vrttasaficaya, according 
to its foreword, was written shortly before the fall of Kadiri. It may 
thus be reasonably inferred that Vrttasaficaya was written shortly before 
1222 A. D., the date of the fall of Kadiri, and Lubdhaka was 
composed some time after that. Smaradahana, the work of an elder 
contemporary of Tanakung, should, therefore be referred to the period 
of Kamesvara II ( cf. Krom Geschiedenis, 2 pp. 298-9 and foot-notes ). 

1. Five of his records are known. For the first three, which are 
not of any historical importance, cf. (i) Not. Bat. Gen., 1883. (2) O. V. 
1916, p. 8; ; (3) O. J. O., No. LXXVI. For the other two see the 
next two foot-notes. 

2. O. J. O., No. LXXIII. 3. O. J. O., No. LXXIV. 
4. O. V., 1929. PP- 37 if, 


title. This Krtajaya may be identical with the last king of 
the dynasty, and we must then presume that he issued the 
inscription of 1190 A.D. while he was yet a crown-prince. 
Otherwise we have to assume that he was a king in 1190 AJX 
and thus preceded king Srngga. 

It must further be noted in this connection that in addition 
to the kings mentioned above we have references, in literary 
works, to two others whose position in the Kadiri royal family 
we are unable to determine. Reference has already been made 
to Jayanagara whose full name or! Garbhe,4varar5ja pSduka 
bhajara Jayanagara katvang ing jagatf occurs in a poetical 
work which invokes at the beginning king KameSvara. 1 A 
close relationship of this king to KsmeSvara, probably the 
second king of that name, may thus be presumed, but cannot 
be definitely proved. A manuscript of a poetical work 
Pptuvijaya, based on Brahmanda-purana, has been found in 
Bali*. It was composed by the poet Astaguna at the request 
of the old king Prakrtivlrya. The language of the poem 
indicates that it was written during the Kadiri-period. But 
then we have no further information about the king 

The last king of the Kadiri dynasty was Krtajaya. The 
Btone inscription of Wates-Kulen, 5 which is usually ascribed 
to king Srngga really belongs to this king. It shows all the 
characteristics of Kadiri grant and refers to the usual list of 
administrative officials. A stone inscription dated 1216 AD. 4 
contains the name of the king in NSgari letters and his seal 

A short account of this king is found both in Nag. Kr. 
(40 : 304) and Pararaton (p. 62). The former describes him 
as a hero of irreproachable character and versed in philosophy 
and scriptures. According to Pararaton, which refers to the 
king as Dangdang Gendis, he demanded that the clergy should 

i. Cat. I., p. 180. 2. o. V. 1921, p. 70. 

3. O. J. O,, No. LXXVII. 4. O. V. 1929, p. 279. 


make obeisance to him, and when they refused, showed them 
some miracles to overawe them. But far from submitting to 
the royal command, the clergy left him in a body and sought 
refuge with the chief of TumapeL The latter attacked Kadiri, 
and Kytajaya, being defeated, took to flight (1222 A.D.) and 
sought refuge in a monastery. The details of the rise of 
Tumapel will be described in the next chapter. It will suffice 
here to say that with the defeat of Krtajaya perished the 
kingdom of Kadiri. The author of Nag. Kr. (40 : 4) has paid 
a well-deserved tribute to the king. "When the king of Kadiri 
fell", says he, "a cry of anguish burst forth from the whole 
land of Java". 

Before, however, we leave the history of the Kadiri 
dynasty, we must take note of the very interesting accounts 
of Java which the Chinese accounts furnish us. These accounts 
arc mainly derived from two sources, viz., the History of the 
Sung dynasty (960-1279 A.D.) and the Chu-fan-chi of 
Chau Ju-kua. The agreement of the two accounts leaves 
hardly any doubt that they both refer more or less to the 
same period, and from what has been said above regarding 
the date of Chau Ju-kua 1 , we may easily assume the state of 
things described by him to be true of the period 1175-1225 A.D., 
i&., the half -century preceding the fall of Kadiri. 

The general political condition of Java, as described 
by Chau Ju-kua 2 may only be followed in broad outlines. 
It appears there were three political powers exercising 
authority over the different parts of the island. The most 
powerful kingdom, comprising the greater part of the island, 
is named Sho-po whose dependencies, both in and outside 
Java, numbered fifteen. The western part of the island 
named Sin-to (=Sunda) (70) was a dependency of San-fo-tsi (162) 
as stated before. The third kingdom is named Su-ki-tan (82), 

1. See above, p. 193. 

2. Chau Ju-kua, pp. 75-85, 62, 70. The figures within bracket 
in the following paragraphs refer to pages of this work. 


It is said to be "a branch of the Sho-po country," but there 
is no doubt from the detailed account that it formed a separate 
state under its own king, and its currency, products, and 
manners and customs differed to a certain extent from Sho-po. 

The exact location of Su-ki-tan has not been an easy 
matter, and various conjectures have been made 1 . Chau Ju-kua 
says that "to the west it borders on Sin-to, to the cast it adjoins 
Ta-pau". Later on, he adds : "The country of Ta-pan connects 
to the east with Great Sho-po, it is (also) called Jung-ya-lu". 

Jung-ya-lu has been taken as the Chinese equivalent of 
Janggala, though Krom suggests the possibility of its 
identification with the port Hujung Galuh. But although 
Chau Ju-kua implies in the passage quoted above that Ta-pan 
is the same as Jung-ya-lu, he contradicts himself when he 
names both these states separately as dependencies of Sho-po. 

Leaving out this identification, the natural and obvious 
course is to identify Ta-pan with Tuban. Su-ki-tan may then 
be located in central Java, along the northern coast, between 
Pekalongan and Samarang, while Ta-pan would correspond 
to the region between Rembang and Surabaya. 

It is no doubt tempting to see in the two kingdoms of 
the Chinese author the famous kingdoms of Kadiri and 
Janggala, the handiwork of Airlangga, and indeed Rouffaer 
has worked out this hypothesis in some detail. But, then, 
as Su-ki-tan was decidedly to the west of Sho-po, we have 
rather to identify the latter with Janggala, and the former 
with Kadiri. But from all that has been said above, Kadiri 
appears to have been the most powerful kingdom in Java, 
and Sho-po has perhaps been rightly identified by all scholars 
with this kingdom. An attempt may be made to reconcile 
these two views by supposing that Janggala comprised both 
the eastern and northern coast of Java, and the latter alone 
is referred to by the Chinese authors, under the name Su-ki-tan. 

i. Rouffaer B. K. 1., Vol. 77 (1921), pp. 136 ff. Schrieke 
T. B. G., Vol. 65 ( 1925 ), p. 126. Krom Geschiedenis 8 , pp. 3o8ff. 


Rouffaer has also pointed out in support of this view that 
Sukitan is used in old- Javanese as equivalent to Janggala 1 . 

Be that as it may, we may proceed with the assumption that 
Sho-po, equivalent to Kadiri, denoted the most powerful king- 
dom in Java, with nearly the whole of the island, except Su-ki- 
tan and Sin-to, subordinate to it. It is difficult to identify the 
states which the Chinese author mentions to as its dependencies. 
We may only refer to the tentative suggestions of Rouffaer * 
1. Pai-hua-yuan (=Pacitan) ; 2. Ma-tung (=Medang); 
3. Ta-pan (=Tumapel ) (but as said above it is most likely 
Tuban ) ; 4. Hi-ning (=Dicng), 5. Jung ya-lu (= Janggala ). 

The most interesting part of the Chinese account is that 
which refers to the oversea dominions of Sho-po (83-84). 
Among its fifteen dependencies, eight are said to be situated 
on islands. According to Chan Ju-kua "each of them has its 
own chief and they have vessels plying between them" (84). 
The Chinese author describes the inhabitants of these islands 
as barbarous. "The natives (of these countries) arc strong 
fellows, but savage and of a dark bronze colour. They wrap 
( a cloth round ) their limbs and tattoo their bodies. They cut 
their hair and go barefooted. They use no vessels in eating 
or drinking ; in their stead they bind leaves together which arc 
thrown away when the meal is finished. 

"As a standard of exchange the people used only pecks 
and pints of Sago. They do not know either how to write or 
how to count "(84). 

Although it is difficult to identify the islands individually 
it is almost certain that they refer to the eastern isles of the 
Archipelago. Rouffaer has tentatively suggested the following 
identifications. 8 

1. B, K. I., Vol. 77 ( 1921 ), p. 136. 

2. B. K. I., Vol. 77 ( 1921 ), pp. 137-8. 

3. Ibid. Rouffaer takes Ping-ya-i, and Wu-nu-ku as two 
states instead of Ping-ya, I-wu, and Nu-ku as done by Hirth and 


6. Timg-ki (=New Guinea ) ; 7. Ta-kang (=Sumbawa or 
Flores); 8. Huang-ma-chu (= South-west New Guinea); 
9. Niu-lun (=Gorong) ; 10. Ti-wu (=Timor ); 11. Ping-ya-i 
(=Banggai, south-east of Celebes ) ; 12. Wu-nu-ku (=Ternate) 
13. Ma-li (=Bali) ; 14. Tan-jung-wu-lo ( = S.W. Borneo). It is 
only fair to add that excepting the last two, the identifications 
are purely conjectural. About these two, Bali and Borneo, Chau 
Ju-kua adds that they "are rather more extensive than the 
others ; they raise large numbers of horses for military service 
and they have a slight knowledge of writing and counting/' 
It is thus quite clear that Java had begun to exercise 
political domination over Bali, Borneo, and the savage and 
semi-savage people of numerous other islands of the east. 
Kadiri had thus already laid the foundation upon which 
ultimately Majapahit built the imperial structure of vast 

Chau Ju-kua has also supplied much interesting information 
regarding the manners and customs of the people and the 
system of public administration. As we have had occasion 
to note above, the Kadiri period witnessed a high degree of 
development both in art and literature. All these will bo 
discussed in detail in later chapters. On the whole the Kadiri 
period is one of the most remarkable in the whole history of 
Java. It saw the beginnings of the Javanese empire, and 
witnessed a remarkable outburst of intellectual activity. It is 
a prominent landmark in the history of Javanese culture. 

Rockhill. For the identification of the Chinese names cf, in addition to 
the article cited above, "De eerste Schipvaart der Nederlanders 
naar' Oost-Indie ( 1925 ) by Rouffaer and Ijzerman, Vol. II. p. 410. 

Chapter IV 


Like many other founders of royal families, the life of 
Angrok, who established a new kingdom in Singhasari, 
has been the subject of many popular legends. These have been 
focussed in the famous work Pararaton which gives a long 
and romantic account of Angrok from the time of his birth. 
Bereft of supernatural elements, which make him an offspring 
or incarnation of Brahma, Visnu, and Siva, Angrok is 
represented in these legends as the son of a peasant at Pangkur, 
who spent his early life in highway robbery till he was taken 
in the service of Tunggul Ametung, the governor of Tumapel. 
Angrok assassinated his master, married his widow, 
Queen Dedes, and made himself ruler of the territory to the 
east of Mount Kavi. 

The establishment of this new power soon brought Angrok 
into conflict with Krtajaya, king of Kadiri, whose name is given 
in Pararaton as Dangdang Gendis, evidently the personal 
name as opposed to the coronation name. Fortune again 
smiled on Angrok. As we have seen above, king Krtajaya 
was involved in a quarrel with the clergy and Angrok took 
advantage of this to declare himself openly as king. He took 
the name 'Rajasa' and probably also *Amurvvabhumi n . 

The Nagarakjtagama also refers to Sri Ranggah Rajasa, 
son of Girlndra, who ruled over the great populous and 
fertile kingdom lying to the cast of Kavi with Kutaraja 
(later called Singhasari) as capital. This poem also mentions 
a date, the year 1182 A.D. But in view of the great interval 
between this and 1222 A.D., the date of the fall of Kadiri, 

j. Par,, p. 62, Krom Geschiedenis, pp. 307-311. 


1182 A.D. should rather be taken as the date of Angrok's birth 
than that of his coronation. 1 

A fight between the kingdoms of Kadiri and Tumapel 
(Singhasari) became inevitable. Rsjasa, evidently still helped 
by the clergy of Kadiri, declared war against his enemy. A 
decisive battle took place at Ganter in 1222 A.D. After a 
long and bloody encounter Krtajaya's brother and commander- 
in-chief Mahisa Walungan died in the battlefield, and the army, 
bereft of its leader, took to flight. The rest of Kptajaya's 
army was again defeated near Kadiri. Krtajaya fled from the 
battlefield of Ganter with a few followers and was heard no 
more. Kadiri was henceforth included within the kingdom 
of Rajasa and probably placed in charge of a member of the 
late royal family. Jayasabha was the name of the first 
governor. He was followed in 1258 by Sastrajaya. 8 

Rajasa thus united the whole of Eastern Java under his 
authority. The new kingdom was at first called Tumapel. 
This name occurs in an official record of 1294 A. D. Gradually 
the kingdom was called after its capital Singhasari, a name 
which replaced the old one Kutar&ja. According to the official 
version Rajasa re-united the two kingdoms of Janggala and 
Kadiri. Whatever we may think of this, there is no doubt 
that with the foundation of Singhasari, we enter on a new 
phase of Javanese history. The downfall of the dynasty that 
traced its descent from the royal house of Matarfim finally 
snapped the connecting link with the old traditions and the 
history of central Java. Therewith the old Hindu culture and 
civilisation rapidly recedes into the background and more 
and more a purely Javanese element takes its place. 

Rajasa restored peace in the country, but of the authentic 
events in his reign we know practically nothing. The 
Pararaton gives only a somewhat detailed account of his death. 
We are told that prince Anengah, alias AnOsapati, the son 
of queen Dedes by her first husband, noticed the difference 

I. Nag, Kr.. 40 : 1-3. 2. Par., p. 63. Nag. Kr., 40 : 3 44 : *i 


in the king's attitude towards him and his other brothers and 
sisters. On enquiry he learnt from his mother that he was 
really the son of the former king who was killed by Rajasa. 
He, therefore, employed a Pangalasan (probably a high official) 
to murder the king, and as soon as the deed was done, 
he himself killed the assassin, as if to revenge the death of 
the king. 

The year of Rajasa's death is given as A.D. 1227 in 
NagarakilSgarna, and as 1247 in Pararaton. The earlier date 
is to be preferred, in view of the greater authenticity of the 
source, and in view of some details given in Pararaton 1 . 
Rajasa had four children by queen Dedes, the eldest of whom 
was Mahisa Wong Ateleng. By a second wife he had four 
more children the eldest of whom was Panji Tohjaya. The 
king was buried in a Saiva and a Buddhist Temple at 
Kagenengan. The place was visited by Hayam Wuruk and 
the temples are described in Nagarakrtagama (37). The place 
was to the south of Singhasari, but its exact location 
cannot be determined. The Saiva temple in which the king 
was represented as Siva is praised for its beauty, but the 
Buddhist temple was in ruins. Both have now disappeared. 
The queen Dedes was perhaps more fortunate. The famous 
figure of Prajiiaparamita, found at Singhasari and now 
preserved at Leyden, is locally known as 'putri Dedes'. 
Krom suggests on this ground that it might be a representation 
of the famous queen Dedes. 

AnQsapati (Anusanatha, according to Nag. Kr.) who is 
officially regarded simply as the eldest son of Rajasa, succeeded 
the latter. He maintained his hold on the whole kingdom 
and died in 1248 *. According to Pararaton he was killed 
by his half-brother Tohjaya while watching a cock-fight and 
thus atoned for the foul crime by which he came to the throne. 
The king was cremated in the famous Candi Kidal to the 

I. O. V. 1920, pp. 107-110. Krom Geschiedenis, pp. 314-5. 
3. Pararaton gives the date wrongly as 1249. 


south-east of Malang, which once contained the Siva figure 
portraying the king's feature 1 . 

King Tohjaya ruled only for a few months before he met 
the tragic end which had over taken hispredecessors. Here, 
again, Pararaton gives us a long and romantic story of his 
death. The king had two nephews, Rangga Wuni, the son of 
Amlsanatha, and Mahlsa Campaka, the son of Mahlsa Wong 
Ateleng, referred to above. At first the king liked them 
very much, but his minister warned him of the danger of 
keeping them alive. The king, thereupon, sent for a man 
called Lembu Ampal, and ordered him to kill the two young 
princes. The royal priest who overheard the king, warned 
the princes who immediately took to flight and concealed 
themselves in the house of one PaSji Patipati. The king, 
foiled of his victims, accused Lembu Ampal of treachery, 
and the latter, seeing his life in danger, took to flight. By 
chance, he took shelter in the house of Patipati, and having met 
the princes there, he made a common cause with them by a 
solemn oath. From his place of concealment Lembu Ampal 
succeeded, by various manoeuvres, to create discontent and 
disaffection against the king and to incite in particular Rajasa 
and Sinelir, two bodies of royal guards 4 against their master. 

1. F. M. Schnitger has identified this figure with a 6iva image 
in the Colonial Museum at Amsterdam ( B. K. I., Vol. 89 (i93 2 )> PP- 
123-128 ). Poerbatjaraka identified it with a Siva image in Cantfi Kidal 
cf. 'Agastya' p. 88. 

2. Rajasa and Sinelier are the two groups who evidently played 
the principal part in the revolution. Who they were cannot be exactly 
determined. Krom's idea that they were body-guards of the king, 
seems to be the most acceptable ( Krom-Geschiedenis pp. 319-20, 
where other views are discussed). The trick by which Lembu Ampal 
succeeded in raising the guards against the king is ingenious. 
He secretly murdered at night a member of one group, and then 
a few days later a member of another group. This led to a free 
fight between the two who accused each other of the foul crime. 
The king intervened, but when he failed to pacify the two groups, he 


When the preliminaries were ready, he organised one evening 
a mass attack against the palace. The king took to flight, 
but was attacked 011 all sides by the enemy and died after 
he had reached Katang Lumbang 1 . He was cremated at this 
place, which according to Nag. Kr., was in Pasuruhan. 

Tohjaya was succeeded by Rangga Wnni, who ^ascended 
the throne in 1248 A.D. a under the name Sri Jaya 
Visnuvardhana. He also bore the titles 'Sakalakalanakula 
madhumarddhana kamaleksana', and 'mapanji SminingratA 
The copperplate of the king bears the expression "Svapita- 
raahSstavan&bhinnSSrantalokapalaka". This refers to the 
grandfather of the king, rix. Rajasa, and not to Visnuvardhana 
himself, as having united the kingdom of Java, as has wrongly 
been suggested by the wrong interpretation of a passage 
in another inscription 3 . 

Mahlsa Campaka, the cousin of the king, and his companion 
in the dark days of sorrow and misery, shared the kingdom 
with the latter. He took the title 'ratu angabhaya' and the 
coronation name 'Narasinghamurtti'. The title is explained 
in other records as a 'subordinate king', and thus shows that 
although the bearer had royal title, he was not the first person 
in the kingdom. Perhaps like the two kings in Siam, one 
on ]y } i n this case, of course, Visnuvardhana exercised real 

ordered their leaders to be killed. Thus both the groups were angry 
with the king and Lembu Ampal cleverly utilised the situation by 
bringing them both over to the side of the princes. 

1. The account of Tohjaya 's death is given on the authority of 
Stutterheim and based on a new copy of Pararaton. (B. K. I. Vol. 89, 
pp. 283-287). It differs from that given by Krom (Geschiedenis, 2 

p. 3".) 

2. This date occurs in an inscription (O, V. 1918, p. 169). It 
proves that the dates given in Pararaton viz. 1249 A. D. for the death 
of Anusapati, and 1249-50 for the reign of Tohjaya, are all wrong. 

3. Versl, Med. Kon. Akad. V. Wet. Afd. Lett. 5 : 2 (1917), pp. 
315-7. Poerbatjaraka restored the true meaning in B, K, I., Vol. 78 
(1922), pp. 440 & 


authority while the other enjoyed the honour and dignity of a 

The only political event of the reign of Visnuvardhana 
known to us is the destruction of a rebel chief Linggapati 
and his stronghold, Mahibit, near modern Terung, on the 
northern bank of the Brantas, not far from the later city of 
Majapahit 1 . The king made a strong fortification in Canggu, 
a strategic point on the Brantas river, near modern 
Pelabuhan. This place came to be of great importance after 
the foundation of Majapahit, about 20 miles to its south. 
It may be that the foundation of Canggu led to the 
determination of the site of Majapahit. 

Visnuvardhana died at Mandaragiri in 1268 A.D.,* the 
first and the only king of Singhasari to die a natural death. He 
was represented as Siva at Waleri and as Buddha at Jajaghu. 
At Waleri (modern Meleri near Blitar) only a few decorated 
stones remain of the building. The other monument, at Jajaghu, 
is now known as Candi Jago, a famous monument, in a fair 
state of preservation, to the east of Malang. 

Kftanagara, the son and successor of Visnuvardhana, had 
already been anointed king by his father in 1254 A.D. 8 and 
he issued a copperplate under the auspices of his father, in 
1266 A.D.* In another partly legible record dated 1256 A.D. 
only the titles of Kftanagara, no * those of Visnuvardhana can 
be traced. 5 Since 1268 A.D. Kjtanagara ruled alone. He 
assumed pompous titles which vary in his different records. 
In his record of 1266 A.D. he is called "Sri Lokavijaya 
Praastajagadisvaranindita parakramanivaryyaviryyalangha- 

1. Nag. Kr., 41 : 2 ; 1'ar., p. 77. The location of Mahibit is 
known from Kidung Sunda ( B. K. I., Vol 83. pp. 135^.) 

2. The date is given in Nag. Kr., (41-4), Par. gives the date 
as 1272, but as a record, dated 1269 A. D. gives the name of 
Krtanagara alone as the reigning king, the earlier date is accepted. 

3. Nag. Kr., 41 : 3. 

4. Rapp. Oudh. Comm , 1911, pp. 117-123. 

5. O. V., 1916, pp. 86 ff. 


niya'. The titles in the record of 1269 A.D. 1 are "Sri Sakala- 
jagatnathega Narasinghamarttyaninditaparakrama aesarajanya- 

cudamani arpitacaranaravinda 6okasantapitasujanahrdayam- 

buj&varodhana-svabhava." The title Narasinghamurtti, assumed 
by the king after the death of his uncle and father's co-sovereign 
Mahla Campaka 9 , shows that that post of ratu angabhaya no 
longer existed and was merged in the king. 

The reign of Krtanagara wa3 an eventful one both at home 
and in foreign politics. After a long interval Java entered into 
political relations with the neighbouring lands. A military 
expedition was sent to Bali in 1284 A.D. to re-establish the 
supremacy of Java over that island, and the king of Bali was 
brought a prisoner before Krtanagara. The success over Bali 
was evidently a short-lived one for it soon became independent 
and had to be subdued again in the Majapahit period. 

The expedition against Bali was evidently the result of a 
deliberate imperial policy of expansion. The Nag. Kr. tells 
us that the authority of the king was established over Pahang, 
Malayu, Gurun, Bakulapura, Sunda, and Madhura. 

Malayu in this list undoubtedly denotes the kingdom of 
that name in Sumatra, now called Jambi. We have already seen 
that it formed an independent kingdom till it was conquered 
by Srlvijaya, and formed a part of it since seventh century A.D. 
At the time when Nag. Kr. was composed Malayu denoted the 
whole of Sumatra. But in Krtanagara's time it evidently 
meant only the kingdom of Jambi. Pararaton refers to a 
military expedition against Malayu, but totally ignores its good 
results and only attributes to this unwise step the downfall of 
Kjtanagara. But we have reasons to believe that the expedition 
which left Tuban on ships in 1275 A.D. established the political 
authority of Java in the very heart of Sumatra, and thus paved 

1. O.J. O,, No. LXXIX. 

2. Mah!a Campaka died soon after his royal cousin (Nag. Kr. 
41 : 4 ) and was buried at Kumitir ( Kumeper ) ( Par., p, 77. ). 


the way for the final conquest of that land. An inscription 1 
on the pedestal of an image, found at Padang Roco near Sungai 
Lansat in the Batanghari district in Jambi, tells us that in the 
year 1286 an image of AmoghapaSa with his thirty followers 
was brought from Java (bhurni Java) to Suvarnabhumi and set 
up at DharmaSraya by four high officials at the command of 
His Majesty Maharajadhiraja Sri Krtanagara Vikrama 
Dharmottunggadeva. The image was worshipped by all the 
subjects in Malayu Brahmana Ksatriya, VaiSya and Sudra 
and above all by His Majesty the king Srlmat Tribhuvana- 
raja Maulivarmadeva, The assumption of the superior title 
by Krtanagara as against the simple royal title of Maulivarma- 
deva, and reference to the people of Malayu as subjects, leave 
no doubt that in 1286 A.D. the kingdom of Malayu, which, 
according to the findspot of this inscription, extended far into 
the interior of Sumatra, formed a vassal state of Java. It was 
a great achievement and may be regarded as the crowning 
glory of Krtanagara. He established a Javanese military 
outpost in Sumatra, from which the authority of his land 
ultimately penetrated into the farthest corners of that country. 

Among the other conquests of Kj-tanagara mentioned in 
Nag. Kr., Pahang, which in Majapahit period was used as the 
collective name for the Javanese possessions in Malay Peninsula, 
probably stands only for the district of that name in the 
Peninsula. Similarly Bakulapura, which ultimately denoted the 
whole of Borneo, is probably used here for the south-western 
corner of that island. Gurun, probably Gorong or Goram, 
means the eastern regions. Thus even according to a restricted 
interpretation of Ng. Kr. we may credit Krtanagara with having 
established his political authority in Jambi in Sumatra, parts 
of Borneo and Malay Peninsula, Bali, Sunda, and Madura. 
Thus under Krtanagara Java rose to be the leading power in 
the Archipelago. The very fact that the Sailendras (or their 

i. Versl. Med. Kon. Akad, V. Wet. Afd, Lett. 5 : 2(1917), 
pp. 306-339. 


successors) could neither prevent Java from obtaining a secure 
footing in the heart of Sumatra, nor remove her from the 
position so obtained, shows that the sun of their glory had set 
and a new power was gradually taking their place. 

It is perhaps not altogether unconnected with the imperial 
policy of Java that we find about this time a princess of that 
island, named Tapasi, married to Jayashhhavarman IV, king of 
Champa (1287-1308 A.D.) 1 At that time Champa had after 
an arduous struggle delivered herself from the yoke of Kublai 
Khan, the dreaded Mongol ruler of China. Possibly the alliance 
between Java and Champa was the result of a common enmity 
to the Mongol emperor. For the latter had, as usual, invited 
the king of Java to come in person to the imperial court and 
pay homage to the Mongol emperor (1281 A.D.). Krtanagara 
avoided the task on one pretext or another till the crisis came 
in 1289. Unable to bear any longer with the importunate and 
pressing invitation to humiliate himself in the imperial court, 
Kytanagara sent back the Chinese ambassador after mutilating 
his face. It was a defiant challenge and Kublai did not fail 
to take it up. He organised an expedition against Java, but 
before it could reach that island an internal revolution had 
removed Kj-tanagara from this world. 

For, inspite of the brilliant success of his foreign and 
imperial policy, Krtanagara failed miserably in his internal 
administration. Pararaton draws a very unfavourable picture 
of the king and represents him as always busy with eating 
and drinking, without any care for administrative business. 
This is undoubtedly too exaggerated a picture to be regarded 
seriously. But that the internal condition of Java was far from 
satisfactory appears from reference to frequent revolutions. 
In 1270 A.D, the king had to put down the rebellion of one 
Cayaraja (or Bhayaraja) who was evidently powerful enough 
to assume the royal title. Ten years later he had to suppress 
another rebellion, headed by one Mahisa Rangkah. 

I. R. C. Majumdar ChampS, Part II, p. 220. 


But the final blow was given by the governor of Kadiri. 
The details supplied by Pararaton attribute the debacle mainly 
to the wrong choice of his officers by the king. His first 
minister Mpu Raganatha served him well and exerted himself 
for the welfare of the state. But the king not having paid any 
heed to his advice, he threw up his office in disgust and took 
up a humbler job, the post of adhyaksa at Tumapel (SinghasSri). 
The king now appointed Kebo Tengah Apaiiji Aragani 1 as 
his minister. The new minister's only care was to serve the 
king with good dishes and wine. Another capricious act of the 
king was to raise a very low man Banak Wide to a high position 
in court under the name Arya Viraraja. What is worse still, 
when this man proved to be untrustworthy, the king appointed 
him to be governor of Sungeneb in east Madura ! 

According to Pararaton, Viraraja and Ar&gani were the evil 
geniuses of the king. Aragani was instrumental in sending the 
expedition to Malayu, thus denuding Java of most of its troops. 
Viraraja saw the opportunity and entered into a treasonable 
correspondence with his friend Jayakatvang, the governor of 
Kadiri since 1271, who longed for an opportunity to secure the 
throne by any means. At the instigation of Viraraja, Jaya- 
katvang undertook the perilous venture. He sent a small part 
of his army towards Singhasari by the northern route and it 
advanced with music and banners. King Kptanagara, who all 
this while was doing nothing but drinking wine, would not at 
first believe of the revolt of Jayakatvang, whom he regarded as 
favourably disposed towards him. But when at last the sight 
of the wounded men convinced him of the reality of the 
situation, he sent all the available troops against Jayakatvang's 
army in the north. The royal army was commanded by two 
sons-in-law of the king. One was prince Nararyya SanggrSma- 
vijaya, better known as prince Vijaya, the son of Lembu Tal 
and the grandson of ratu Angabhaya Narasingha (i.e. Mahlsa 

I. Kebo Tengah and Apafiji Aragani may be taken also as two 
different persons as stated in Paftji Vijayakrama. (Mid. Jav. 
Trad, p. 48) 


Campaka). The other was Arddharrtja, the son of Jayakatvang 
himself. The royal army obtained a victory and drove back 
the rebel troops in the north. In the meantime, however, 
another larger and better equipped army from Kadiri advanced 
stealthily along the southern route and reached SinghasSri 
without any opposition. They stormed the palace and, accord- 
ing to Pararaton, found the king and his minister drinking 
wine. Kebo Tengah tried to save the situation, but the king 
and the minister both fell by the sword of the Kadirian troops. 
This took place in the year 1292 A.D. in the month of Jyesja 

The detailed accounts of Pararaton, depicting the king 
in the blackest colour, is in striking contrast to the other 
accounts that we possess about him. The Singhasari inscription 
of 1351 A.D. records the erection of a monument in memory 
of the priests and the great mantri who died for the king. 
This obviously gives a very different idea from a debauched 
king meeting with his end while drinking wine. Again, while 
Pararaton represents the king as a worthless debauchee, the 
Nag. Kr. gives him the highest praise, and expressly states that 
"none of the predecessors of the king was so famous as he." 
While both are obvious exaggerations, it is difficult to strike a 
just balance between the two extreme views. The imperial 
policy of the king, as we have seen above, was eminently 
successful and brought credit and distinction upon the kingdom 
of Java. The learning and scholarship of the king and his 
zeal for Buddhism may also be regarded as worthy of the highest 
praise. According to Nag. Kr. the king was "well-versed in 
the six-fold royal policy, expert in all branches of knowledge, 
quite at home in (Buddhist) scriptures, and eminently righteous 
in life and conduct". This may appear to be an obvious 
exaggeration, but similar praise for scholarship and spiritual 
excellence of the king, the lord of the four continents (dvlpa), 
is also found in the Jaka-Dolok Inscription 1 . The book 

j. Kern V. G. Vol. VII, pp. 189 ff. cf. Verses 10-12, 


Rajapatigundala is traditionally ascribed to the king, and this 
view is possibly correct in spite of additions and alterations at 
a later date. This work commences with an assurance from 
the king that the members of Mandala (religious circle) need 
not be afraid of any trouble from the royal officials. Indeed, 
the king's passionate love for Buddhism has become proverbial. 
He scrupulously followed in his life all the rules, regulations, 
and injunctions of the religion. He was deeply versed in 
Buddhist writings, particularly the Tarka and Vyakarana-Sastra 
(logic and grammar) and that which concerns the inner self of 
man. He thoroughly mastered the SubhQti-tantra, a work 
ascribed to Subhuti, a disciple of Buddha. 1 The king prac- 
tised yoga and samadhi, and made many pious foundations. 
But his crowning achievement was the setting up of an image of 
Dhyani Buddha Aksobhya, which depicted his own features 
and thereby established his identity with Buddha.* After 
his consecration as Buddha the king assumed the epithet 
JfiftnaSivabajra. 8 The image of the king representing him as 
Aksobhya was originally set up in 1289 A.D. at Wurare and 
then removed to Majapahit. It now stands at Surabaya and 
is held in special veneration by the people who strongly believe 
in its miraculous powers.* 

1. Krom thinks that this work is the same as 'Sanghyang tantra 
bajradhatu Subhuti' composed in the time of Sincjuk. See ante, Chap II. 

2. This is described in the Jaka-Dolok inscription engraved 
on the pedestal of the image. The inscription, written in Sanskrit, 
has been edited by Kern ( V. G., Vol. VII, pp. 189. ff.). 

3. This is the name given in Jaka-Dolok Inscription (verse la). 
The Nag. Kr. gives the variant Jftanabajresvara and the Singhasari 
Inscription of 1351 A. D. (Brandes* Monograph 1909 p. 38 ), has 
Jftanesvarabajra. On the bronze replica of Amoghapas'a in Can^i 
Jago the king's name is given as ''Maharajadhiraja Sri Krtanagara 
Vikrama-Jftana-Vajrottunggadeva," a combination of secular and 
spiritual names. 

4. Another image of Aksobhya, now at Malang, is believed by 
Bosch to be a figure of king Krtanagara, on the ground of its resem- 
blance with the image at Surabaya. 


The curious contrast between the two opposing views of 
the life and character of Krtanagara may perhaps be understood 
if we accept the theory about the character of the king's reli- 
gious faith so elaborately propounded by Moens in a very 
learned article. 1 Moens has shown that the particular form 
of Buddhism to which the king was devoted may be taken as 
the Tantrayana or Vajrayana. This degraded form of Buddhism 
was accompanied by objectionable and even revolting practices 
such as the pancawakara (or five enjoyments) and the sadhana- 
cab'a or secret sittings of devotees of both sexes. To a true 
devotee of this mysterious cult the practices would no doubt 
appear as worthy of the highest commendation, but to an 
uninitiated they would appear obnoxious and horrid. The panca- 
makara, for example, includes the free use of wine, and when 
Pararaton refers to the drinking debout of Krtanagara he was 
evidently telling the truth, though he viewed it in a different 
light from Prapanca who remarked in an approving manner 
that the king scrupulously followed the prescriptions of religion. 
Thus there is perhaps no contradiction between Pararaton and 
Nag. Kr. regarding the salient facts in the king's career, but 
there was a world of difference in the two view-points. 

Whatever we may think of Moens' reconstruction of the 
entire religious career of the king, for the details of which we 
refer to his learned article, we may regard it as almost certain 
that the king was passionately devoted to the Tantrik form of 
Buddhism. While, therefore, it is not difficult to divine the 
cause of, or even to justify to some extent, the high praises that 
the Nag. Kr. bestows upon the king, they should not blind us 
to the fact that the king showed but little skill in administration 
of his kingdom. While we may not be prepared to accept the 
picture of the king, as given in Pararaton, drinking wine even 
while the enemy was within the palace, we may take, as 
historical, the general outline of the story as given above. 
Engrossed by his imperial policy abroad, and religious practices 

i. T. B. G. Vol. LXIV ( 1924 ), pp. 521-558. 


at home, the king was indifferent to the internal dangers that 
threatened him and did not evidently take sufficient precautions 
against them. According to Pararaton, the Kadirian rebellion 
took place at a time when most of the Javanese troops were 
absent on an expedition against Malayu. Krom disbelieves this 
on the ground that the date of the Malayu expedition is 1275 
whereas the rebellion took place only in 1292 A.D. 1 It is 
not difficult to believe, however, that although the expedition 
of 1275 was the first, it was by no means the last. To keep 
control over a newly acquired territory in a distant land across 
the sea might necessitate several expeditions, and the Pararaton 
may after all be right in its assertion that Jayakatvang 
took advantage of such an expedition. Even apart from this 
we must recognise the fact that the imperial policy of 
Kftanagara was sure to weaken the resources of Java in men 
and money, and the troops stationed in the various newly 
conquered territories to maintain the authority of the king, 
very likely denuded Java of the best part of its troops when 
the serious rebellion broke out. Another trait of the royal 
character, alleged in Pararaton, viz. the king's childlike faith 
in the goodness of others e.g. Jayakatwang and Vlraraja, 
even when they deserved it least, may not be absolutely 
unfounded. A religious enthusiasm which almost bordered 
on fanaticism is hardly compatible with a true discernment 
of men and things. We can well believe that the king, 
engrossed in his books and keenly busy with his religious 
practices, had hardly any time or capacity to look around 
and keep a vigilant eye on the possible disturbing factors 
of the kingdom. His implicit trust in others gave him a false 
idea of security. Heedless of the impending dangers that 
threatened him on all sides, he wildly pursued his imperial 
and religious activities and rushed headlong towards destruction. 
Thus it was that his ruin was brought about by precisely 
those traits in his life and career which rendered him so high 
and noble in the estimation of some. It was this paradox 
i. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 340. 


and contradictory element in his life that is mainly responsible 
for such radically different pictures of king Kytanagara 
as have been preserved to us by our two chief authorities, 
Pararaton and Nagara-Krtagama. 

According to Nag. Kr. king Krtanagara was cremated 
in a temple of Siva-Buddha and was represented by a beautiful 
image of Siva-Buddha (or images of Siva and Buddha). 
Perhaps it is due to this fact that the king himself is often 
referred to as Siva-Buddha. According to the same authority 
his ashes were also buried at Sagala, where he and his chief 
queen Bajradcvl were represented by Buddhist figures of 
Vairocana and Locana 1 . According to Pararaton the king's 
remains were buried in the temple called Purvapatapan at 
Singhasari. Moens thinks that the king was represented by 
a Bhairava image which was originally at Singhasari and now 
at Leyden. 

The Nag. Kr. does not tell us where the temple of 
Siva-Buddha was situated. But we know that the Candi Javi 
(modern Jajava) near Prigen, was a Siva-Buddha temple 
founded by Krtanagara. The identification of this temple 
is rendered possible by the detailed account of the journey of 
Hayam Wuruk. PrapaSca gives an account of it in Nag. Kr. 
It contained an image of Siva and, hidden in the roof above, 

j. The verses of Nag. Kr. are open to different interpretations. 
For detailed discussion, cf. Krom-Geschiedenis 2 , pp. 344-5 ; Moens, 
op. cit; also T. B. G. 1933, PP 123 ff. ; Stutterheim, T. B. G., 1932, 
pp. 715-26. Stutterheim and Krom take the image to represent 
Krtanagara- Vairocana as united with Bajradevi- Locana, and the 
former identifies it with an Ardhanari image in the Berlin Museum. 
Moens thinks that the image, referred to in Nag. Kr., must be an 
Amoghapasa-Ardhanari with an Akobhya image in the head-dress. 

According to Moens there were three images of deified Krtanagara 
viz., (i) Linga in the Singhasari temple ; (2) Amoghapasa-Ardhanari 
in the capital city ; and (3) Yamari at Jajavi. 

Moens rejects Stutterheim 's identification of the Berlin image. 


an image of Aksobhya. It was struck by lightning in 1331, 
and at present only the foundations of the temple remain. 

It is, however, by no means certain that the Siva-Buddha 
temple mentioned in Nag. Kr. is the same as Candi Javi. 
Krom thinks that it was situated at Singhasari where the 
king died and is the same as the temple of Purvapatapan 
referred to in Pararaton. Brandes 1 and Mocns 2 identify it 
with the main temple now existing at Singhasari. But 
Krom rejects this view* and holds that no trace remains 
either of this temple or of the temple of Sagala, the second 
burial place of the king's remains according to Nag. Kr. 

In concluding the account of king Krtanagara we may 
refer to the very brief but interesting account of his kingdom 
contained in the writings of Marco Polo (1292 A.D.)*. The 
Venetian traveller describes Java as a prosperous kingdom, 
under a great king. It was very rich and noted for its trade 
and commerce. 

1. Brandes Tjantfi Singhasari, 1909, pp. 36-3 8 

2. Moens 1. c, pp. 547 ff. 

3. Krom Inleidung, Vol. II, pp, 84-6. 

4. Yule Marqo Polo, Vol. II, pp. 272-5. 

Chapter V. 

With the death of Krtanagara, the kingdom of Singhasari 
fell to pieces, and Jayakatvang established the supremacy 
of Kadiri. The success of Jayakatvang may be viewed in 
different lights. To the family of Krtanagara he, no doubt, 
appeared as a usurper and traitor. But it is also possible to 
regard him as having restored the supremacy of Kadiri, 
which had been lost nearly seventy years ago, after a glorious 
existence of about two centuries. Whatever that may be, 
his success was too short-lived for these considerations to be 
weighed seriously. The danger which overwhelmed him and 
his kingdom at no distant date arose from two sources, vix. 9 
prince Vijaya, who commanded the northern forces of 
Singhasari at the time of the catastrophe ; and secondly, the 
dreaded Mongol chief Kublai Khan, who was provoked 
beyond measure by the cruel offence of Krtanagara as 
mentioned above. 

It has been already mentioned that when the forces of 
Kadiri invaded the kingdom of Singhasari from the north, 
king Krtanagara sent all his available troops against them 
under his two sons-in-law, princes Vijaya and Arddharaja. The 
details of the progress of this army and the ultimate fate of 
Vijaya are known from a record of Vijaya himself, composed 
two years after the incident. 1 As it gives us the most 
curcumstantial account of the northern campaign, we may 
proceed to narrate the story at some length, on the basis of 
this contemporary record. 

The army of Kadiri had reached Jasun Wungkal (probably 
to the northern end of Penanggungan hill) when Vijaya and 

I Singhasari Ins., dated 1294. Pararaton, pp. 95. ft. 


Arddhar&ja started from SinghasSri. The first encounter took 
place at Kedung Pluk. As this place lies considerably to the 
east of the direct route from Singhasari to Jasun Wungkal, 
it is probable that the Kadirian army was taking a circuitous 
route in order to decoy the troops of Vijaya as far as possible 
from the capital city. The Kadirian army was defeated at 
Kedung Pluk, and fled leaving a large number of dead on the 
field. Vijaya pursued the enemy and again defeated it, with 
great loss, near Kapulungan at the foot of the Penanggungan. 
Proceeding further north, he inflicted a third defeat on the 
enemy near Rabut Carat, which evidently lay to the north-east 
of the Penanggungan hills. 

After these three brilliant victories Vijaya naturally thought 
that the enemy was totally routed. Then followed a strange 
reverse. Suddenly a new Kadirian army appeared to the east 
of Haniru, and Arddharaja, the colleague of Vijaya, deserted 
the royal cause and retired to Kapulungan. The army of 
Vijaya suffered a serious reverse and he fell back on Rabut 
Carat. Although the record of Singhasari does not mention 
it, there is no doubt that this crisis was the result of the 
fall of Singhasari and death of king Krtanagara. The 
southern Kadirian army which accomplished this task must 
have now been released to assist the northern troops, and 
Arddharaja, the son of Jayakatvang, naturally deserted the 
cause of his dead father-in-law, and joined his successful and 
victorious father. 

The position of Vijaya was now rendered hopeless. With 
about six hundred men that now remained with him he 
proceeded northwards across the river Brantas to Pamvatan 
apajeg (modern Pamotan). There the enemy pursued him. 
Although he was successful in driving away the hostile attack, 
his small army was dwindled still further, partly by loss in 
battle, but still more by desertion. Then Vijaya took counsel 
with his followers and decided to fall back upon Trung to 
the north-west as the ruler of this place was attached to 
(he late king. But on his way he fell iu with the enemy. 


large in number, and was forced to fly northwards to Kembang 
Sri (Bangsri). But as the enemy pursued him there, Vijaya 
and his followers swam across the river (the Surabaya river). 
Many perished in the river, some were killed by the enemy, 
and with only twelve men Vijaya reached the village 
Kudadu 1 . The headman of the village received him 
cordially and gave him shelter- till he found means 
to go to Rembang and then cross over to Madhura 
( Madura ). Two years later, when Vijaya became king, he 
granted, in token of gratitude, certain gifts and privileges to 
this man who saved his life, and in the royal charter which 
was issued on the occasion the king narrated at length 
the circumstances, mentioned above, which forced him to 
take shelter in the house of the headman of Kudadu. 

This narrative, as described in the official record, presum- 
ably on the authority of Vijaya himself, does not tally with 
the account given in Pararaton which appears to be an 
abridged but slightly different version of the detailed and 
romantic story preserved in PaSji Vijayakrama 2 . According 
to the latter, after Vijaya had defeated the northern Kadirian 
army, he heard of the death of Krtanagara, and came back to 
SinghasSri to recover the capital. He was, however, defeated 
by Kebo Mundarang, the leader of the southern Kadirian army. 
Being pursued, he fled towards the north, but as soon as the 
pursuit was given up, he returned to Singhas&ri and rescued, 
during night, one of the two daughters of Krtanagara who had 
fled from the enemy's camp. On the approach of Kadirian 
army Vijaya again took to flight, and leaving one of his 
wounded companions in charge of the head of the village Pan- 
dakan, sailed with the rest from Datar to Madura. The story 
particularly dwells upon the heroic feats of Vijaya and his 
companions, Sora, Rangga Lawe, and Nambi (the son of 

I. For the location of Kudadu cf. Feestbundel, Vol. II. p. 375. 
It was most probably to the east of modern Wanakuli and Bugangin. 
1. Berg Rangga Lawe, I, 36-114. Djawa, Vol. 10, pp. i3 


It is evident that while only the general outline of the 
story ( viz. the flight of Vijaya towards the north and 
ultimately to Madura, but not his return to SinghasSri) is 
correct, the details are all wrong. Unfortunately, for the 
history of Vijaya after he reached Madura, we are almost 
entirely dependent on the story preserved in Pararaton, which 
agrees with that of Paiiji Vijayakrama. We shall, therefore, 
summarise this story for what it is worth, and may accept the 
general outline as historical, at least as a working hypothesis. 

Vijaya went to Madura, as he hoped to find an ally in its 
governor Viraraja, who owed everything to the late king 
Kftanagara. He was, of course, ignorant of the treasonable 
correspondence between Viraraja and Jayakatvang. Viraraja, 
astounded at first by the sight of Vijaya, soon collected himself 
and received Vijaya with all outward signs of honour. 
Vijaya made a passionate appeal to him : "Viraraja, my 
father", said he, "my obligations to you indeed are very great. 
If I ever succeed in attaining my object, I shall divide Java 
into two parts ; one part will be yours and one part will be 
mine." This bait was too much for Viraraja. This arch- 
conspirator now betrayed Jayakatvang and entered into a 
conspiracy with Vijaya. 

Viraraja's plan was in short as follows : Vijaya should 
submit to Jayakatvang and ingratiate himself into the favour 
of the latter. As soon as he had sufficient influence with the 
king he should ask for a piece of waste land near Trik 
where the people from Madura would establish a settlement. 
As soon as Vijaya could gather sufficient information about the 
men and things in Kadiri, he would ask leave to settle in the 
new region and gather there his own trusty followers from 
Singhasari and all the discontented elements from Kadiri. 

The plan was admirably carried out. A new settlement 
sprang up, and as one of the settlers tasted a Maja (Vilva) 
fruit and threw it away as bitter (pahit) it came to be called 
Majapahit or its Sanskrit equivalent 'Vilva-tikta, Tikta-vilva, 
Srlphala-tikta, Tikta-Sriphala, Tikta-matura etc., (bitter Maja or 


Vilva fruit). From his new home at Majapahit Vijaya sent 
word to Viraraja that everything was ready. But that cunning 
fellow would riot risk such an enterprise without securing 
further help. So he intrigued again, this time with the great 
Tatar king (i.e. Kublai Khan). He allured him with the 
false hope of giving in marriage to him both the daughters 
of Krtanagara, and for this reward Kublai promised him 
military support. Being thus assured, Viraraja proceeded 
with his men to Majapahit, and as soon as the troops of the 
Tatar king arrived, marched against Kadiri. 

This is the narrative of Pararaton. The story of the 
second treason of Viraraja may be accepted as true, particu- 
larly in view of the high position he later occupied in the 
court of Vijaya. Vijaya's pretended submission to Jayakatvang 
and settlement at Majapahit may also be regarded as true, 
and we may thus discount the popular notion about the 
existence of that town from a much earlier period. 1 But 
i. The general belief that Majapahit was founded many centuries 
ago rests upon (i) an inscription dated 840 A. D. ending with the words 
11 written at Majapahit" and (2) reference to a town Mazafawid in Zabag, 
in an Arabic text of tenth century A D. But Brandes has conclusively 
proved (Par. pp.H2-i 16) that the inscription really belongs to a period later 
than the I3th century A. D., while Ferrand has shown that the name of 
the town in the Arabic text is to be transcribed as Marakawand (Ferrand- 
Textes, II. pp. 585!!. J. A. II XIII (1919) p. 303). There is thus no 
evidence of the existence of Majapahit earlier than 1292, when (or at the 
beginning of 1293) the town was founded by Vijaya according to 
Pararaton. Brandes has further shown that this story of Pararaton 
is supported by the later traditions preserved in Javanese Babads. 

The town of Majapahit was founded in a locality which was a 
populous centre, though its actual site might have been a waste ground. 
It must have come into existence during the interval between the death 
of Krtanagara, early in 1292, and the Chinese invasion at the beginning 
of 1293. T he tQ wn must have been considerably extended in later times, 
its centre lying in modern Travulan south-west of modern Majakerta. 
For its topography, ruins, and extent ascertained by modern archaeologi- 
cal research cf. O. V. 1924 (36-75, 157 >99) ; 1926(100-129) ; 1929 (MS- 
S5) J B. K. I. Vol. 89 (1932, pp. 105-110). 


the story of the inducement offered to Kublai Khan is silly 
in the extreme, and fortunately the Chinese sources give us a 
more reliable account of the motive and details of the 
expedition, which undoubtedly brought the kingdom of Kadiri 
to an end. It is, therefore, unnecessary to reproduce the brief 
account preserved in Nag. Kr. (44 : 1-4), and the more detailed 
but romantic and unreliable accounts of the expedition that 
we find in Pararaton ( pp. 90rf ) and PaSji Vijayakrama. 1 

The History of the Yuan Dynasty gives a general account 
of the expedition to Java and this is supplemented by the 
biography of the three leaders of that expedition.* By 
combining these four accounts it is possible to get a definite 
idea of the nature and result of that expedition. 

It has already been mentioned how Kftanagara had 
provoked the wrath of the great Kublai Khan by mutilating 
the face of his envoy. In order to avenge this insult the 
emperor organised an expedition against Java. "In the second 
month of the year 1292 the emperor issued an order to the 
governor of Fukien, directing him to send Che-pi, Yi-k'o- 
mu-su 8 and Kau Hsing in command of an army to subdue 
Java; to collect soldiers... to the number of 20,000 ;... to send 
out a thousand ships and to equip them with provisions for 
a year and with forty thousand bars of silver. 

"When the three generals had their last audience, the 
emperor said to them : 'When you arrive at Java you must 
clearly proclaim to the army and the people of that country 
that the imperial government has formerly had intercourse 
with Java by envoys from both sides and has been in good 

1. VII, 7-17 j Mid. Jav. Trad. pp. 58-60 ; Djawa, Vol. 10, pp, 
146 & 

2. These accounts have been translated by Groeneveldt (Notes, 
pp. 20-30). The passages within inverted comma are quotations from 
these accounts. 

3. The names are transcribed thus by Pelliot (B. E. F. E. 0., Vol. 
IV, pp, 326ff). Groeneveldt writes Shih-pi and Ike-Mese. 



harmony with it, but that they have lately cut the face of 
the imperial envoy Meng-chi and that you have come to 
punish them for that." 

The emperor further gave them the following instructions : 
'When you have arrived in Java, you must send a messenger 
to inform me of it. If you occupy that country, the other 
smaller states will submit of themselves, you will have only 
to send envoys to receive their allegiance. When those 
countries are reduced to submission your work mil be 

In the 12th month of 1292 A.D. the expedition sailed from 
Ch'iian-chou and reached the port of Tuban on the northern 
coast of E. Java. There the Chinese army was divided into 
two parts. Half the army marched overland. With the 
other half, Che-pi went by sea to the mouth of the river 
Sugalu (Solo river) and from there to the river Pa-tsieh-kan. l 
(Surabaya river). 

Some Chinese officers who were sent in advance to the 
interior now came back and reported the internal affairs of 
that country which are described as follows : 

"At that time Java carried on an old feud with the neigh- 
bouring country Kalang (Kadiri) and the king of Java Hadji 
Ka-ta-na-ka-la- (Krtanagara) had already been killed by the 
prince of Kalang, called Hadji Katang (Jayakatvang). The 
son-in-law of the former, Tuhan Pidjaya (Vijaya) had attacked 
Hadji Katang but could not overcome him ; he had, therefore, 
retired to Madjopait (Majapahit) and when he heard that 

i . The name of the last river is given as "the small river Pa-tsieh", 
the syllable 'kan' being taken as a separate word meaning 'small 1 . But 
Krom takes Pa-tsieh-kan as the Chinese equivalent of Pacekan, and 
identifies this and the Sugalu river (Ferrand transcribes it as Su-ya-lu) 
respectively with the Surabaya and Solo rivers. But on the basis of the 
interpretation 'small river Pa-tsieh', it is possible to identify the two 
rivers respectively with the Prom and Surabaya rivers, Krom 
Geschiedenis 2 , p. 358 and foot-notes. 


Che-pi-with his army had arrived, he sent envoys offering 
submission and asking for assistance." 

This summary of the political situation in Java enables us 
to correct the account of Pararaton in one important respect. 
It shows that at the beginning of 1293 A. D. Vijaya had 
already established himself at Majapahit, not under a pretence 
of submission to Jayakatvang, but as his avowed enemy. The 
probability is that shortly after his flight to Madura (1292 A.D.) he 
returned to Java and obtained sufficient means to make a bold 
stand against Jayakatvang. He had as yet failed to secure 
a victory against his foe, and so he thought of utilising the 
Chinese expedition to his advantage. He immediately offered 
his submission and sent his Prime-minister with fourteen other 
officials to meet the Chinese army. 

Jayakatvang, on the other hand, made preparations to 
defend his country. He sent his Prime-minister Hi-ning-kuan 
with a flotilla of boats to guard the mouth of the Surabaya 
river, and himself advanced against Majapahit. 

The Chinese army reached the Surabaya river (Pa-tsieh- 
kan) on the first day of the third month. Here, for the first 
time, they came across the hostile fleet, guarding the mouth of 
the river. The Chinese annals continue : "It (the mouth of 
the river) is the entrance to Java and a place for which they 
were determined to fight. Accordingly the first minister of 
the Javanese, Hi-ning kuan, remained in a boat to see how the 
chances of the fight went ; he was summoned repeatedly, but 
would not surrender. The commander of the imperial army 
made a camp in the form of a crescent on the bank of the 
river and left the ferry in charge of a commander of Ten 
Thousand ; the fleet in the river and the cavalry and infantry 
on shore then advanced together and Hi-ning-kuan, seeing this, 
left his boat and fled overnight, whereupon more than a hundred 
large ships, with devil-heads on the stem, were captured." This 
took place on the first day of the third month. 

After this naval victory the Chinese leaders advanced to 
Majapahit to assist Vijaya against Jayakatvang. 


'On the seventh day the soldiers of Kalang (Kadiri) 
arrived from three sides to attack Tuhan Pidjaya (Vijaya). 
On the morning of the eighth day, Kau Hsing fought with 
the enemy on the south-east and killed several hundreds of 
them, whilst the remainder fled to the mountains. Towards 
the middle of the day the enemy arrived also from the 
south-west. Kau Hsing met them again, and towards evening 
they were defeated/ We hear of no encounter with the 
third Division of Kadirian troops. Probably they retreated 
on hearing the fate of the other two. 

Majapahit was saved, but the main army of the king of 
Kadiri was still at large. So, 'on the 15th, the army was 
divided into three bodies, in order to attack Kalang (Kadiri). 
A part of the troops ascended the river ( Brantas) under 
Che-pi 1 . Yi-k'o-mu-su proceeded by the eastern road and 
Kau Hsing took the western, whilst Tuhan Pidjaya (Vijaya) 
with his army brought up the rear. 

'On the 19th they (i.e. the different divisions of the army) 
arrived at Taha (Daha, the capital of Kadiri) where the 
prince of Kalang defended himself with more than a hundred 
thousand soldiers. The battle lasted from 6 A.M. till 2 P.M., 
and three times the attack was renewed, when the (Kadirian) 
army was defeated and fled ; several thousand thronged into 
the river and perished there, whilst more than 5,000 were slain. 
The king retired into the inner city which was immediately 
surrounded by Chinese army, and the king summoned 
to surrender. In the evening the king whose name was 
Haji Katang (Jayakatvang) came out of the fortress and 
offered his submission. His wife, his children and officers 
were taken by the victors who then went back V 

1. It is not expressly stated that Che-pi was the leader of this 
group. It is said, however, in the account of Che-pi that he divided the 
army into three parts, himself, Kau Hsing, and Yi-ko'-mu-su each 
leading a Division. 

2. The last sentence is taken from the account of Che-pi. The 
main account simply says ; "On this the orders of the emperor were 


Jayakatvang's son 1 had fled to the mountains, but 
Kau Hsing went into the interior with a thousand men and 
brought him back a prisoner. 

While Kau Hsing was away on this expedition, a new act In 
the tragic drama began. Vijaya asked for permission to return 
to his country in order to prepare a new letter of submission 
to the Emperor and to take the precious articles in his 
possession for sending them to court. Che-pi and Yi-kVmu-su 
consented to this. On the 2nd day of the 4th month Vijaya 
left the Chinese camp. The Chinese generals sent two officers 
with 200 men to accompany him. As soon as Kau Hsing 
learnt this on his return, he disapproved of the act, and his 
apprehensions only proved too true. 

Vijaya, having got rid of Jayakatvang, had no more need 
of his Chinese allies and wanted to get rid of them. He killed 
his Chinese escort on the 19th, and having collected a large 
force, attacked the imperial army on its way back from Kadiri. 
'Kau Hsing and others fought bravely with him and threw him 
back. Che-pi was behind and was cut off from the rest of the 
army. He was obliged to fight Ms way for 300 li before 
he arrived at the ships. Of his soldiers more than 3,000 
had died'. 

'The generals now thought of carrying on the war 
(evidently against Vijaya), but Yi-k'o-mu-su wished to do as 
the emperor had ordered them and first send a messenger 
to court. The two others could not agree to this, therefore 
the troops were withdrawn and on the 24th day of the 
4th month they returned with their prisoners and with the 
envoys of the different smaller states which had submitted'. 

delivered to him and he was told to go back.' The account of the fall 
of Kadiri, given in Pararaton and Paftji Vijayakrama, differs considera- 
bly from the Chinese accounts, and cannot be regarded as historical. 

i. The name is written in Chinese as Sih-lah-pat-ti Sih-Iah-tan- 


Haji Katang (Jayakatvang) and his son were killed by the 
Chinese before they left Java 1 . 

It is interesting to note that 'by an imperial decree Che-pi 
and Yi-kVmu-su who had allowed the prince of Java to go away 
were punished 8 , but as Kau Hsing had taken no part in this 
decision, and, moreover, greatly distinguished himself, the 
emperor rewarded him with 50 taels of gold'. 

Thus ended the strange episode of the Chinese invasion of 
Java. They came to punish Kftanagara, but really helped 
the restoration of his family by killing his enemy Jayakatvang, 
The net result of the expedition was to make Vijaya the 
undisputed master of Java with Majapahit as its capital. 
He soon re-established the friendly relations with the Chinese 
emperor. For we find embassies from Java at the imperial 
court in 1297, 1298, 1300 and 1308 A.D. 8 . 

With the death of Jayakatvang the short-lived kingdom of 
Ka<Jiri came to an end, and, as Nag. Kr. puts it, the world 
breathed freely once more (45 : 1). 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 28. According to Pararaton, however, 
Jayakatvang lived long enough after this to compose a poem called 
Wukir Polaman. Probably he died after a short term of imprisonment. 
Cf. B. K. I., Vol. 88 (1931), pp. 38, 48. 

2. One-third of the property of each was confiscated! and Che- 
pi got, in addition, seventeen lashes. Some time later, both were 
forgiven. Their property was restored and they were raised to high 

3. Toung Pao, Ser. II, Vol. XV. (1914), p. 446. 

Chapter VI 


Vijaya assumed the name of Kytarajasa Jayavarddhana 
after his accession to the throne. Majapahit, which played such 
an important rftle in the recent happenings, became the capital 
of the new king, who rightly proclaimed himself, in the record 
of 1294 A.D., as the master of the whole of Java (Samasta- 
yavadvfpeSvara). Although the capital was changed, the new 
kingdom may justly be regarded as the continuation of the 
kingdom of Singhasari, with a short break of two years, due 
to the assumption of royal authority by Jayakatvang. For 
Kjtarajasa combined in himself various claims to be regarded 
as the rightful heir to the throne of Singhasari. In the 
Singhasari record of 1294 A.D. he makes a pointed refer- 
ence to these claims. He was not only descended from 
NarasinghanagaradharmmaviSesa (probably the same as Mahla 
Wong Ateleng, son of Rajasa) and grandson of Narasingha- 
mflrtti (the coronation name of Mahlsa Campaka, son of 
Mahia Wong Ateleng ), but he had also married the 
daughters of the late king Kftanagara who had no 
male issue. This latter aspect is indeed too much empha- 
sised in Nag. Kr. (45 : 2-47). It refers by name to four 
daughters of Kptanagara as the four queens of Kjlarajasa and 
expressly adds how their sight gladdened the hearts of all. 
It expatiates at length on the affectionate relation between the 
king and the four queens, so much so, that the command of 
one, thanks to this complete harmony among them, was really 
the command of all. The special stress laid on the position of 
the daughters may indicate that although Krtarajasa ruled by 
his own right, the daughters of Kytanagara also exercised some 
royal authority derived from their father. This would explain 
why the royal power was assumed, a few years after Krtarajasa's 


death, by the youngest of his queens, who ruled not as dowager- 
queen or queen-mother, but on her own right as daughter of 
Kytanagara. The name of this queen was Gayatrl, though she 
is usually referred to as Rajapatm, the queen par excellence. 
By her the king had two daughters, but the three other queens 
had no issue. 

Kytarajasa had a fifth queen, a princess of Malay u. This 
kingdom in Sumatra had been already conquered by Krtanagara, 
and it may be recalled that the despatch of a military expedi- 
tion to it is put forward in Pararaton as the cause of the 
downfall of that king. As soon as the Javanese army of 
occupation at Malayu heard of the catastrophic end of their 
king they must have naturally made preparations to return. 
We learn from Paiiji Vijayakrama that they brought rich 
tributes paid by the vanquished princes and their leader got 
the title Mahlsa Anabrang. 1 According to Pararaton, they 
reached Java ten days after Vijaya had finally triumphed over 
the Chinese army and brought with them two princesses of 
Malayu. The younger, Dara-Petak, also known as IndreSvarl 
was married by Krtarajasa. The elder princess, Dara Jingga, 
was married to a 'Deva' and became the mother of the king of 
Malayu, Tuhan Janaka, called also Sri Marmadeva and Haji 
Mantrolot. In view of the growing importance of Malayu, 
which evidently became an independent state after the with- 
drawal of Javanese troops, the marriage relation between the 
royal houses of Java and Malayu was undoubtedly a fact of 
great political importance. It was specially so, because Dara 
Petak bore a son to Krtarajasa, and the boy was heir-presump- 
tive to the throne. In 1295 Krtarajasa anointed the son, named 
Jayanagara and Kala Gemet, as the prince of Kadiri. 

We do not know of any event in the reign of Krtarajasa. 
We indeed meet with Vlrar&ja as the highest dignitary in the 
court, enjoying large grants of land in the eastern corner of 
Java, but this was a poor compensation for half the kingdom of 

I. VII, 147-150. Mid. Jav. Trad., p. 6l. 


Java which the king had promised him in his dark days of 
exile and penury. On the whole Krtarajasa ruled in peace and 
prosperity and died in 1309. * He had two memorial temples, 
a Buddhist sanctuary within his palace at Majapahit, and 
the Saiva temple of Simping, the present Candi Sumberjati 
to the south of Blitar 8 . Nothing remains of the latter 
except the foundations, but it has furnished a beautiful 
portrait of the king, as Harihara, which is now preserved 
in the Museum at Batavia. A figure of Parvati, in the temple 
of Rimbi, south-west of Majakerta, offers so striking a 
similarity in style to the Harihara image, that it has been 
regarded as portraying the figure of one of the queens, 
probably the seniormost one, named Tribhuvana. 

K^tarajasa was succeeded by Ids son Jayanagara. His 
two half-sisters received the titles of the princess of Kahuripan 
(or in Sanskrit Jlvana) and princess of Daha or Kadiri. 
These two titles were evidently derived from the two kingdoms 
into which Java was once divided. 

The reign of Jayanagara was full of troubles. If we are 
to believe in Pararaton, the troubles arc due to the dis- 
satisfaction of the companions of Krtarajasa who stood 
by him in weal and woe but did not think themselves 
sufficiently rewarded by the king. So long as the strong hands 
of Krtarajasa were there, they remained quiet, but as soon as 
a young inexperienced king came to the throne they rose 
against him. In this connection prominence is given to one 
Mahapati, who stood by king Jayanagara in all his troubles. 
It has been suggested that the discontent was mainly directed 
against Mahapati rather than the king, but it is not quite clear 
whether the former's haughty conduct was responsible for the 
outbreak of troubles, or whether the rebels were furious at him 
because he stood between them and the young king whom they 
wanted to bring to grief. 

1. T. B. G., Vol. 56 (1914), p. 147. 

2. O. V., 1916, pp. 51-55. 


The dates of succeeding events, as given in Pararaton, are 
hopelessly wrong, but relying upon the sequence of events and 
interval between them, Poerbatjaraka has suggested a scheme 
of chronology which is generally accepted. 1 It appears that 
the first rebellion broke out in 1309 A.D. The leader of 
this, Rangga Lawc, aspired to the office of Prime-minister, but 
having failed in his object, organised a rebellion at Tuban. 
He was joined by a number of persons. It is suggested in Par. 
that Mahapati roused the suspicion of the king against him by 
quoting some of his utterances, and hence he was not selected 
as the minister. A different, but more detailed, account is 
given in Kidung Rangga Lawc. Here no reference is made 
to Mahapati, but Rangga Lawe is goaded to rebellion as 
Nambi, and not he, was appointed Prime-minister. Further, 
Rangga Lawe, and not Nambi, was the son of VirarSja who had 
fortified himself at Tuban instead of going back to Madura. 
On the whole it is a different version and equally untrust- 
worthy. 8 All that we can safely conclude is that Rangga Lawe 
organised a rebellion in 1309 with Tuban as centre, but the 
rebellion was soon subdued, and Rangga Lawc perished with 
most of his followers. 

Next came the turn of Sora. He, too, rebelled, and perished 
in 1311 A. D. Some details of this episode are given in the 
recently discovered book Sorandaka, 3 but they can hardly 
be regarded as authentic. 

The old Vlraraja also thought the moment ripe for striking 
a blow for himself. He followed the policy which he had 
suggested to Vijaya. He ingratiated himself into the favour 
of the king and then asked leave to set up in Lamayang. There 

1. T. B.C., Vol. 56 (1914), pp. M7ff. The date of the first 
rebellion, 1309 A. D , is given on the authority of Krom-Geschiedenis 8 
p. 372. It might have taken place even during the reign of Krtarajasa 
(cf. Mid. Jav. Trad. p. 75). 

2. Mid. Jav. Trad. pp. 66-75. 

3. Feest. Bat. Gen., Vol. I. (1929), pp. 22-34. 


he firmly established himself and never came back to Majapahit, 
not even at the time of the official Durbar of the eighth month. 
The king put up with it and there was no open rebellion. Next 
came the turn of Nambi, the son of Vlraraja, and one of the 
few companions of Vijaya during his flight. He was a high 
functionary at court, but Mahapati succeeded in rousing 
the suspicion of the king against him. Nambi was, however, 
too clever and moved very cautiously. He took leave to see 
his father who was ill. He then established himself at Lembah, 
built a fort there, and collected an army. About this time died 
Vlraraja, the old arch-conspirator, before he could complete 
his treachery. Nambi, however, proceeded to carry out his 
father's plan. In 1316 the royal army proceeded against him. 
According to Nag. Kr., which mentions only this incident in 
Jayanagara's reign, it was the king who first took the field 
against Nambi. This is, perhaps, true, for although Nambi had 
not openly rebelled, he was silently preparing for the coming 
conflict, and the king naturally thought it prudent to attack 
him before his preparations were completed. After a short 
campaign, the strongholds of Nambi were captured and he 
perished with his followers. 

Several minor rebellions occurred both before and after 
that of Nambi. Passing by them, we come to the rebellion of 
Kuti, in 1319. Kuti was one of the seven Dharmaputras who 
occupied a high position in the kingdom. Pararaton has given 
us a long and romantic account of this rebellion. It is said that 
in course of this rebellion the king left his capital city and 
fled during night to Badander with only a body-guard of fifteen 
men under the command of Gajah Mada who was destined to 
become famous at no distant date. Gajah Mada returned to 
the capital and reported that the king was killed by Kuti's men. 
This caused a great sorrow in the capital. Gajah Mada 
concluded from this that the people were yet attached to the 
king and did not like Kuti. Thereupon he divulged the 
secret to the ministers who killed Kuti, and the king was 
restored to the throne. The account of this episode, as 


given in Par., is puzzling in the extreme. It represents 
Kuti in a favourable light and accuses Mahapati of bringing 
a false charge against him in consequence of which the great 
minister was arrested and put to death by the king. It 
further says that the king undertook the journey to Badander 
of his own accord. But there can be hardly any doubt that 
Kuti actually rebelled and that the king had to take to 
flight as Kuti had become master of the city and the palace. 
Mahapati evidently lost his life in course of the troubles 
caused by Kuti. 

Gajah Mada was suitably rewarded for his services. 
According to Par. he first became governor (patih) of 
Kahuripan, and, after two years, that of Daha, and he remained 
in this post from 1321 onward till he became Prime-minister in 
1331. The specific dates are proved to be wrong by an 
inscription 1 which shows that in 1323 somebody else was 
governor of Daha. But there is no doubt that Gajah Mada 
served for some time as governor of Daha and was occupying 
that post in 1330 A. D. 

The rebellion of Kuti in 1319 was the last organised attempt 
against the central authority. The inscription of 1323, referred 
to above, no doubt raises some suspicion about the continued 
peace or stability of the kingdom. In this inscription the 
name of the king is written as "Srl-Sundara PandyadevS- 
dhiSvara-nama-rajabhiseka Vikramottunggadcva" preceded by 
a number of Sanskrit epithets. This peculiarly south-Indian 
PSndya name is apt to give rise to a suspicion whether the 
king referred to in the record is Jayanagara or some other 
person. But the fact that this name appears also in 1314, and 
that a number of officers mentioned in the record also served 
under the successors of Jayanagara, lead to the conclusion 
that we have to take Sundara Pandya Vikramottunggadeva as 
the consecration or official name of Jayanagara. The seal-mark 
of the king was 'Mlnadvaya' or 'two fishes', again a Pandya 

i. O.J.O., No. LXXXIII. 


custom. There was evidently a close association between 
Java and South-India during this period. 1 

We have a short reference to Java about this time in the 
writings of Odoric Van Pordenon 3 who visited the archipelago 
in 1321. He says that the king of Java exercises suzerainty 
over seven other kings, the land is very populous and produces 
spices, and that the palace is decorated with gold, silver and 
precious stones. 

The political greatness of Java is also referred to in the 
inscription of 1323 A.D. It refers to the kingdom as comprising 
the whole of Java and includes among its foreign possessions 
Madura, TaSjungpura, i. e. Borneo etc. Thus although Java 
might have lost its influence in the west, its political supremacy 
in the east was yet unimpaired. Java also maintained good 
relations with China and sent regular embassies in 1322, 1325, 
1326, and 1327. In 1328, when the last-named mission returned, 
they brought from the Chinese emperor official robes and 
bows and arrows for the Javanese king Cha-ya-na-ko-nai, 
which corresponds well to Jayanagara. 3 

According to the story of Par. the closing years of 
Jayanagara were again full of troubles. First, the king fell 
out with the nobles of his court. He wanted to marry one of 
his step-sisters, but some of the nobles tried to do the same, 
or, at least, was suspected by the king to make attempts in 
that direction. In was not perhaps a mere romantic sentiment 
which influenced the king's decision. His half-sister was a 
descendant of the legitimate king Krtanagara, arid her husband 
could establish a claim to the throne, superior to his own. 
A powerful noble wedded to his sister would thus prove a 

1. Cf. Acta orientalia Vol. XII, Pars II (pp. 133*?) for further 
instances of such a close association. 

2. Yule-Cordier Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. 2. (1913), 
PP. 146-155. 

3. T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XV (1914)* P- 446. I find no 
authority for the Javanese mission to China in 1328 referred to by Krom- 
Goschiedenis 2 , p. 380. 


formidable rival, and the king wanted to prevent this compli- 
cation by marrying the sister himself. 

But before this question could be finally decided the king 
met with a tragic end in a quite unexpected way. The king 
had outraged the modesty of the wife of TaSca, another 
Dharmaputra of the type of Kuti, and the latter naturally bore 
a grudge against the king. Now the king was suffering from 
a boil, and Tanca, who was evidently also the court-physician, 
was asked to treat the king. While operating upon the king, 
TaSca killed him by the surgical instruments and was himself 
killed by Gajah Mada. Thus died Jayanagara in 1328 A.D. 1 

According to Par. the king was cremated at Kapopongan, 
also called Srngapura. The site has not yet been identified. 
According to Nag. Kr. two figures of the king as Visnu were 
set up at SilS Petak and Bubat and one as Amoghasiddhi 
at Sukallla. All these places were probably in the neighbour- 
hood of Majapahit. It may be noted that some temples were 
erected near Panataran during the reign of Jayanagara, 

As Jayanagara left no male heir, the nearest female heiress 
was 'Kajapatni', mentioned above, viz. the daughter of 
Kftanagara, and the widow of Krtarajasa. As she had adopted 
the life of a Buddhist nun, her eldest daughter Tribhuvano- 
ttunggadevl Jayavisnuvardhanl* acted as regent for her mother. 
She was known to posterity as the princess of Jlvana or 
Kahuripan (Bhre Kahuripan), a title which she bore probably 
before, and certainly after her period of regency. During 
the regentship she was called the queen of Majapahit while 
her son, the heir-presumptive to the throne, bore the title, 
'prince of Jlvana/ Her personal name appears to be Gitarjja.* 

1. According to traditions preserved in Bali, the king outraged 
the modesty of Gajah Mada's wife, and the latter plotted his assassina- 
tion (O. V. 1924, pp. i46ff. ; Mid. Jav. Trad., p. 76). 

2. In an inscription of 1330 A.D. the name is given as 
'Tribhuvanottunggaraja Anantavikramottunggadevi', and she is referred 
to as incarnation of LaksmI(Kron>Geschiedenis 2 p. 387. fn, i). 

J-!1_O- V- I9 ! 7i P- 48, and 1918, p. 108. 


The regent had married, shortly after her brother's death, a 
Ksatriya, named Cakradhara or Cakrefivara. 1 After his 
marriage, he received the ceremonial name Kptavarddhana, and 
the title 'Prince of Singhasari'. The younger sister of the 
regent, princess Daha or Kadiri (Bhre Daha), took the ceremo- 
nial name Vijayadevl or Rajadevl Maharajasa. She married 
Kudamrta whose ceremonial name was Vijayarajasa, and the 
title, Prince of Vengker'. lie was also known as Parana eSvara 
or ParameSvara Pamotan. 

In 1331 Sadeng and Keta revolted against the regent. 
These places were in the neighbourhood of Bcsuki. The revolts 
were put down by the royal troops. During the same year 
Gajah Mada, the governor of Daha already mentioned above, 
became the chief minister (Pati of Majapahit). His appoint- 
ment might have something to do with the revolts, though the 
part he played in it is not quite clear. The long-drawn story 
in Par. regarding this episode is obscure in the extreme. 

From this time Gajah Mada plays a prominent part in the 
government. Par. credits him with the conquest of a number 
of islands in the archipelago such as Gurun, Seran, TaSjung- 
pura, Haru, Pahang, Dompo, Bali, Sunda, Palembang, and 
Tumasik. Among these Gurun (Gorong*, TaSjungpura (in 
Borneo), and Pahang (in Malay Peninsula) already belonged to 
the empire of Krtanagara as we have seen above. As to the 
rest, whether they were all conquered during the period of 
regency cannot be ascertained. It is likely that some later 
conquests have been wrongly ascribed to this period. Malayu 
again figures as a vassal state. The relations with China 
continued friendly and we hear of a very large mission 
(consisting of no less than 83 persons) from Java presenting a 
golden letter to the emperor in 1332 A.D. 2 . 

The Nag. Kr. refers to an expedition against the island of 
Bali in 1343 A.D. It appears that the authority of Java was 

1. The marriage took place before 1330 A. D., as the husband 
is named in the inscription referred to in footnote No. 2, p, 326, 

2. T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XV, (1914), p. 447. 


established over part of that island as early as 1338 A.D., as in 
that year the regent founded there a Buddhist sanctuary. 
The expedition of 1343 may be a continuation of that of 1338 
or a new one to make a thorough conquest of the island. In 
any case the results of the expedition were quite satisfactory 
and the island of Bali was thoroughly subdued. 

In 1350 died queen Rajapatnl. She was buried at ViSesa- 
pura at Bhayalango in Kadiri and figured there as a Prajfia- 
parainita 1 . Prince Hayam Wuruk, the son of the regent 
Tribhuvanottunggadevl, came to the throne in 1350, on the 
death of his grandmother Rajaputnl. He was then only 
sixteen years old. His coronation name was Rajasanagara, 
though he is generally referred to by his old name Hayam 
Wuruk. Henceforth his mother occupied the second place in 
the kingdom, and is referred to as princess of Jlvana or 
Kahuripan (Bhre Kahuripan). 

According to Par, the king had several other names, such 
as, (1) Bhatara Prabhu, (2) Baden Tetep, (3) Sivaiet mpu 
JaneSvara and (4) Sanghyang Wekas ing Sukha, in addition to 
three more derived from the king's participation in the Wajang. 
Of these the name Bhatara Prabhu may be traced in the forms 
Sri-Pah-ta-la-po and Pa-ta-na pa-na-wu preserved in Chinese 
annals in connection with Javanese embassies sent in 1370, 
1377, 1379 and 1380'. The name Sivaiet perhaps refers to the 
king's special leaning towards Saivism. The fourth name also 
occurs in literature, e.g. Arjunavijaya. The poem Sutasoma 
calls the king Rajasarajya, presumably a variant of Raja- 

The first notable incident in the reign of the king was 
his marriage with a Sunda princess in 1357 A. D. After the 
preliminary negotiations about the match were settled the 

1. Krom-Inleidung Vol. II. pp. 206-8. Crucq regards a figure 
in Batavia Museum (No. 288) as that of Rajapatnl (O. V. 1930, 
pp. 219*221, pi. 54 a )- 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 35 . 


king of Sunda, called Maharaja, came to Bubat near Majapahit 
with his daughter. A difference, however, soon arose. The 
Sundanese king desired that her daughter should be treated 
on an equal footing, and the marriage ceremony should be as 
between equals. The Majapahit court, on the other hand, 
regarded the Sundaiieso king as subordinate, and wanted 
to celebrate the marriage as between a suzerain king and his 
feudatory. The Sundanese would not tolerate this indignity 
and refused to give up the princess. Thereupon the Majapahit 
troops surrounded the whole party. The nobles of Sunda 
preferred death to dishonour, and after brave fight, perished 
to a man. Amidst this ghastly tragedy the princess was 
married to the king. According to Kidung Sunda 1 , however, 
the bride also perished in the general massacre that followed 
the fight. But in any case, the Sundanese princess died 
shortly. After her death the king married Paramcsvarl 
(Susumiiadevi, according to Nag. Kr.), the daughter of prince 
of Vengker. As already remarked above, the latter had married 
the king's maternal aunt, but Paramesvarl was his daughter 
by a previous marriage. King Riljasanagara had a daughter 
by this queen, some time before 1365 A. D. 

The aggressive policy towards Sunda in 1357 was merely 
an indication of the strong imperialism which was to distinguish 
the period of Eajasanagara. During the same year a military 
expedition was sent against the island of Dornpo, which was 
crowned with complete success. Although details of further 
conquest are lacking, there is scarcely any doubt that during 
the reign of this king the kingdom of Java rose to be the 
supreme political power in the Archipelago, and established 
its suzerainty in almost all the principal islands and a large 
portion of the Malay Peninsula. It is not to be supposed, 
however, that all these foreign possessions were directly 
administered by, and formed part and parcel of the Javanese 
kingdom. But the king of Majapahit was regarded as the 

i. Berg B. K. I., Vol. 83. (1927), pp. 117-118. 


suzerain power by all of them, and his mighty fleet maintained 
his hold upon their rulers, excluding effectually the active 
exercise of any authority by other powers. The rulers of these 
subordinate states owned allegiance to him and paid tributes 
or other duos as agreed upon, although they were left free 
and independent in matters of internal administration of their 

A detailed list of such subordinate states is given in the 
Nag. Kr., which was composed in 1365 A. D., during the reign 
of this king. It divides the states into several groups, and 
we give their names below with such identifications of old 
names as are generally agreed upon 1 (with approximate Degrees 
of Latitudes and Longitudes indicated by the figures within 
bracket. Where only the Latitudes and Longitudes are given, 
it is to be understood that the name is also in use in modern 
times. The letters S and N denote Southern and Northern 

Group L Malayu (Sumatra) 

(I) Jiimbi(*2S.Xl04). (2) Palembang (3S.X103). (3) Kari- 
tang (South of Indragiri) (1S.X102). (4) Tcba (upper Jambi) 
(28. X 102). (5) Dharmasraya (upper Batanghari) (2S.X102). 
(6) Kandis (Kandi, to the north of Buo on the right bank of 
the Sinamar river. (IS. X 102). (7) Kahwas (Kawaj near 
Kandi) (IS. X 101). (8) Manangkabwa (2S.Xl01)Minang- 
kabau. (9) Rekan (IN. X 101). (10) Siyak (IN. X 102). 
(11) Kfimpar (0X103). (12) Pane (Panai, at the mouth of 
the Panai Barumun river (ON. X 100). (13) Kampe (Kompai) 
(4N X 98). (14) Hani (Krom places it at about 4N. X 98. But 
Ferrand locates it at the mouth of the river Rokan.) 
(15) Mandahiling (IN. X 101). (16) Tamihang (4N.X98). 
(17) Parllak (5N.X98). (18) Barat (Daya or west coast of 

I. The identifications are .given on the authority of Krom 
(Geschiedenis 2 , pp, 4*6-418), Brandcs (T. B. G., Vol. 58, 1919, p. 558), 
Ferrand (J. A., 1918, 1919, 1922), and Blagden (J. R. A. S. 1928, p. 915). 


Atjeh) (5N. X 95). (19) Lavas (Padang Lavas or Gaju Luas) 
(4.5X98). (20) Samudra (The Islamic kingdom of this name 
was founded by Malik-al-saleh in the northern part of Sumatra 
sometime before 1286 A. D.) (5N.X97'5). (21) Lamuri (in 
Great Ajteh) (5N.X96). (22) Batan (Island to the south of 
Singapore? or in Sumatra). (23) Lampung (5S.X105). 
(24) Barns (2N.X98-5). 

Group II. Tanjungnagara ( Borneo ). 

(1) Kapuhas ( O x 112), v2) Katingan ( Mendavi river ) 
(3 8.x 114). (3) Sampit (3S.xll3). (4) Kuta Lingga 
( Linga on the Batang Lupar ) (1-5. N.xlll) (5) Kuta 
Varingin (3 S.xll2). (0) Sambas (1-5 N.X109- 5*). 
(7) Lavai ( Muara Lavai on the Mendavak or Melavi ) 
(5 S.xim (8) Kadangdangan ( Kendavangan ) (3S.X116). 
(9) Landa ( Landak ) '(-5 N.xllO). (10) Samedang 

( Semandang in Simpang ? ) (11) Tircm ( Pcniraman on the 
Kapuas Kechil or Tidung ) ( 4 N. x 116 ). (12) Sedu ( Sadong 
in Saravak, Sedua in Langgou or Siduh in Matan ) (l-5Nx 111). 
(13) Buruneng (Brunei) (5 N.xll5). (14) Kalka (Kaluka 
near (?) Saribas (2 N.xlll). (15) Saludung (Maludu-bay) 
(6 N.xllT). (16) Solot (Solokor Sulu island) (5N.xl20). 
(17) Pasir (28. x 116). (18) Bantu. (:K>. S.x 115). (19) Savaka 
(Sevaku island) (3-5S. x 116'5). (20) Tabalung (Tabalong in 
Amuntui) (2-5S.X116). (21) Tuiijung Kutc (Kutci) (Ox 117). 
(22) Malano (Malanau in N. \V. Borneo, Balinean in Scrawak, 
or Milanau). (23) Taiijungpuri (the capital city.) (Tuiijungpura 
on the south Pavan) (2 S. x 110). 

Group HI Pahang (Malay Peninsula) 

(Only Latitudes (N.) are given) 

(1) Hujung-medinl, the capital city (Johor) (3*5). (2) Lengka- 
suka (see pp. 71ff.) (3) Sai (Saiburi near Patarii) (10). (4) Kalan- 
ten (5-5). (5) Tringgano (Trengganau) (5). (6) NaSor (Pahang 
or Pat^ni). (7) Paka (on the east coast south of Dungun) (2 5). 


(8) Muvar (N. W. of Johor). (9) Dungun (South Trengganau) 
(4). (10) Tumasik (Singapore). (11) Sanghyang Hujung (Cape 
Rashado) (7). (12) Kelang (3-5). (13) Keda (6). (14) Jere 
(Jering near Patani, or Keda peak or Jclei river) (6). 
(15) KaSjap (Singkep ? ) (16) Niran (Karimun ?). 

Group IV. Eastern Island. 

(1) Bali with chief towns Bedahulu (Bedulu in Gianjar) 
and Lvagajah (Goa Gaja near Petanu). (2) Gurun (Nusa 
Penida) with chief town Sukun. 

(3) Talivang. ] 

(4) Dompo. I j Sumbawa . 
(o) Sapi. f 

(6) Bhima J 

(7) Sanghyang Api (Sangeang, Gunung Api). (8) Seran 
(Ceram). (9) Hutaii (N. E. of Sumbawa*. (10) Kadali 
(Kanari island, or 9 and 10 together may denote the group 
of islands Bum, Sula etc.) (11) Gurun (Gorong, probably 
the name of a large group of islands in the east.) (12) Lombok 
Mirah (West Lombok?) (13) Saksak (East Lombok). 

(14) Bantayan (Bonthain) with capital of that name. 

(15) Luvuk (Luvuk on south Peleng or Luvu on the gulf of 
Boni). (16) Udamakatraya (Talaud islands). (17) Makasar. 
and (18) Butun. (Two well-known islands of these names). 
(19) Banggavl (Banggai). (20) Kimir (Kunjit). (21) Galiyao 
(Kangean). (22) Salaya (Saleier). (23) Sumba (well-known). 
(24) Solot (Solor). (25) Muar (Kei or Honimoa, Saparua). 
(26) Wandan (Banda). (27) Ambwan (Amboyne Island). 
(28) Maloko (Molukkas . e. Ternate). (29) Wwanin (Onin, 
north-west of New Guinea). (30) Seran (Koviai, south of 
New Guinea). (31) Timur (well-known). 

These islands are all situated within that part of the 
Pacific Ocean which is bounded by Borneo on the west, 
Philippines on the north, New Guinea in the east, and Australia 
on the south. They lie between Long. 115 arid 135, and 
Lat. 2N. and 10S, 


The long list given in Nag, Kr. shows the hegemony of 
nearly the whole of Malay Peninsula and Malay Archipelago 
under the kingdom of Majapahit in Java, the only notable 
xception being the Philippines. Roughly speaking, the empire 
comprised the present Dutch possessions in the Archipelago, 
with the addition of Malay Peninsula, but excluding, perhaps, 
northern Celebes. 

The question naturally arises, how far we can place reliance 
on the statement in Nag. Kir. On the one hand it is a 
contemporary authority giving full details of the external 
possessions instead of indulging in mere vague general phrases 
which is so often the case. On the other hand, we cannot 
forget that the author, being associated with the court of 
Majapahit, had a great natural inducement to exaggerate 
the state of things in favour of his patron and country. 

We must, thereforo, try to supplement the account of Nag. 
Kr. by such other data as we possess. In the first place we 
have a Malay book called Hikayat liajaraja Pasay 1 which 
gives a long list of foreign territories under the supremacy 
of Majapahit at the time of its conquest by the Muhammadans. 
This list also refers to vassal states in Sumatra, Malay 
Peninsula, Borneo, and the various islands in the Archipelago 
such as Tambelan, Anamba, Natuna, Tiyuma, Karimata, 
Biliton, Banka, Riouw, Lingga, Bintan, Banda, Cera, Sumbawa, 
Lombok, Bali, and southern part of Celebes. As the two 
lists emanate from two entirely different authorities living in 
different countries, and the periods contemplated are separated 
by a century, we cannot expect a complete agreement of 
names in them. But the general resemblance between the 
two is sufficient to establish the historical character of Nag. Kr. 

Further, in respect of some of the conquered countries 
in the above lists we possess independent evidence regarding 
the suzerainty of Java. 

i. An extract from this book is given by Dulaurier in J, A. 
IV-VII, 1846, p. 544. The list of countries is given by Ferrand (Textes, 
pp. 666-669). 


1. Bali. The inscription of Batur, dated 1348 A.D., and 
a second record dated 1386 A.D. were issued by Sri Vijaya- 
rajasa, i.e. the Prince of Vengker, the maternal uncle of king 
Rsjasanagara. Another record, dated 1398 A.D., refers to this 
prince as Sri Paramesvara who died at Visnubhavana. 1 
There can be no doubt that the Prince of Vengker who held 
an important position in the Javanese court ruled the island of 
Bali as a representative of the Javanese king. 

2. West Borneo. The Chinese history tells us that in 
1 368 Pu-ni ( the western coast of Borneo ) was attacked by 
the people of Su-lu, a neighbouring country. They made a 
large booty and only retired when Java came with soldiers 
to assist this country. 9 Now it can be easily presumed that 
Java sent assistance as the suzerain authority bound to protect 
a vassal state. The further accounts of the Chinese 3 make 
it absolutely clear. We arc told that in 1370 the Chinese 
emperor asked the king of Pu-ni to send tributes. Then the 
Chinese authority adds : "Now this country had hitherto 
belonged to Java and the people of the latter country tried to 
prevent him". In other words, it is clearly admitted that 
Java exercised supremacy over western Borneo in the year 
1370 A.D. Although it is related that the king of Pu-ni 
sent envoys with tribute to the imperial court, it does not 
mean that Juva ceased to be regarded as the supreme authority. 
For the despatch of envoy with tribute to China, as described 
in Chinese history, is a mere conventional term which does 
not always mean any real political relationship. For example, 
Java herself is represented to be in a similar position with 
regard to China during the same period. 

3. San-fo-tsi. The relation of Java and San-fo-tsi has 
already been discussed. According to the Chinese history 
the king of San-fo-tsi, or rather one of the three kings who 
divided the kingdom among themselves, died in 1376 A.D., 

I. O. V. 1924, p. 29 ; O. B., Vol. I, p. 191 ; Epigraphia Balica I, 
p. 13. 2. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 103. 3. Ibid., pp. no-itj. 


and was succeeded by his son. Next year the latter sent 
envoys with tributes to the imperial court. "The envoys 
said that the sou dared not ascend the throne on his own 
authority, and therefore asked the permission of the imperial 
court. The emperor praised his sense of duty and ordered 
envoys to bring him a seal and a commission as king of 
San-fo-tsi. At that time, however, San-fo-tsi had already 
been conquered by Java, and the king of this country, hearing 
that the emperor had appointed a king over San-fo-tsi, 
became very angry and sent men who waylaid and killed 
the imperial envoys*. The emperor did not think it right to 
punish him on this account. After this occurrence San-fo-tsi 
became gradually poorer and no tribute was brought from 
this country any more". 1 

This very frank statement of the Chinese historian is a 
singular proof of the political greatness of Java. It not only 
admits the supremacy of Java over San-fo-tsi, but also proves 
its will and ability to exclude other powers, including China, 
from interfering in the political affairs of what she rightly 
considered as her own sphere of influence. Further Chinese 
testimony of the complete conquest of Saii-fo-tsi by Java has 
been given before, in connection with the history of that 

In addition to these positive testimonies furnished by the 
Chinese historians, we may refer to indirect evidences, furnished 
by two inscriptions. The rock-inscription of Palama* in 
Sumbawa island is written in later Kavi alphabet, and its 
language contains all sorts of old-Javanese forms. An inscrip- 
tion at Singapore 1 also similarly exhibits the Javanese 
alphabet and language. While no positive inference can be 
made from these factors, they may be presumed to indicate the 
political supremacy of Java over these two islands. 

1. Ibid., p. 69. Ferrand J. A,, u : XX (1922), pp. 25-26. 

2. Not. Hat. Gen., 1910, pp. 110-113. 

3. B. K. I , Vol. 77 (1921), pp. 35-67 ; O. V. 1924, p. in. 


From all these indications it may be safely laid down that 
by the year 1365 AD., when the Nagara Krtagama was com- 
posed, Java reached the height of her political greatness and 
established her unquestioned supremacy over Malay Peninsula 
and Malay Archipelago. She also occupied a position of inter- 
national importance. The Nag. Kr. refers to the intimate and 
friendly intercourse of Majapahit with the neighbouring states 
such as Siam, with Ayodhyilpura (Ayutbiya) and Dharmanagari 
(Ligor), Martaban, Rajapura, Singhanagari, Champa (Southern 
Anuam), Kamboja (Cambodia \ and Yavana(N. Annam). 1 

It also refers to a number of countries, including some of 
those just mentioned, which had trade relations with Majapahit, 
and from which Brahmanas and Sramanas visited the Javanese 
capital. Thus we read : "There came unceasingly, in large 
numbers, people from all lands such as Jambudvlpa, Kamboja, 
Clna, Yavana, Campa, Karnataka,...Gaudu, and Siam. They 
came in ships with merchandise. Monks and distinguished 
Brahmanas also came from these lands and were entertained". 9 
Jambudvlpa, of course, refers to India, while Karnataka and 
Gauda are specifically mentioned, probably to indicate a closer 
intimacy with Bengal and Kanarcse districts. The Javanese 
had indeed a high regard for India, for in one vei'-se (83 : 2) Nag. 
Kr. says that Jambudvlpa and Java are the good lands par 
excellence. The intimate relation between the two countries 
is also indicated by the fact that laudatory poems in honour of 
the Javanese king were written by the monk Budhaditya of 
KaScI (Conjeeveram) and the Brahmana, named Mutali 
Sahrdaya, probably a Tamil Brahmana. 8 The intercourse 
with China, referred to by Nag. Kr., is also proved by Chinese 
sources. The History of the Ming Dynasty* refers to 

1. Nag. Kr., 15 : i. The identifications are made by Kern (V. G., 
VII. 279). Rajapura and Singhanagari cannot be definitely located. 

2. Nag. Kr., 83 : 4- (V. G., VIII, p. 96). 

3. Nag. Kr., 93 : i. (V. G., VIII, pp. 114-115). 

4. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 34!!. 


embassies from Java in 1369, 1370, 1372, 1375, 1377, 1379, 1380, 
1381, and 1382. We have already seen above, how Java gave 
a serious provocation to the Chinese emperor in 1379 or 1380 
by the murder of Chinese envoys. The event is thus referred 
to in the history of the Ming Dynasty in connection with the 
Javanese embassy of 1380 : "Some time before, imperial envoys 
had been sent to carry a seal to the king of San-fo-tsi, and those 
of Java deluded and killed them ; the emperor was highly 
incensed and detained their envoys more than a month, with 
the intention to punish them, but ultimately they were sent back 
with a letter to their king in which he was reproved for what 
he had done." Evidently the matter was amicably settled, for 
we hear of envoys being sent from Java in the two following 

It thus appears from all accounts that the reign of Rajasa- 
nagara witnessed the high-water mark of the power and glory 
of Java. In view of the increase in power and responsibility 
of the empire we find a thorough organisation of the adminis- 
trative machinery to cope with the new and heavy task. 
There is hardly any doubt that the credit for this to a large 
extent belongs to Gajah Mada. He had risen from an humble 
position to bo the chief minister of the empire and brought to 
his task an unusual degree of devotion and skill. Next to him 
we should mention the father and the maternal uncle of the 
king, both of whom took an active and important part in the 
administration. When Gajah Mada died in 1364 no other chief 
minister was appointed as his successor. The king, his father, 
mother, uncle, aunt, and his two sisters (Bhatara Sapta Prabhu) 
with their husbands formed a sort of inner royal council which 
kept the chief direction of affairs in its hands. This was an 
indirect tribute to the great qualities of Gajah Mada in which- 
ever way we look at it, whether it was difficult to get a worthy 
successor of Gajah Mada, or whether it was thought too risky 
to leave so large powers in the hands of one officer. Accord- 
ingly his work was entrusted to four (or six) different persons. 
Gajah Mada's name is also associated with a book on polity 


(Kut&ramanava) which, in spite of later additions and alterations, 
may be rightly ascribed to that great minister. 

In 1371, however, we find a new Prime Minister appointed. 
This was Gajah Enggon, who served for the remaining eighteen 
years of Rajasanagara's reign, and continued in the post under 
the next king till his death in 1398. 

Chapter VII. 

King Rajasanagara had a long and prosperous reign, and 
under him, as stated above, Majapahit became the seat of a 
vast empire. But he took an unwise step in his old age which 
was mainly instrumental in pulling down the vast imperial 
fabric reared up with so much care. In order to understand 
this fully we must have an idea of the royal family. The king 
had by his chief queen ParameSvari only a daughter named 
Kusumavarddhani. The queen's sister, I^varl, called princess 
of Pajang, had one daughter, called Nagaravarddhani princess 
of Virabhumi, and a son called Vikramavarddhana, prince of 
Mataram. Vikramavarddhana was married to the crown- 
princess Kusumavarddhani, and was thus the next heir to the 
throne. But king Rajasanagara had also a son by a junior wife. 
In order to settle him well in life, the king had him married 
to Nagaravarddhani. He thus became prince of VirabhOmi 
and was adopted by the princess of Daha. In order to 
strengthen his position still further the king made him governor 
of the eastern part of Java. Although nominally under the 
authority of Majapahit, the prince of Vlrabhumi really exercised 
almost independent powers, so much so that the Chinese annals 
refer to two kings in Java even during the lifetime of king 
Rajasanagara, and both of them sent envoys to the imperial 
court 1 . Thus were sown the seeds o a future civil war which 
was destined to pave the way for the final overthrow, not only 
of the kingdom of Majapahit, but also of the Hindu kingdom 
and Hindu culture of Java. 

Bang Rajasanagara died in 1389 A.D. and Vikramavarddhana, 
also known as Hyang Viea, succeeded him at Majapahit. 

I, Groeneyeldt Notes, p. 35. 


The latter had a son by the crown-princess who was called, 
after his royal grandfather, Hyang Wekas ing Sukha. Being 
a direct descendant of Rajasanagara the crown-prince held a 
position of great importance. He appointed a new Prime 
Minister Gajah Manguri in 1398. But next year the crown- 
prince died at Indrabhavana and was cremated at the temple of 
Parama Sukhapura at Tajung. 1 Due to this shock or for some 
other reason the king took to a religious life in 1400 A.D. 

The actual expression used in the record is that king 
Vikramavarddhana became a "Bhagavan." Brandes translated 
this word as 'monk' and held that the 'king withdrew from 
worldly life and government/ But the example of Airlangga 
shows that a king can continue to exercise temporal authority 
even though he adopts a religious life. There is no doubt, 
however, that both according to Pararaton and Chinese 
accounts, Vikramavarddhana exercised royal powers at a 
subsequent date. Brandes tried to explain away this cir- 
cumstance by supposing that under pressure of circumstances 
the king subsequently returned to the worldly life. But of 
this change there is no evidence whatsoever. 

Pararaton next ( Chap. XII ) refers to one "Bhatara istri 
Prabhu" i.e., a female sovereign. A few lines before this 
( Chap. X ) the chronicle refers to Devi Suhita, the daughter 
of king Vikramavarddhana, as 'Prabhu istri/ Then, a few lines 
later ( Chap. XII ), it refers to the death of king Vikrama- 
varddhana. This is immediately followed by the statement 
that Prabhu istri died in 1429 ( Chap. XII ). Nothing is said 
about the succession to the throne, but Bhre Daha is said to be 
ruler ( ratu ) in 1437 A.D. ( Chap. XIII ). Lastly it is noted 
that 'Prabhu istri' died in 1447 and was cremated at Singhajaya 
( Chap. XIII ). 

This somewhat confusing account has led to differences 
among scholars regarding the reconstruction of the history 

I. Krom thinks that king Rajasanagara was also cremated there, 
but of this we have qo evidence. 


of the period. Brandes held the view that after the abdication 
of Vikramavarddhana Suhita ruled from 1400 to 1429 A.D., 
probably jointly with his father for a part of this period. 
After the death of both in 1429 A.D., there was an interregnum 
from 1429 to 1437, and thereafter a queen, Bhre Daha, ruled 
from 1437 to 1447 A.D. Krom has pointed out several defects 
in this interpretation. In the first place, there is no reference 
to any interregnum, and secondly, the title *prabhu' is applied 
to the ruler of Majapahit whereas Bhre Daha is called only a 
'ratu/ Krom himself has given a new interpretation. He 
begins by pointing out that Singhajaya, the cremation place of 
'Prabhu istri' in 1447, is also, according to Par., the cremation 
place of SuhitiVs husband who died a year before ( Chap. XII ). 
From this fact he concludes that this 'Prabhu istri' who died 
in 1447 is no other than Suhita herself. 

Starting from this basis Krom offers a simple explanation. 
He assumes that Vikramavarddhana continued to rule till 1429, 
when, after his death, his daughter Suhita ascended the throne 
and ruled till her death in 1447 A.D. Bhre Daha is regarded 
by Krom as merely a ruler of Daha having no connection with 
Majapahit. 1 

Krom's reconstruction is open to serious objection, as it 
ignores two clear statements in Chap. XII of the Pararaton, 
viz., (1) BhatSra istri became ruler in 1400 A.D., and (2) Prabhu 
istri died in 1429 A.D. 

Fortunately, we have got two statements by the Chinese 
authorities which enable us to check the accounts of Pararaton, 
and, perhaps, to understand it aright. The History of the 
Ming Dynasty says that in 1415 A.D. the king of Java gave 
up his old name and adopted the new name Yang Wi-si-sa, 
and from another Chinese source we come to know that this 
king was ruling in Java in 1436 A. D. 9 There is no doubt that 

i. For a full discussion on this point, cf. Krom Geschiedenis a , 
pp. 428ff. 

3. Groeneveldt. Notes, p. 37. T'oung Pao, 1934, pp. 3Qi-2 f 


the Chinese name corresponds to Hyang Vifiesa, the second 
name of king Vikramavarddhana. 

We should, therefore, dismiss from our mind the idea that 
king Vikramavarddhana died in 1429 A.D. As a matter of fact 
this is nowhere stated in Pararaton. The relevant passages of 
Pararaton are cited below (marked A, B, etc.) with a view to 
arrive at a definite idea of the whole situation. 

Chap. XL A. Bhra Hyang ViSesa became bhagavan i.e. 

withdrew from state-aifairs in Saka 1322. 
Chap. XII. B. Bhafara istri became ruler (prabhu). 

C. Bhra Hyang ViSesa died... 

D. Prabhu istri died in 1351. 

Chap. XIII. E. Bhre Daha became ruler (ratu) in Saka 1359. 

F. Bhre Prabhu istri died in Saka 1369. 
Chap. XIV. G. Thereupon Bhre Tumapel became king in 
her place. 

Now from the statements A and B we are bound to conclude 
that Bhre Hyang Viesa abdicated the throne in favour of 
Prabhu istri. Now this title was obviously applied to two 
persons who died respectively in 1351 (D) and 1369 (F), and 
probably they were the queen and daughter of king Hyang 
Viesa. The abdication was, therefore, in favour of one of 
these two, probably the former. It was, however, only for a 
short period. The Chinese accounts show that the king was 
ruling in 1415 AD., and the Pararaton also records his 
activities in connection with the civil war in 1404 A.D. An 
inscription, issued by His Majesty Bhatara Hyang ViSesa, also 
supports the same conclusion, as the record was obviously later 
than 1415 A.D. when he assumed this name. 1 The assumption 
of a new name in 1415 might indicate that, though actively 
looking to the affairs of the state all along, he formally resumed 
his sovereignty only in that year ; but this is not certain. In 
any case Hyang Visesa resumed the sovereignty in or before 
1415 A.D., and ruled till 1436 A.D., as the Chinese authorities 

l, Q. V. 1918, p. 171. 


inform us. This is in a way corroborated by the statement in 
Pararaton that Bhre Daha became ruler in 1437 A.D. (E) 
Evidently that was the year when Hyang ViSesa died. Bhre 
Daha probably ruled from 1437 to 1447 when on her death 
Bhre Tumapel became king. 

The sentence G immediately follows F, and consequently 
the expression 'thereupon* should be taken to indicate that 
the accession of Tumapel was contingent upon the death of 
Bhre Prabhu istri, or, in other words, the former succeeded 
the latter. On the other hand, the only person whose accession 
is referred to after 1436 A. D. is Bhre Daha, and not 
Bhre Prabhu istri. Thus the three sentences E. F. G., read 
together, might lead us to believe that Bhre Daha and 
Prabhu istri probably referred to the same person, viz., 
Suhita, the daughter of Hyang Visesa, but of this we are 
not certain. It is equally possible to hold with Krom, 
that Bhre Daha was a local ruler, and in that case Suhita 
ascended the throne after her father's death in 1430 A. D., 
though neither this incident nor the date thereof is mentioned 
in Pararaton. Bhre Daha might also be a rebel or a rival to 
Suhita, and there is nothing surprising in it, as the reign of 
Vikramavarddhana is marked by the great Civil War which 
led to the disruption of the empire and ultimately to the 
downfall of the kingdom of Majapahit. 

It has already been mentioned that prince Vlrabhumi was 
ruling like an independent prince in Eastern Java even during 
the lifetime of Rajasanagara. The following passage appears 
in the History of the Ming Dynasty between the accounts of 
the embassies in the years 1377 and 1379 A. D. "In this 
country there is a western and an eastern king, the latter is 
called Bogindo Bongkit, and the former Bu-la-po-bu (Bhatara 
Prabhu). Both of them sent envoys with tribute" 1 

This account refers apparently to about 1378 A. D., 
when Rajasanagara was still living. It may be easily presumed 

I. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 35. Cf. also Ferrand's notes, Par. p.i64. 


that the relation between the two states did not improve after 
the death of that king. The Chinese history tells us that in 
1403 both the kings sent tribute and obtained royal seals 
from the Chinese emperor ; and thenceforward both the 
kings regularly sent tribute 1 . This shows that both of them 
tried to get recognition from the Chinese emperor. The 
Chinese history informs us that in 1406 the eastern king was 
defeated and his kingdom destroyed. 8 We get a more detailed 
account of the struggle in Pararaton (Chap. XII). It appears 
that as early as 1401 A. D. king Vikramavarddhana was 
involved in a fight with prince Virabhumi, but the result was 
indecisive. War broke out again in 1404 or shortly before that. 
At first the fortune of war turned against Vikramavarddhana, 
and he decided to retire. But then the two powerful chiefs 
of Java, Bhre Tumapel, and Bhra Paramefivara, son and son- 
in-law respectively of the king, came to his aid, though they 
had at first stood aloof. Tliis proved decisive. Prince Virabhumi 
was defeated and fled during night in a ship. He was, however, 
caught and put to death, and his head was brought to Majapahit 
in 1406 A. D. 

A side-issue of this episode brought the conquering Javanese 
king into troubles with the Chinese Court. The incident is thus 
described in the History of the Ming Dynasty. 3 

"In the year 1405 the eunuch Cheng Ho was sent as a me- 
ssenger to this country, and in the next year the two kings 
made war upon each other ; the eastern king was defeated and 
his kingdom destroyed. At that time the imperial envoys 
were just in the country of the eastern king, and when the 
soldiers of the western king entered the market place, 170 of 
their followers were killed by these ; on this the western king 
became afraid and sent envoys to ask pardon. The Emperor 
gave them an edict reproving him severely and ordered him to 
pay sixty thousand taels of gold as a fine. In the year 1408 
Cheng Ho was sent again to this country and the western 

I. Ibid, p. 36, 2. Ibid, p. 36. 3. Ibid, pp. 3^-37- 


king presented ten thousand thails of gold ; the officers of the 
Board of Rites observed that the amount was not complete 
and wanted to imprison the envoys who brought it, but the 
Emperor said : "What I want from those people who live far 
away, is that they acknowledge their guilt, but I do not want 
to enrich myself with their gold," and on this he remitted the 
whole fine. From this time they brought tribute continually, 
sometimes once in two years and sometimes more than once a 
year, and the eunuchs Wu-pin and Cheng Ho visited their 
country repeatedly." 

The defeat and death of the Prince of Vlrabhumi once 
more restored the unity of Java. But the internal dissensions 
for nearly a quarter of a century, ending in a disastrous 
civil war, must have taxed to the utmost the military and 
financial resources of the country and left her weak and 
exhausted. Its first fruits were seen in the loss of that political 
supremacy which Java had secured in the Archipelago and 
Malay Peninsula. Her position as suzerain power now passed 
over to China, and gradually new kingdoms and commercial 
centres arose which were destined to overwhelm Java herself 
at no distant date. 

With the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. we can 
clearly perceive the decline of Java, as an international power. 
This can be best understood by reviewing the position of a 
few kingdoms which had acknowledged the supremacy of 
Java in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D. 

1. West Borneo (Pu-ni). 

We have already described the relations of this country 
with Java. In 1370 the king of Pu-ni at first did not dare 
to send even an envoy to China for fear of Java. But we read 
in the history of the Ming Dynasty 1 that iu 1405 he not only 
got investiture as king from the hands of the Chinese emperor, 

i. Ibid, pp. 111-3, 


but even went with his whole family to China to pay respects 
to the emperor. The next king reported to the emperor that 
'his country had to give Java forty caties camphor baros 
every year and begged an imperial order to Java that this 
annual tribute should be stopped in order that it might be sent 
instead to the imperial court'. The emperor accordingly 
"gave an order to Java telling them not to ask any more the 
annual tribute of this country". We further read that the 
late king of Pu-ni represented to the emperor in 1405 A.D., 
that his country was now altogether subject to the imperial 
government. Henceforth the kings of Pu-ni sent regular 
tributes to the imperial court, and some time even personally 
attended the court with their family. (See infra Bk. IV., 
Chap. IV). 

2. San-fo-tsi 

The same Chinese history tells us 1 that although Java had 
completely conquered San-fo-tsi he could not keep all the 
lands. Two states were established there with two Chinese 
adventurers at their head. Although they nominally admitted 
the suzerainty of Java, they sent regular tributes and envoys 
to the imperial court. Then they ceased to care either for 
Java or for China. It is interesting to note that in 1397 the 
Chinese emperor dared not send envoys direct to Java for fear 
that they will be waylaid by San-fo-tsi, and hence he approached 
Siam as an intermediary to carry his message to Java so that she 
might warn San-fo-tsi. Thus China recognised at least the 
nominal suzerainty of Java over San-fo-tsi. In 1405 and 
succeeding years, however, there were regular changes of 
embassies between China and San-fo-tsi, without any reference 
to Java. In 1424 a king of San-fo-tsi even asked permission 
of the emperor to succeed his father. It is evident that from 
the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. Java exercised 
but little real authority in that country. 

i. Ibid, p. 71. 


3. Sumatra 

Samudra, one of the vassal states of Java, became a strong 
Islamic power, and a powerful centre of trade and commerce. 
Its Sultan sent envoys and tribute to the imperial court in 
1405 and was named by the emperor 'king of Samudra/ 1 In 1412 
the Muhammadan king of Lambri, another vassal state of 
Java, sent envoys with tribute to China. "The envoys were 
presented with court dresses, and the king got a seal, a 
commission and silks, whilst Cheng Ho was sent to carry the 
instructions of the emperor to that country. Till 1424, they 
sent tribute every year." 1 

4. Malay Peninsula 

Various states in Malay Peninsula such as Pahang and 
Kelantan now sent tributes to China (infra, Bk. IV. Chap. II). 
But the most important of them was the Muhammadan king 
doin of Malacca. This powerful state sought the protection 
of China against Siam, and in 1405 its king received investiture 
from the Chinese emperor. 8 Gradually this state grew to be 
a great rival of Java as would appear from the following 
passage in the History of the Ming Dynasty. 

"At that time Palembang was under the domination of Java 
and the king of Malacca falsely pretended that he had an order 
from the emperor to claim this possession. When the emperor 
heard this, he gave an edict saying : "When lately the eunuch 
Wu-pin came back he reported that you (king of Java) had 
treated the imperial envoys in the most respectful way ; now 
I have heard lately that the king of Malacca has claimed the 
country Palembang from you and that you have been very much 
astonished, hearing that this was my will : but I treat people 
in the most upright way and if I had allowed him to do so, I 
certainly would have sent an open order, therefore you have no 
reason to be afraid and if bad men make use of false pretences, 
you must not lightly believe them".* 
I. Ibid, p. 89. a. ibid, p. 99. 3. Ibid, p, 129. 4. Ibid, p. 37. 


This passage shows in a remarkable manner the change in 
the position of Java as an international power. The new state 
of Malacca openly hurls defiance at Java and feels powerful 
enough to wrest Palembang from her. The Chinese emperor 
appears on the stage as patron and saviour of Java. The very 
fact that the king of Malacca pretended to have an order from 
the Chinese emperor shows the position of China in the affairs 
of the Archipelago. Everything indicates that China is now 
by common consent the recognised suzerain, and although the 
emperor wants to assert his authority over Java he does not 
like another power like Malacca to occupy the position which 
Java lately did. 

Java silently acquiesced in the new r&le of China and 
accommodated herself to the changed state of things. The 
episode of 1406 has been related above. In 1415 king Vikrama- 
varddhana sent envoys to thank the emperor for his kindness 
(evidently shown by thwarting the designs of Malacca) and to 
bring as tribute products of the land. 1 In this connection the 
Chinese historian tells us that the king (Vikramavarddhana) 
adopted the name Yang Wi-si-sa, the Chinese form of the name 
Hyang Visesa which we meet with in Javanese records. 

The cordial relations between Java and the imperial court 
continued after 1415, as we can easily conclude from the 
following passage of the History of the Ming Dynasty 8 . 

"About that time (1415 A.D.) some followers of the Imperial 
envoys had been driven by a storm to the country Pantsur, and 
a Javanese, hearing this, paid a ransom for them and brought 
them to the place where the king lived. In the year 1418 the 
king sent envoys with tribute to the court and sent these men 
back at the same time ; the emperor praised the king in an 
edict and sent also presents to the Javanese who had rescued 
them.... The Javanese embassy again brought tribute in the 
year 1432 and presented a letter stating that their state was 
founded 1376 years ago.... 

i, Ibid, p. 37. 2. Ibid, p. 37. 


"In the year 1436 the imperial envoy Ma Yung-lang 
presented a memorial to the emperor, saying that the former 
Javanese envoy Pa-ti, on coming to court, had got a silver 
girdle, and as the present envoy, A-liet, 1 was a man of the 
fourth rank, he requested a golden girdle for him ; his request 
was granted. 

"In the intercalary sixth month of the same year the envoys 
of Calicut, Northern Sumatra, Cochin, Arabia, Gail, Aden, 
Hormus, Dsahffar, Comari, and Cambodja were sent back 
together with the envoys of Java and the emperor gave a letter 
to the king of this country 9 of the following contents. 

"You, oh king ! have never been remiss in performing 
the duty of sending tribute in the time of my ancestors and now 
that I have come to the throne, you have again sent envoys to 
court ; I am fully convinced of your sincerity. Now, in the 
reign of my predecessor (1426-35) Calicut and ten other 
countries have come to bring tribute, and as your envoys are 
going home, I have ordered those other envoys to go with 
them. I expect you will treat them kindly and send them back 
to their respective countries, in order to carry out my benevolent 
intentions towards those who live far away. 

"In the year 1440 envoys who were going home, were 
shipwrecked by a storm, fifty-six men were drowned and 
eighty-three saved. They came back to Canton and the emperor 
gave orders to the authorities to provide for them, until there 
should be a ship in which they could go home. 

i. Pelliot corrects this as 'Ya-lie' and regards it as the shortened 
form of 'Ya-lie-ya-cho', the name of the Javanese ambassador to 
China in 1436 (Toung Pao, 1934, p. 299). Pelliot further points out 
that two more embassies were sent from Java to China in 1436, 
and that Ma Yung-lang was probably a Javanese ambassador, and not 
an imperial envoy, as Groeneveldt supposes (Ibid). 

a. The name of this king is "Yang-wei-si-cha" i.e. Hyang Vis*ea, 
according to a Chinese authority quoted by Pelliot (T'oung Pao, 1934, 
p. 301). Pelliot further points out that Groeneveldt has, through inadver- 
tence, omitted the name of Ceylon in the list of countries (Ibid, p, 302). 


"In the year 1443 the Governor of Canton presented a 
memorial pointing out that the continual tribute of Java 
caused great expenses and trouble, and that it was no good plan 
to injure China in order to benefit those distant people. The 
Emperor adopted his views and when the envoys of that country 
went back, he gave them a letter saying : "The different 
countries over the sea shall all bring tribute once in three 
years ; you, oh king, must also have compassion with your 
people and observe this arrangement." 

"In the year 1446 they brought again tribute, but afterwards 
it became gradually more rare". 

The reign of Vikramavarddhana or Hyang ViSesa was 
thus inglorious both at home and abroad. In addition to the 
disastrous civil war, Java suffered terribly from a volcanic 
eruption in 1411 and a great famine in 1426. A new Prime 
Minister, Kanaka, carried on the government from 1413 to 1430. 
Like Gajah Mada, his name is associated with a law-book, the 
idigama. The king died in or shortly before 1429 A.D. and 
found his last resting place at ParamaviSesapura at Lalangon, 
probably the same as Visesapura at Bhayalango, the cremation 
place of his great-grandmother Rajapatnl. 

After the death of Vikramavarddhana probably his daughter 
Suhita ascended the throne, as noted above. She thus 
superseded her two brothers, both called Bhre Tumapel. This 
was presumably due to her high rank on the mother's side, and 
as we know that Vikramavarddhana married the daughter of 
Prince Vlrabhumi and Nagaravardhani, we may easily presume 
this lady to be the mother of Suhita. Her accession to the 
throne was probably the result, to a certain extent, of the 
triumph of the party of that unfortunate prince. A significant 
indication of that is to be found in the express statement in 
Pararaton ( Ch. XIII ) that Raden Gajah was dismissed in 
1433 A.D. because he had killed prince VlrabhQmi. 

We know of no important events during the reign of 
She died childless in 1447 A.D. $ud was cremated 


at Singhajaya, where her husband found his last resting place 
the year before. 

She was succeeded by Bhre Tumapel, probably the younger 
of her two brothers of that name. The king was called Sri 
Krtavijaya, and died after an uneventful reign of four years 
(1451 A.D.). He was cremated at Krtavijayapura. There were 
two volcanic eruptions during his reign. 

The events immediately following the death of the king 
are not quite clearly intelligible from the account of Pararaton. 
We read that one Bhre Pamotan succeeded at Keling 
Kahuripan, under the name Sri Rajasavardhana. This is 
followed by the statement that Sinagara died in 1453, and 
there was no ruler for the next three years. It would thus 
appear that Rajasavardhana was the same as Sinagara. But 
then the mention of Keling, perhaps in north-western part of 
Kediri, is obscure. Does it mean that the king did not rule 
in Majapahit? The relationship of the king with his 
predecessor is also not known. According to the Chinese 
History the "King Prabu (of Java) sent envoys to court with 
tribute in 1452". l Perhaps this king Prabu is to be 
identified with Rajasavardhana. 

After the interregnum of three years, Bhre Vengker ascended 
the throne in 1456 A.D., under the name Bhra Hyang Parva- 
ViSesa. During his reign the Chinese history refers to two 
embassies from Java to the imperial court, one in 1460, and 
the other in 1465. In connection with the first the name of 
the king of Java is given as Tu-ma-pan. 9 The king died in 
1466 A.D. and was cremated at Puri. 

The next king, according to Pararaton, was Bhre Pandan 
Salas, who ruled for two years at Tumapel (1466-68 A.D.) 
and then left the capital. Pararaton concludes his account 
of kings by referring to four sons of Sinagara (i.e. king 
Rajasavardhana), the youngest of whom Bhra Krtabhumi is 

i. Ibid, p. 39. 

s . Ibid, p, 39. Tum-ma-pan may stand for Tumapel or Easter* Java. 


said to be "the uncle of the king who was cremated in the 
palace in 1478." 

The preceding account of Pararaton about the closing 
period of the history of Majapahit can hardly be accepted 
as accurate. Its unreliable character is easily demonstrated by 
a copperplate found at Sendang Sedati, south of Bnjanegara. 1 
The record was issued in 1473 A.D. by His Majesty Bhatara 
Prabhu, whose personal name was Suraprabhava, and the 
coronation name, Singhavikramavardhana. We can easily 
identify him with the person, bearing both these names, whom 
we meet with in Trabulan inscription 8 , not as the ruling 
king, but as prince of Tumapel, the youngest son of His 
Majesty, and husband of Rajasavardhanadevl, princess of 
Singhapura. Now, according to Par., Blire Pandan Salas 
ascended the throne at Tumapel in 1466, and the same 
chronicle also refers (Chap. X) to a person of the same 
name as the husband of Bhre Singhapura. Dr. M. A. Muusses, 
therefore, suggests that king 'Singhavikramavardhana of the 
inscription is the same as Bhre Pandan Salas of Pararaton. 3 
But the Pararaton definitely puts the end of Salas' reign at 
Tumapel in 1468, whereas the Sendang Sedati inscription is 
dated in 1473. We may explain this discrepancy by supposing 
either that the dates given in Par. are wrong, or that the 
king issued the record after leaving Tumapel. 

Krom, however, offers a new view. He takes the 
concluding passage of Pararaton, quoted above, to mean that 
Bhra Krtabhumi, the youngest of the four sons of Sinagara, 
was the king who ascended the throne in 1468, and died 
in 1478. He then identifies Singhavikramavardhana, referred 
to in the Trabulan inscription as "the youngest son of His 

1. O. V. 1922, pp. 22-27- 

2. O. V. 1918, p. 170. The record has been referred to the 
time of Vikramavarddhana, (Ibid, 1919* pp. 22-30, 153-155), but more 
likely belongs to the period between 1447 and 1466 (Ibid, 1923, p. 109). 

3. Feest. Bat. Gen., Vol. II (1929), PP 207-214, 


Majesty", with this Kj-tabhami 1 Whatever we may think of 
these different views, it is interesting to note that in the copper- 
plate of 1473 A.D. king Singhavikramavardhana is referred to 
as the sole mler of Yavabumi, comprising the two kingdoms 
of Janggala and Kadiri. How far this claim was justified, 
there is no means to determine. The probability, howevei', 
is that the kingdom of Majapahit had lost its position of 
supremacy, even in Java, and already showed alarming 
symptoms of final dissolution which was not long in coming. 

The year 1478 A. D., the last year for which any political 
event is recorded in Pararaton, was an eventful one according 
to the Javanese tradition, for it was in that year that the 
Muhammadaris conquered Majapahit and destroyed the Hindu 
kingdom in Java 2 . That this tradition is not quite correct 
appears from the fact that several inscriptions, dated I486 A. D., 
refer to a Hindu king, and Portuguese accounts of a later date 
also refer to Hindu kings in Java. But the inscriptions 
themselves indicate clearly that the king who issued them fought 
against Majapahit. The tradition may thus be correct to the 
extent that the fall of Majapahit took place in 1478 (or 1481 A.D. 
according to another version of the tradition), but then it was 
brought about, not by the Muhammadan conquerors, who came 
much later, but by a rival Hindu dynasty. Thus the overthrow 
of Majapahit in 1478 A.D. by a Hindu king and the establish- 
ment of Muslim authority at a later date have been confused 
together in the local tradition. It is, of course, quite conceivable 
that the Muhammadans had conquered Majapahit even as early 
as 1478 (or 1481), but then it was not followed by any serious 
result, and a new Hindu dynasty soon took the place of the old. 

The stone inscriptions of 1486 all belong to the same group 8 , 
and were found in Dukuhan Dukuh (in Surabaya) and Jiju near 

1. Krom Geschiedenis 2 , p. 449. 

2. According to some versions of the tradition, the date is 
A. D. 1481 ; cf. B.K.I., 1899. P- H7- 

3. O.J.O., Nos. XCI-XCV. For a general account of the inscrip- 
tions cf. Introductory remarks to No. XCI. 



Majasari. They were issued by a king whose proper name was 
Ranavijaya, but who had the titles Bhatara Prabhu Girlndravar- 
dhana and fought against Majapahit. One of the inscriptions 
refers to the gift made to the priest after the completion of 
the twelve-year Sraddha of His Majesty the prince of Dahana- 
pura who died at Indrabhavana. This shows that the king 
belonged to the dynasty of Daha and his father (at least 
predecessor) died twelve years ago i.e. in 1474 A.D. Now 
Pararaton tells us, as already stated above, that Bhre Daha 
became king (ratu) in 1437 A. D, and died in 1464 A. D. If we 
consider this last date a mistake for 1474 A. D., we can identify 
this ratu Daha with the predecessor of Ranavijaya. Dr. Muusses, 
however, offers an altogether new solution. As already noted 
above, he identifies Singhavikramavardhana with Bhre Pandan 
Salas, and then provisionally reconstructs the following history : 
"Sinagara made himself master in 1451. After his death in 
1453 anarchy for three years followed. After Hyang PtirvaviSe- 
sa's death Bhre Pandan Salas became Prabhu, but he was forced 
to leave the Kraton two years later (1468). He betook himself 
to Kadiri where he issued the record of Sendang Sedati (1473). 
One year after its publication lie died ( 1474 ) and then 
there was a struggle among his sons for the throne. Ultimately 
Ranavijaya came out successful in 1478. In 1486 he felt his 
position secure enough to offer a sacrifice in honour of his 
father who died twelve years ago" 1 . 

Whatever we may think of this, there is no doubt that Rana- 
vijaya, king of Daha, overthrew Majapahit and made himself 
king of Java. He is referred to in the inscriptions as king of Sri 
Vilvatikta, Daha, Janggala and Kadiri. This wording is some- 
what curious, as Kadiri and Daha denote the same kingdom. 
The explanation of the singular phrase perhaps lies in the fact 
that Janggala and Kadiri were the conventional official names of 
the two parts of the kingdom of Java to which the king added 
the names of Vilvatikta ( Majapahit ) and Daha, the two real 
component parts of his newly established kingdom. 

I. Feest. Bat. Gen., Vol. II, pp. 207-214. 


The inscriptions also refer to another member of the royal 
family, called Girlndravardhana, with personal name Vijayaku- 
suma, and the royal name Singhavardhana. But as he is called, 
not Prabhu, but only Bhatara of Kling, he occupied probably 
only a lower position. The inscriptions mention that the priest 
Brahmaraja Ganggadhara, who performed the twelve-year 
Sraddha, was well versed in the four Vedas. They also refer 
to the consecration of the images of Rama and Rsi Bharadvaja 
and also to worship of Rama, Visnu, Yama, and Durga, thus 
leaving no doubt that the royal dynasty was purely Hindu. 

Girlndravardhana Ranavijaya is the last Hindu king of 
Eastern Java about whom we possess any authentic details. 
But the Hindu kingdom continued there for 30 or 40 years 
more before it was finally conquered by the Muhammadans, as 
we shall see in a later chapter. The last Javanese embassy 
to China was sent in 1499 A. D. 1 . 

j. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 39. 

Chapter VIII 


Before we proceed to discuss the Muhammadan conquest 
of Java, we must go back to the history of the Hindu kingdom 
in the western part of the island, r?*., Sunda. We have seen 
above (Bk I. Chap. VI) that the Hindu culture and political 
authority in Java had its beginning in this region. But, since 
the days of PQrnavarman, our knowledge of the history of this 
region is very meagre. The existence, however, of Hindu 
culture and Hindu society in this region, in the tenth century 
A.D., is proved by an inscription found at Kebon Kopi 1 . A 
more definite information is given by an inscription dated 1030 
A.D., engraved on four stones found near Cibadak, above 
Leuvi Kalabang 2 . It refers to the pious foundation of some 
holy footprints by a king of Sunda called Sri Jayabhiipati 
Jayamaiiahcn Visnumurtti Samaravijaya Sakalabhuvanamandale- 
svaranindita ILiro Govardhana Vikramottunggadcva. The 
record lays down regulations forbidding the capture of fish or 
any other living being from the river within a defined area in 
the neighbourhood. The imprecatory formula at the end 
refers to Hara " Agasti, evidently a corruption of Haricandana 
and Agastya of old Javanese inscriptions. The language and 
script of the record are both old-Javanese. As the king is 
expressly said to be the ruler of Sunda, there cannot be any 

1. O.V. 1923, p. 18, No. 6888. The date was doubtfully read as 932 
A. D., but even if this reading be not accepted, the palaeography of the 
inscription refers it to the tenth century A. D. The contents of the 
inscription cannot be fully made out. 

2. T. B. G., Vol. 57 (1916), pp. 201-218. Pleyte's inference, from 
the name and titles of the king, that he fought with Eastern Java and 
was a predecessor of Airlangga, rests on too slender a basis (cf. 
Geschiedenis, p. 259). 


doubt that it formed a separate kingdom independent of Eastern 
Java, but it is equally clear that its culture and civilisation 
was entirely Javanese in character. It may be mentioned here 
that the inscription referred to above is the earliest document 
containing the name of Sunda. Pleyte had discovered a pair 
of footprints on a block of stone lying on the top of Perbakti, 
north-west of Cicurug. It is locally known as Batu Tapak. 
As Sanghyang Tapak is the name given in the inscription for 
the pious foundation, the footprints referred to therein may 
be those discovered by Pleyte. 

It appears from the accounts of Chau Ju-kua that in the 
r^n century A.D. Sunda was a dependency of San-fo-tsi. 
1..* j ,re was a good harbour in the land. The people were also 
given to agriculture and produced the best quality of pepper. 
But as there was no regular system of government, and the 
people were given to brigandage, foreign traders rarely went 
there. 1 

The Nag. Kr. includes Sunda among the vassal states of 
Kytanagara. There is no independent evidence corroborating 
this, and so we cannot be quite sure if Sunda really became a 
dependency of the Eastern Javanese kingdom 8 . Such a transfer 
of allegiance on the part of Sunda could only be due to the 
decline of the power of San-fo-tsi and the gradual ascendancy 
of Java as a great international power. 

Similarly Pararaton includes Sunda among the conquests 
of Gajah Mada during the regency of Tribhuvanottungadevl. 
Here, again, the statement cannot be corroborated by any 
other source. 

Next in point of time is the tragic episode of A.D. 1357, 
regarding the marriage of Rajasanagara with a Sundanese 
princess which has been related above. The attitude of the 
Sundanese king and nobles, as explained in the Pararaton, 
negatives the idea that the king of Sunda regarded himself 
as a vassal of Majapahit. The references in Nag. Kr. and 

i. Chau Ju-kua, pp. 62, 70, 122, 

?. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 335 Fruin-Mees ? p. u6, 

358 SUNDA 

Par. to the conquest of Sunda, respectively by Kytanagara and 
Gajah Mada, also show that none of these conquests, even if it 
be regarded as true, really led to any decisive result. Taking 
all these things into consideration one is forced to the conclusion 
that Sunda remained a separate kingdom during the century 
1260-1360 A.D., and although its relations with Majapahit were 
never friendly, it had not been a part of that empire, at least 
for any length of time. 

A stone inscription at Batu-Tulis 1 , to the south-east of 
Buitenzorg, gives us some interesting information regarding 
three generations of kings. The king, who issued the record, 
was ruler of Pakwan Pajajaran. He had several names, Rtu 
Purana, Prabhu Guru Devatasrana, and Sri Baduga Maharaja. 
He is said to be Rata Devata who ruled in Pakwan. He was 
the son of Rahyang Devaniskala, who died at Gunatiga, and 
grandson of Rahyang Niskalavastu KaScana, who died at 
Nusa Larang. The inscription records a number of pious 
works of the king, and concludes with a date which is most 
probably A.D. 1333. 

The inscription thus testifies to the existence of the kingdom 
of Pakwan Pajajaran as early as fourteenth century A.D. 
This kingdom in West Java continued down to the time of the 
advent of the Europeans, and is referred to in their reports. The 
ruins of Pakwan in the neighbourhood of Batu-Tulis, have been 
explored and described by Pleyte.* He has traced the ruins 
of the walls surrounding the Kraton (palace) on three sides. 
To its north lay the town proper extending as far as Buitenzorg 
to the north. 

1. This inscription, and the inferences to be derived from it, have 
formed subject of discussion by various scholars ; cf. Friederich, in T.B.G., 
Vol. i (1853), pp. 442 ff. ; Holle, in Vol. 17 (1869), PP- 483 ; Pleyte, in 
Vol. 53 (1911), pp. 155 # Poerbatjaraka has discussed the whole 
question at length in Vol. 59 (1921), pp. 381 if,, and his views have been 
generally accepted. Cf. also Husein Jayadiningrat Sajarah Banten, 

pp. 141 ff. 

2. Pleyte, op. cit., pp. 166 ff. 


Three copperplates found at Kebantenan, 1 to the east 
of Batavia, also refer to the same line of kings. One of 
them refers to all the three kings, Rahyang Niskalavastu 
KaScana, Rahyang Ningrat KaScana, and Sri Baduga Maharaja 
ratu haji di Pakwan Sri Sang ratu Devata, who held his 
court at Pajajaran. It will be seen that the first and the 
third names are identical, while the second is different from 
the list given above. The two other records refer only to the 
last king. 

A stone inscription at Kavali* in south Chirebon, in 
Galuh district, refers to a king Prabhu raja Vastu, who ruled 
in the town of Kabali, embellished the capital city Suravisesa 
( SdraviSesa ), and adopted ( evidently in his old ago ) the life 
of a hermit. It has been suggested that this king who was 
called Prabhu raja Vastu in his lifetime was called Rahyang 
Niskalavastu after his death. If this identification be accepted 
we must hold that the family originally ruled at Galuh and 
then transferred its seat of authority to Pajajaran Pakwan 
which was founded 8 by the third king, as mentioned in the 
Batu-Tulis inscription, referred to above. 

The Batu-Tulis inscription is dated, but unfortunately 
scholars dificr regarding the interpretation of the hundredth 
figure, and so the date has been read in various ways ranging 
from A.D. 1133 to 1533. Poerbatjaraka contends that the 

1. Pleyte, op. cit, pp. 169-171 ; Poerbatjaraka, op. cit., pp. 


2. Pleyte, op. cit,, pp. 167 ff. 

3 The Batu-Tulis Ins. merely says that the third king ruled 
over Pajajaran Pakwan, but if we are right in the inference that the 
family originally ruled at Galuh, he may be regarded as having founded 
the new capital city, particularly as his father is referred to as crown 
prince of Galuh in Carita Parahyangan, as will be shown below. Fruin- 
Mees (p. 117) has, however, referred to a tradition according to which the 
kingdom was founded at an earlier date by prince Kuda Lalean of 
Eastern Java, and Ratu Purana was called to the throne of Pajajaran by 
its king Sang Susuk Tunggal who had no legitimate heir. 

360 StINl)A 

date should be interpreted as 1333, and assuming this to be 
true, we can refer the reign of the family at Galuh to 
have commenced not later than the beginning of the 14th 
century A.D. 

Some traditions of this family are contained in a book 
called 'Carita Parahyangan'. The passage runs as follows 1 : 

"He who died at Kikis reigned for 22 years. He who 
died at Keding reigned for 7 years ; he begot Aji Kolot. 
He reigned for 10 years and had a son Prebu Maharaja. 
When the latter had reigned for 7 years he fell victim to a 
trap on the occasion of the marriage of his daughter, crown 
princess Tohaan. Many people went to Java as the Javanese 
did not wish to celebrate the marriage in Sunda. There was 
a fight at Majapahit. 

"There was a son of Prebu Wangi named Prebu Niskala- 
vastu KaScana who died on the island of Larang, on the 
hill Vanakusuma. 

* * * * * 

"The crown prince of Galuh who died at Gunungtiga 
reigned for 7 years. Tfien he committed an offence by 
carrying on illegitimate amorous intrigues. He was succeeded 
by Nalendra Puja Premana, Ratu Jay a Devata, whose death 
was brought about by treachery. He reigned for 39 years." 

Now, there can be no doubt that the king who lost his 
life at Majapahit on the occasion of his daughter's marriage 
must be identified with the Sundanese king, who met with a 
tragic end in 1357 A.D., as has been recorded above on the 
authority of Pararaton. There can also be hardly any doubt 
that Niskalavastu KaScana who died on the island of Larang, 
and the 'crown prince of Galuh who died at Gunungtiga^, 
are identical with Rahyang Niskalavastu KaScana, who 
died at Nusa Larang, and his son Rahyang Devaniskala 
who died at Gunatiga, according to the Batu-Tulis inscription. 
It would then follow that the last king mentioned in the 
i. Poerbatjaraka, op, cit, pp. 395 ft". 


above passage #u. Nalendra Puja Prcuiana Ratu Jaya Devata 
has to be identified with Ratu Purana of the Batu-Tulis 

Now if we accept the date A.D. 1333 for the last named 
king, we must hold that Prebu Maharaja, who lost his life 
at Majapahit, has been wrongly placed in the above passage. 
It has been suggested that, through mistake, his story has 
been divided into two parts, one portion being narrated before 
his grandfather Niskalavastu Kancana, and another portion 
in its right place after that of his father, in both cases 
reference being made to his death by treachery. According 
to this view Niskalavastu Kaucana is the grandfather, and 
Deva Niskala is the father of Prebu Maharaja, or Ratu 
Devata, or Sri Vadtiga Maharaja, who founded Pajajaran, 
some time before 1333, the date of his Batu-Tulis Ins., and 
died at Bubat ( Majapahit ) in 1357 A.D. on the occasion of 
his daughter's marriage. 1 

The inscriptions tell us that king Niskalavastu died at 
Nusa Larang and his son at Gunatiga. Both these places can 

i. The difficulty of accepting this interpretation is obvious. 
For example, we have to assume that the same text, Carita Parahyangan, 
gives different regnal years to the same person (viz., 7 years to Prebu 
Maharaja and 39 years to Ratu Jaya Devata who is to be identified 
with him). It is, however, possible to accept the text of Carita Para- 
hyangan as it is, by interpreting the date of Batu-Tulis Ins. as 1433. 
In that case Prebu Maharaja, who died in 1357 A. D., would be the 
predecessor of Niskalavastu. If we assign to the latter a reign of about 
35 years, his grandson would be reigning about 1433 A. D., the assumed 
date of the Batu-Tulis Ins., as will be seen from the following table. 

Prabhu Maharaja, 1350-1357 A D, 

Niskalavastu Kancana, 1357-1392 A. D. 

Crown prince of Galuh, 1392-1399. 

Ratu Jaya Devata, 1399-1438 A. D. 

The ancestor of this royal family who died at Kikis would then 
have reigned from 1311-1333 A. D. and his two successors respectively 
from 1333 to 1340 and 1340 to 1350 A, D. The royal family was 
thus established at the beginning of the fourteenth century. 

362 8UNDA 

be easily located. In the lake Penjalu, not far from Kavali, 
lies Nusa Gede, popularly named Nusa Larang, which people 
still associate with king Hariang Keficana. To the north of 
the lake a branch of the Candana river is still called Gunung 
Tilu. Nusa Larang may also be identified with Nusa Kem- 
bangan which belonged to Galuh even at the beginning of the 
19th century A.D. 1 

The history of Sunda for the next century is again obscure 
in the extreme. The defeat and death of the Sundanese king 
possibly extended the supremacy of Java over Sunda for some 
time. But the kingdom of Pajajaran must have regained full 
independence at the beginning of the 15th century when 
Majapahit was torn by internal dissensions. Since that time 
the two Hindu kingdoms of Java and Sunda, i.e. of Majapahit 
and Pajajaran, flourished side by side till both passed into the 
hands of the Muhammadan rulers in the sixteenth century A.D. 

I. T. B. G., Vol. 61 (1922), pp. 425 ff. De Haan. Priangan III, 
p. 70, Pleyte, op. cit,, p, 165. T. B. G., Vol. 69 (1929)* PP. 227 ff. 

Book IV 



Chapter I. 

1. Rise of Malayu 

The disintegration of the Sailendra empire loosened the 
bonds which united politically the petty states of Sumatra and 
Malay Peninsula. But there shortly arose a new power in 
Sumatra, which sought to rival the exploits of the decaying 
empire, and revive it on a new basis. This was Malayu, which 
is usually identified with Jambi in the eastern coast of Sumatra. 
The existence of this kingdom in the seventh century A.D., 
and its ultimate absorption by the neighbouring kingdom of 
Srl-Vijaya, have already been noted above. Since then Malayu 
disappears as a separate political unit until the eleventh century 
A.D., when it sends two embassies to China in 1079 and 1088 
A.D. 1 But in the thirteenth century it was conquered by the 
Javanese king Krtanagara. We have seen above how the 
tragic end of Krtanagara enabled Malayu to throw off' the yoke 
of Java, and it soon felt powerful enough to enter into a contest 
with Siam for the possession of the petty states in the southern 
part of Malay Peninsula. 

This rivalry is reflected in the Chinese annals. Malayu 
had sent envoys to China in 1281 A.D. 2 and when in 1293 

1. J.A., ii XII, p. 65, f.n.(i). In B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, p. 346. 
Pelliot gives the date of the first embassy as 1179, evidently a misprint 
for 1079. 

2. Pelliot, B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, p. 326. Ferrand thinks that 
'Malayu', from the I3th century onward, refers to Malacca and not to 
Malayu or Jambi in Sumatra. ( See chapter on Malacca ) 


Yi-k'o-mu-su, one of the leaders of the Chinese expedition 
against Java, sent envoys to king of Malayu, he sent his son (or 
younger brother) in token of his allegiance. 1 During the same 
period Siam had also sent several envoys to China to pay 
allegiance. 2 The Chinese annals say that Malayu and Siam 
had been fighting with each other for some time and so in 1295 
the emperor sent an order to Siam to 'desist from further 
hostilities, and to hold to its promise'. 8 This remarkable evi- 
dence confirms the view, held above, that there was a rivalry 
between the two states over the possessions of San-fo-tsi in 
Malay Peninsula. In 1297 we hear of Malayu sending a 
mission to China. 4 It may be noted that in 1299 envoys from 
Siam and Malayu met at the imperial court. 5 A further 
embassy was sent from Malayu in 1301. 

Thus the end of the thirteenth century A.D. saw the 
decline of the Sailendras and the rise of the new kingdom of 
Malayu which sought to occupy the position so long hold by the 
former. As we have seen above, the new kingdom owed its 
existence to Java, and for a long time there was a close 
attachment between the two states, When the Javanese army 
retired from Malayu after the death of Krtanagara, two 
princesses of Malayu accompanied it to Java. One of them 
Dara Petak was married to the Javanese king. The elder 
daughter, Dara Jingga, married one 'Deva' and had by him a 
son named Tuhan Janaka who afterwards became king of 
Malayu. He was also known as Sri Marmadeva and Haji 
Mantrolot. Thus Marmadeva may be regarded as the successor 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 30., Pelliot, op. cit., p. 327. Perhaps 
another embassy was sent from Malayu in 1294. See below. 

2. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 242. 

3. Ibid. This evidently shows that some time, anterior to 1295 
A.D., Malayu had sought the protection of China, and the latter 
forced Siam to promise that it would abstain from further hostilities 
against Malayu. 

4. Rockhill, T'oung Pao, Ser. II, Vol. XV (1914), p. 443. fn. 

5. Pelliot, op. cit,, p. 328. 6. IbuJ. 


of Maulivarmadeva who was ruling in 1286 A.D, as a vassal 
of Kj-tanagara. The account of Marco Polo shows that in 
1292 A.D. Malayu (Malaiur) was a flourishing kingdom and a 
prosperous centre of trade and commerce. 

The next king of Malayu known to us is Sdityavarmadeva. 
A beautiful image of ManjuSrI, which once stood in the temple 
of Candi Jago, contains two Sanskrit inscriptions. 1 The one 
on the front says that the image was set up in A.D. 1343 in a 
Buddhist temple by 5ryyavang,4adhirfija. The inscription 
on the back informs us that in the kingdom of Rajapatnl, the 
minister Sdityavarman, belonging to her family, built a beauti- 
ful temple at Jinftlayapura in Java, in the year 1343 A.D., for 
securing the highest religious merit to his parents and relations. 

The interpretation, specially the relation of the two inscrip- 
tions on the two sides of the image, has given rise to some 
difficulty. Kern held that Aryyavangsadhiriija and Aditya- 
varman both refer to one and the same person, and identified 
him as the king of Malayu, known from other records. Kern 
held that the king of Malayu calls himself Adhiraja (suzerain) 
of the 5rya clan in respect of Malayu, and assumes the lower 
title of Mantrl in respect of Java. On the other hand, Bosch 
has shown that Aryyavang&idhiraja was the title of a high 
official in the court of Majapahit, and he holds that the two 
inscriptions really belong to two different officials of the jjourt. 
He traces the name of Vj-ddhamantri Zrya Devaraja Sri Aditya 
in another record of the period and identifies him with 
Adityavarman of the inscription, who subsequently became a 
king in Sumatra. 

Whatever that may be, Jdityavarman of the inscription is 
generally recognised to be the same as the king of Malayu of 
that name, and the identification of Bosch would prove that he 
was holding some high offices in Java before he occupied the 
throne in Malayu. Krom holds that he successively filled the 

i, For a full discussion, cf. Rouflfeer, B.K.I., Vol. 77 ( 1921 ) 
pp. 194-201. 


posts of XryavangSadhirSja and Vyddhamautri Arya Devar&ja 
and thus refers both the inscriptions to him 1 . 

A difficulty, no doubt, arises from the fact that 5ditya- 
varman claims to be descended from the family of Rajapatnl 
(tadbangSgijah). We have no evidence in support of this. It 
is true that one of the Malayu princesses was mother of the 
Javanese king Jayanagara, and Adityavarman, for all we know, 
might have been the son of the other princess. But even this 
does not give him any claim to be descended from the family 
of Rajapatni. We may, therefore, take the expression to mean 
no more than that he was a member of the Javanese royal 
family, unless, of course, there was some relationship by 
marriage which is not yet known to us. 2 

We now turn to the inscriptions of Adityavarman in 
Sumatra itself. In 1347 A.D. he engraved an inscription on 
the back of the image of AmoghapaSa, which was set up at 
DharmaSraya by the Javanese king Krtanagara in 1286 A.D. 
(see ante, p. 299). The pedestal of the image, which contained 
the inscription of Krtanagara, was left where it was, but the 
image itself was removed by Adityavarman and re-consecrated 
in a new temple with a new inscription. The image now 
stands at Rambahan near Lubuk Bulan in the Batanghari 
district, and possibly the temple of Adityavarman was also 
erected there. The inscription ', written in corrupt Sanskrit, 
refers to the king as Srimat Sri Udayadityavarman ( var. 
Adityavarmmodaya ) PratapaparakramarSjendra Maulimali- 
varmmadeva Maharajadhiraja who set up the image of 
Amoghapasa for the welfare of Malay apura 4 . The title 
Maharajadhiraja indicates the rank of the king to be higher than 
that of Maulivarman in 1286 A.D. 

An inscribed stone, originally found at Kapala Bukit 
Gombak and now lying at Pagarrujung, near Fort V. D. 

i. Krom Geschiedenis, p. 389. 2. Cf. B.K.I. (iQ30 PP 32-35. 

3. V.G., Vol. VII (1917), PP. 163-175- 

4, 'Malayapura* is the reading of Kern, but Krom thinks it 
19 Malayu ( Geschiedenis, p. 390 f.n. 3, ). 


Capellen, in upper Padang, gives the date 1347 l . Several 
inscriptions of Adityavarman have been found in the 
neighbourhood. All these prove this locality, the heart of 
the later kingdom of Menangkabau, to have been the centre 
of .Sdityavarman's kingdom. One of these inscriptions, the 
large inscription of Pagarrujung 2 (originally of Bukit Gambak) 
dated in the year 1356, refers to the erection of a 
Vihara by Maharajadhiraja Adityavarman Pratapaparakrama 
Rajendramaulimanivarinmadeva. In another inscription at 
Kubu Raja 3 the king is styled Kanakamedinlndra i.e. lord 
of Kanakamedinl ( Golden land ), a synonym of Suvarnabhumi. 
His father's name is given as Advayavarman and his family 
is said to be descended from Indra ( KuliSadhara ) while 
he is regarded as an incarnation of Loke^vara. In the 
Pagarrujung inscription he is said to be Dharmaraja-kula- 
tilaka i.e. the ornament of Dharmaraja's family. 

Another inscription found at Suroasa* is dated in the 
year 1375 A.D. Adityavarman is here styled SuravaSa-v&n 
i.e. lord of SuravaSa, and there is hardly any doubt that the 
name of the place has been preserved in modern Suroasa. 

The name Sri Suravasa occurs in another inscription* 
of Adityavarman near Bandar Bapahat. This record is 
written in two scripts. On the left we find the usual script 
of the king's records, vix,., the Kavi script with some local 
variations, while on the right the same thing was repeated 
in South Indian Grantha alphabet. This shows that South 
Indians formed a fairly large element of the local population. 

1. Kern, V.G., Vol. VI (1917), pp. 249-257 ; O.V., 1912, pp. 34. ff. 

2. Kern, V.G., Vol. VI (1917)* PP- 261-275 ; O. V. 1912, pp. 51. ff 

3. Kern, V.G., Vol. VII (191?), pp. 215-221. The name of the 
place is Kuburaja and not Kubur raja as Kern thought (O.V, 1930, 

P. 150). 

4. Kern, V.G. Vol. VI (1917), pp. 252-261 ; O.V., 1913, p. 52. 

5. O.V., 1912, p. 46. Only a portion of the record, written 
in South Indian Grantha alphabet, was read by Mr. Krishna Sastri. 
But this agrees with the other portion. 


Among other inscriptions 1 of 5dityavarman, one refers 
to the crown prince ( Yuvaraja ) Anangavarman, fl , one to a 
high official called tumanggung 8 , and two others refer to his 
Mahasenapati Pamanan. Another inscription, with a date 
read tentatively as 1371 A.D., is perhaps to be ascribed to his 

We may conclude from all these inscriptions that king 
Adityavarman was a Tantrik Buddhist, and that he ruled 
for at least 28 years (1347-1375 A.D.) over a fairly extensive 
kingdom, which comprised the central portion of Sumatra, 
and extended from the eastern to the western coast. According 
to the Javanese chronicle, NSgara-Krtagama, this kingdom of 
Malayu acknowledged the supremacy of the Javanese king. 
If that were so, it would really mean a sort of nominal 
allegiance. It is interesting to note that Nag. Kr. refers 
to Sumatra by the general name of Malayu, and thus gives an 
indirect evidence of the supreme position of that kingdom in 
Sumatra 5 . 

2. Rise of Islam. 

The downfall of the Sailendras led to many other important 
consequences besides the rise of Malayu as a great power. 
Sumatra was now divided into a number of petty states 
which paid a nominal allegiance, some time to Java and 
some time to China, as suited their convenience, but all the 
while indulged in internecine wars and jealousies. This paved 
the way for the gradual establishment of Islam as a political 
power which was destined in the long run to overwhelm 
nearly the whole of Malayasia. 

1. Inventaris O.V., 1912, Nos. 20, 24, 29, 30, 41, 42, 

2. Versl. Med. Kon. Ak. V. Wet. Afd. Lett., 5 : 2 (1917), P. 33. 

3. O.V,, 1912, No. 28. 4- Par., p. 122 ; O.V., 1914, p. 108. 
5. A comprehensive historical account of Sumatra, based upon 

both traditions and historical facts, is given by L.C. Westenenk in 
Congres I, pp. 1-39. 


The first definite information of this changed political condi- 
tion is obtained from the account of Marco Polo 1 . Marco 
Polo calls the island "Java the less", and says that it had eight 
kingdoms and eight kings. Of these he gives detailed 
account of six kingdoms "that lie at this side of the land" 
and were visited by him. These kingdoms were Ferlec, 
Basma, Samara, Dagroian, Lambri and Fansur. Marco Polo 
says nothing of the two other kingdoms "at the other side of 
the island" as he never visited them. 

Of the six kingdoms, Ferlec is undoubtedly Perlak on 
the north-east, and Lambri the same as Lamuri or Great Atjeh 
(Acheh), on the north-west. The three kingdoms named between 
these two were apparently situated in the intervening region. 
Thus Basma may be identified with Pasc, and Samara with 
Samudra. Dagroitin cannot be identified with certainty. Fansur, 
the sixth kingdom, is undoubtedly Barus. Most of the details 
given by Marco Polo are concerned with peculiar manners and 
customs of the people, but he throws valuable hints on the 
political and religious condition of the kingdoms he describes. 

The kingdoms had their own kings, but all, except Ferlec, 
called themselves subjects of the Great Khan i.e. the Chinese 
emperor Kublai Khan. The subjection, however, was more 
nominal than real, as would appear from the following statement 
of Marco Polo : "They call themselves subjects of the Great 
Khan but they pay him no tribute ; indeed they are so far 
away that his men could not go thither. Still all these islanders 
declare themselves to be his subjects and sometimes they send 
curiosities as presents." Marco Polo's statement is corro- 
borated by the facts that an envoy of the kingdom of Samudra 
visited China in 1286 A. D, 2 and that embassies were sent 
by the generals of Kublai Khan, after reaching Java, to some 

1. "The Book of Ser Marco Polo", -Translated by Yule, 
Vol. II. pp. 284. ff. 

2. Rockhill, T'oung Pao Ser. II, Vol. 15 (1914), PP 440-1. 


of the Sumatran states including Lambri and Sumatra, i.e. 
Lamuri and Samudra, 1 in 1292 A.D. 

The people of all the kingdoms except Ferlec were idolators, 
and evidently belonged to a very primitive state of civilisation. 
Many of them were cannibals and great believers in sorcery 
and magic. 

About Ferlec Marco Polo observes as follows : "This king- 
dom is so much frequented by the Saracen merchants that they 
have converted the natives to the Law of Mahomet I mean 
the townspeople only, for the hill-people live for all the world 
like beasts, and eat human flesh, as well as all other kinds of 
flesh, clean or unclean. And they worship this, that and the 
other thing, for in fact the first thing that they see on rising 
in the morning, that they do worship for the rest of the day". 

This picture of the primitive people of Sumatra shows us 
what they were when they came into contact with the Hindu 
civilisation, which evidently had not made its influence felt in 
the northern parts of the country, even so late as the 13th 
century AJX Evidently Islam was slowly spread among these 
people by the Muhammadan merchants, before any Muhain- 
madan kingdom was established. 

Thus Perlak was the only Muhammadan state in Sumatra 
in 1292 A.D. when Marco Polo visited the island. Tradition 
places its foundation at an earlier date than that of the 
Muhammadan state of Samudra. Now Sultan Malik al-Saleh, 
who founded this state, died in 1297 A.D. The foundation of 
the Muhammadan kingdom of Samudra must thus be placed 
between 1292 and 1297 A.D.* 

Sumudra, Lamuri, Perlak and some other less known 
kingdoms are also referred to by Ilasid-ad-Din (1310 A.D.), 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 30. Rockhill, op. cit, p. 442. Pelliot, 
B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV (327). Pelliot amends Ki-mo-la-mao, name of 
one of these states, into Malayu. 

2. The date of the Sultan's death is known from his tomb-stone 
inscription. For this, as well as the tradition concerning Perlak, cf. 
Moquette in Rapp, Oudh, Dienst., IQI3 PP- 1-12. 


but he does not give any detailed account beyond stating that 
Lamuri was a large state under an independent king. 1 Other 
Arab writers also refer to some towns or states, in Sumatra, 
but do not in any way indicate that they possessed either 
political or commercial importance. 

About 1345-6 A. D. Ibn Batuta 4 visited the kingdom of 
Samudra, which he calls Sumutra, in the island of Java, which 
here undoubtedly means Sumatra. He was welcomed by the 
Muhammadan ruler of the place, Sultan Malik az-Zahir 3 . 
Ibn Batuta describes him as one of the most illustrious and 
generous kings, but says nothing definite about the extent of 
his kingdom. But that there were Hindu kingdoms on all 
sides is quite clear from his statement that the Sultan frequen- 
tly fought with and defeated the infidels who lived in the 
neighbourhood, and they paid him tribute for living in peace. 

One of these Hindu kingdoms called 'Mai Java' was visited 
by Ibn Batuta. After leaving Samudra, he sailed along the 
coast for 21 days, and reached the capital of this kingdom. 
Ibu Batuta here relates a story which throws some interesting 
light on the political condition of Sumatra. It runs as 
follows : 

'The Sultan of Samudra had a nephew (brother's son) who 
married his daughter and was appointed governor of a province. 
This nephew was desirous of marrying the daughter of an Amir, 
but the Sultan chose the girl for himself. The disappointed 
lover waited for his opportunity. Once the Sultan had gone to 

1. Ferrand Textes, Vol. II, p. 361. 

2. For Ibn Baza's account, cf. Ferrand Textes, Vol. II, pp. 
438 ff. Ferrand is inclined to reject the whole account of Ibn Ba{u{a 
as pure fabrication on the ground that his itinerary is an impossible 

3. Malik az-Zahir was a title borne by nearly all the Sultans 
of Samudra. Sultan Muhammad Malik az-Zahir died in 1326. He 
was followed by Ahmad and Zain-al-Abidin, both of whom carried 
the same title. Ibn Ba{u{a must have met one of these, probably the 


fight the infidels, who lived at a distance of about a month's 
journey. The nephew entered the city of Samudra, which had 
no walls, declared himself the Sultan, and was accepted as such 
by one section of the people. As soon as the Sultan heard of this 
revolt he marched towards the capital. His nephew, however, 
took as much money and other valuables as he could lay hands 
on, and the girl of his choice, and then took shelter with the 
infidel king of Mul Java. The Sultan now built walls round 
the capital city to guard against future revolts of this kind/ 

The location of Mul Java has not been determined with 
certainty. Ibn Batuta says that its length was two months' 
journey, and it produced excellent perfumes, named after 
Kakfila and Eam&ra, two of its districts. Van der Lith 
identified Kakiila with Angkola 1 , but Ferrand rejects it on 
philological grounds 4 . Pelliot identifies the same place with 
Ko-ku-lo, which is mentioned by the Chinese traveller Kian- 
tan (c. 800 A. D.), and is to be located to the west of Kedah 3 . 
Rouffaer places it in Sumatra itself, in Menangkabau*. In 
view of these wide differences of opinion it is difficult 
to suggest any identification, but the fact that the rebels 
from Samudra took shelter in it seems to refer to 
some place in Sumatra itself. Malayu-Jambi would perhaps 
not be an unacceptable theory, in view of the great power 
and prestige of that Hindu kingdom. If it were to be 
located outside Sumatra I would suggest Java itself. 
Mul Java would mean, in Sanskrit, the original Java, as 
distinguished from Java, the less, named after it 5 . Wassaf- 
i-Hadrat, writing towards the close of the 13th century A.D. 6 , 

i. Merveilles (1883-86), p. 240. 2. Textes, p. 431. 

3. T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. 13 ( 1912 ), p. 455- Ferrand 
opposes this view in J.A., Vol. II XX (1922), p. 24. 

4. B.K.I., Vol. 77 (i92). P- 78. note. 

5. Schlegel, though interpreting it in the same way, identifies it 
with Sumatra (Prathama Yavabhu) T'oug Pao, Ser. I. Vol. IX., p. 368. 

$. Ferrand Textes, p. 359. 


refers to Mul Sava (=Mul Java) as one of the islands 
conquered by Kublai Khan in 1292 A.D. He also refers 
to aloe and Girofle as products of the locality, as does 
Ibn Batuta in respect of Mdla-Java. Now Java was conquered 
by Kubiai Khan in the year 1292-1293 A.D., and so this 
would be a point in support of the proposed identification. 
But the details in respect of the conquest of Mul-Sava 
as given by Wassaf do not agree with those given in official 
Chinese history as recorded above. 

On the whole, Ibn Ba^uta's account shows the gradual 
spread of Islam as a political factor in northern Sumatra. 
There is no doubt that India, and not Arabia, served as the 
base from which the stream of colonisation carried the influence 
of Islam towards the Far East 1 . An examination of the 
tombstones of the Sultans of Samudra-Pasc reveals a close 
resemblance to those found in Gujarat, and there is hardly 
any doubt that they were imported from the latter place*. 
We may thus presume a brisk trade activity between Gujarat 
and Sumatra, and this indirectly led to the furtherance of Islam 
in the Far East. 

The Chinese book Tao-i-chc-lio, written by Wang Ta-yuen 
in 1349 A.D., refers to some of the states in northern Sumatra 
such as PaScur, Tamiang, Batakland, Lambri, and Samudra, 
but says nothing of the political condition or of the spread of 
Islam. It also refers to San-f o-tsi and Kieu-kiang (Palembang) 
as two separate states under two kings 3 . 

But the Nagara-Krtagama, composed in A.D. 1365, 
gives us a very comprehensive list of the petty states in 
Sumatra which all acknowledged the supremacy of Java. As 
we have seen above (see p. 330) the list includes Samudra, 

1. Snouck Hurgronje 'Arable en oost Indie* (pp. 15-17). 

2. Moquette in T.B.G., Vol. 54 (1912), pp. 536. ff. The Sejarah 
Malayu (chap. VII) furnishes confirmatory evidence of the custom of 
bringing tomb-stones from India to Malayan countries (J. Str, Br. 
R.A.S., No. 77t P- 170. 

3. Rockhiil T'ounj Pao, Ser. II, Vol. XVI (1915), pp. 134-35, 


Lambri, and Perlak, i.e. the northernmost states, referred to 
above. The statement of Nagara-Kptagama may be true, and 
perhaps all these states now recognised the king of Java as their 
suzerain in more or less the same way that they acknowledged 
Kublai Khan in 1292 A.D. as noticed by Marco Polo. 

But with the decline of the Majapahit empire in the 
beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. the states of Northern 
Sumatra again returned to their allegiance to China, and at 
the same time a further progress of Islam is noticeable in this 
region. We get a fair idea of both these changes from the 
Chinese annals, specially the History of the Ming Dynasty and 
the writings of Ma Huan (1425-1432) 1 . 

According to Ma Huan the state of Sumatra, or Samudra, 
was the most powerful in northern Sumatra. It was bounded 
by the sea on the north and the mountains on the south. To 
the east was a small state Aru, and towards the north, two other 
smaller states, Na-ku-erh and Li-tai. According to Schlegel 
the name of this great state is preserved in that of a miserable 
village of the present day, called Samudra. * 

According to the History of the Ming Dynasty 3 the Chinese 
emperor sent envoys to this country in 1403 and 1404. The 
latter also sent tributes to China before a third imperial envoy, 
Cheng Ho, came in 1405. About this time the neighbouring 
king of Na-ku-erh defeated and killed the king of Sumutra. 
The widowed queen, having no grown-up son to avenge the foul 
crime, offered to marry any one who could do so. Thus an old 
fisherman who defeated and killed the king of Na-ku-erh 
became king of Sumutra. The emperor issued an edict appoint- 

1. For the Chinese account that follows, cf. Groeneveldt 
Notes, pp. 85-92. Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 146 ff. Schlegel'i 'oung 
Pao, Ser. II. Vol. II. pp. 399 ff. 

2. T'oung Pao, Ser. II, Vol. II, p, 338. 

3. For the account that follows, cf. Groeneveldt Notes, 
pp. 85-93. For various corrections and suggestions, cf. Pelliot, T'oung 
Pao, 1933 ( pp. 275, fn. 2, 290-294 ). The discovery of a new Chinese 
source makes the whole story of the fisherman extremely doubtful 
(T'oung Pao, I934> P- 


ing this fisherman, named Tsai-nu-li-a-pi-ting-ki l king of 
Sumutra, and gave him a seal, a commission, and a court-dress 
of coloured silk. In 1409 this fisherman king came and offered 
tribute at the imperial court. But before 1412 he was murdered 
by the son of the late king, and his son Su-kan-la (Sekander) 
fled into the mountains. But the Chinese supported the cause 
of the old king's son and defeated Su-kan-la. According to 
Hsing Cha Sheng Lan, Su-kan-la usurped the throne in 1413, 
but was defeated by the Chinese troops. The new king of 
Sumutra was grateful for the imperial favour and came to the 
imperial court in 1415 to offer tribute. He regularly sent 
tributes to China till 1434, when he sent a younger brother to 
the court. 2 The brother represented that the king was 
already old and could not manage the affairs any more, and now 
asked permission to cede the throne to his son, called 
A-pu-sai, 3 who was accordingly appointed king of the country. 
From this time the envoys from Samudra became gradually 
more rare. The last embassy was sent in 1486. The Chinese 
accounts seem to show that Samudra had become the most 
important centre of trade and it was also politically the most 
important. Ma Huan says that the neighbouring state of Li-tai 
was a dependency of Sumutra. Schlegel identifies Li-tai with 
the state named Lide by Barros and situated between Pedir 
and Pirada, which lay west of Paccm. 4 

Another important state, Lambri, had in 1412 sent envoys, 
with those of Samudra, to China to carry tribute. The envoys 

1. Pelliot points out that the name is really 'Tsai-nu-li-a.pi-ting 1 
which corresponds to Zaynu-1-Abidin/ well-known in the history of 
Acheh (T'oung Pao, 1933, pp. 275-6, fn. i). 

2. According to the History of the Ming dynasty this brother 
died in China, and some time later the king of Sumutra sent another 
younger brother. As Pelliot suggests, perhaps the reference to two 
brothers is due to some confusion (T'oung Pao, 1934, p. 294, fn. i) 

3. Pelliot reads the name as A-pu-sai-yi-ti and restores it as 
Abu Said. (Ibid). 

4. T'oung Pao, Ser II, Vol. II, p. 347. 


were presented with court dresses and the king got a seal, a 
commission, and silks. It sent tribute every year till 1424. 
Ma Huan writing in 1416 A.D. notes that the king of the country 
and its people are all Muhammadans. 1 The king who sent 
tribute in 1412 is called Maharasa. 9 

To the east of Samudra was another kingdom, Aru, which 
similarly sent envoys to China in 1411, 1419, 1421 and 1423. 
Here also the king and the people were all Muhammadans by 
1416 A.D. 3 The memory of this state is preserved in the 
name of the Aru Islands. 

Another kingdom, Nakur, situated to the west of Samudra, 
consisted of only one mountain village and about a thousand 
families. The people tattooed their faces with three pointed 
green figures, and for this reason the king was called the king 
of tattooed faces. Their language, manners, and customs were 
like those of Sumutra.* 

Thus by the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. the 
northern states of Sumatra passed from the sphere of influence 
of Java to that of China, and gradually adopted the Islamic 
religion. The importance of Sumatra as a centre of Islam was 
no doubt due to the fact that Pasai (Sumatra) had succeeded 
Kedah as the chief centre of trade. In the fifteenth century 
Malacca succeeded Pasai and played the role of the leading 
Muslim state, as we shall see in the next chapter. After the 
fall of Malacca at the beginning of the sixteenth century, Acheen 
in northern Sumatra became the chief centre of trade and of 
Islam. "From Acheen Islamic faith spread to Ulakan, from 
Ulakan into Menangkabau. In the seventeenth century the 
people along the coast of the Lampong district began to be 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 98-100. 

2. Schlegel reads it as Mahama Shah ( T'oung Pao Ser. II, 
Vol. II, p. 357 ). Pelliot restores it as Muhammad Shah ; T'oung Pao, 
I933 P- 296 

3. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 94-6. 

4. Ibid, p. 96. 


converted, and in the eighteenth Islam spread to the up- 
country. In the middle of the sixteenth century a missionary 
went from Palembang to Borneo and made converts at Sukadana 
and Madan. In 1606 A.D. a Menangkabau trader converted 
the Raja of Pallo in Celebes." 1 

i. J. St. Br. R.A.S., No 77, pp. 171 ff. to which the reader may 
refer for a detailed account of the introduction of Muhammadan faith 
in Malay Peninsula and Malay Archipelago. Cf. also 'Encyclopaedic 
van Nederlandsch Indie 1 s.v. Mohammedanisme ; and BJ.O. Schrieke 
'Het Boek van Bonang.' 

Chapter II 


1. Malay Peninsula after the disruption of the 
Sailendra Empire. 

The Mediaeval history of Malay Peninsula forms really 
an essential part of the history of the Sailendra empire which 
we have related above. The peculiar geographical position 
of the Malay Peninsula invested it with a special commercial 
importance, as it controlled the trade-route to East Indies. 
By the conquest of Sumatra and the Peninsula, the Sailendras 
obtained that commercial supremacy to which the Arab writers 
bear eloquent testimony. Henceforth the greater part of the 
Peninsula formed an important part of the empire, referred to 
by the Arabs as Zilbag, and its fortunes rose and fell with 
Zabag. The Arabs refer to Kalilh as the principal port, and 
it has been identified with Keddah or Kraii. 1 

As soon as Java rose to political importance, her eyes were 
naturally turned to the Malay Peninsula, as its possession was 
the key to the commercial supremacy over eastern waters. 
The details of the early stages of the attempt, on the part of 
Java, to obtain a footing in the Peninsula are somewhat vague 
and obscure. Rouffiier has advanced some arguments to show 
that king Sindok of Java sent a naval expedition against the 
Malay Peninsula in the second quarter of the tenth century. 
Although Rouffaer's arguments are far from convincing, yet the 
hypothesis is not an improbable one. 9 

1. J.A.,u-XlV(i9i9), PP. 

2. B. K. I., Vol. 77 (1921), p. 114. 


There are references to some Hindu states in Malay 
Peninsula during the period of Sailendra supremacy. In the 
first place, we may mention that Schlegel locates Ho-ling or 
Kaling of the Chinese writers in Malay Peninsula, and not 
in Java. 1 If we accept his view we find an important state 
in the Peninsula, whose history we have included in that of Java. 

Schlegel further identifies Ts'ien'-chi-fuh, also called Pean- 
chi-poah (=PaSca-pur, pur meaning island), near Kaling, with 
the five islands w'%. P. Kupat, P. Baiicalis, P. Padang, P. 
Pandjorc and P. Rantau, lying opposite Malacca. 2 He also 
quotes a passage from the New History of the T'ang Dynasty 
which "distinctly says that the "Five Islands" in the Straits of 
Malacca were originally tributary states (or colonies) of Southern 
India". On this Schlegel observes : "There is no doubt that 
all these islands, as also Kaling on the main, were founded by 
Kalinga or Kling colonies who gave the name of their own 
country to the new settlements. 3 This, in a way, corroborates 
the view put forward above on p. 227, viz. that the Sailendras 
came from Kalinga coast and conquered the Malay 

We do not, however, know any particulars about the history 
of these "Five Islands", and, as noted above, the identifications, 
proposed by Schlegel, are extremely doubtful. 

In 983 A.D. we get a definite reference to another kingdom 
in Malay Peninsula. The Chinese pilgrim Fah-yu, leaving for 
India in or shortly after 983 A.D., received from the emperor 
letters of introduction to the kings whose territories he intended 
to visit. Among these are mentioned the king of San-fo-tsi 
and Sseu-ma-ki-mang, king of Ko-ku-la. Ko-ku-la has been 
unanimously located on the western coast of the Malay 
Peninsula. The fact that the king of San-fo-tsi and king of 
Ko-ku-la are mentioned separately in the same sentence does 

I. T'oung Pao, Serie I, Vol. IX, pp. 

1. Ibid, p. 279, fn. 25. 3. Ibid, p. 287. 


not necessarily prove that the latter was an independent king, 1 
though it is not unlikely. 

Indeed, according to the theory of Rouffaer, there were 
about this time several powerful states in Malay Peninsula 
which figure so prominently in connection with the overthrow 
of the Javanese kingdom of DharmavamSa in 1007 A. D., and 
against which Airlangga had to carry on a bitter and prolonged 
fight. But we have already discussed this point (Bk. Ill, 
chap. II) and need not refer to it again. 

It is in connection with the invasion of Rajendra Cola, early 
in the eleventh century A. D., that we for the first time obtain 
a list of states in the Malay Peninsula which formed a part of 
the empire of the Sailendras. Chau Ju-kua also gives us a 
similar list of states at the beginning of the thirteenth 
century A. D. The names and identification of these states 
have already been discussed above (pp. 175 ff, pp. 193 ff.) 

By a combination of these two lists we may form a general 
idea of the petty states that flourished in the Malay Peninsula. 

The kingdoms of Grahi, Ma-ppappalam, Talaittakkolam, 
Tamralinga, Mayirudingam, Pa-t'a, and Ts'ien-Mai formed 
the northern group. The northernmost state was Grahi, which 
separated KambujadeSa from the Peninsular dominion of San- 
fo-tsi. The southern group was composed of Bcranang, Pahang, 
Trengganau and Kelantan, Between these two groups lay 
Kataha or Kadaram and Lengkasuka which probably occupied 
both the eastern and the western coasts of the Peninsula. 

These principalities did not enjoy equal power or impor- 
tance. Kataha or Kadara was no doubt the chief of these, 

i. The information is given in the History of the Second Han 
Dynasty. The relevant passage, translated by E. Chavannes ( Revue de 
T histoire des religions, t. XXXIV, 1896, p. 52), has been reproduced in 
Ferrand's atricle in J. A., n-XX (1922), p. 22. Krom, quoting the same 
passage, gives the date as 963 A. D. ( Geschiedenis 2 p. 227). For 
the name of the king, cf. discussions by Pelliot (B. E. F. E. O., Vol. IV, 


as testified to by the Cola records which generally refer to the 
Sailendra emperor as king of Kataha or Kadara. Rsjendra 
Cola does not refer to any state of the southern group, and even 
omits the last two of the northern. Chan Ju-kua, too, gives a 
detailed notice only of Tamralinga, Kadaram, Lengkasuka, and 

Although a vassal state of the Sailcndras, Tamralinga sent 
an embassy to China in 1001 A. D. 1 . 

The decline of the empire of San-fo-tsi during the latter 
half of the thirteenth century A. D. brought about a great 
change in the political condition of the Malay Peninsula. Java, 
the successful rival, now regarded the empire of his enemy as 
her legitimate prey. Thus Krtanagara conquered Pahang, one 
of the vassal states of San-fo-tsi. The tragic end of Krtana- 
gara did not allow him to carry on this direct process of 
conquest any further. But Malayu, the vassal state of Java, 
which was planted by Krtanagara as the out-post of Javanese 
authority in the heart of Sumatra, continued the task and 
conquered many of the vassal states in Malay Peninsula. 
About the same time the king of Siam entered the stage and 
by 1292 A. D. had established his authority as far as Ligor. 
The lost Peninsular empire of San-fo-tsi thus proved a bone of 
contention between Siam and Malayu, as we have already 
noticed above (Bk. IV, ch. I). According to the 'Kot. 
Monthieraban (Kata Mandira-pala) or Palatine Law of Siam, 
enacted in A. D. 1360, Ujong Tanah (Johor), Malaka, Malayu, 
and Worawarl were vassal states of Siam. 8 

But with the growth of the empire of Majapahit Java 
pursued again the policy of re-conquering the Malay Peninsula. 
By 1365 A. D. nearly the whole of it was included within the 
empire of Java, as would appear from the detailed list of states 
given in the Nagara-Krtagama. (Bk. Ill, ch. VI). 

i. Eftudes Asiatique, Vol. II, pp. 108-110. 
3. Gerini Researches, pp. 531-2, 


With the downfall of the Majapahit empire at the beginning 
of the fifteenth century A. D., Siam must have again tried to 
consolidate its authority in Malay Peninsula. But now the 
Malay states tried to shake off the yoke of both Java and Siam. 
We have already seen above, in connection with the history of 
Java, that China took advantage of the downfall of the 
Majapahit empire to pose as the protector of its vassal states, 
and thereby play an imperial role in the affairs of the Malay 
Peninsula and Malay Archipelago. The Peninsular states 
thus naturally turned towards China, specially is the authority 
of China was more nominal than that of either Java or Siam. 
This is clearly indicated by the fact that various states like 
Pahang, Kelantan, and Malacca now send tributes to China. 

The History of the Ming Dynasty gives us the following 
information about Pahang, the old court-name for wliich was 
Indrapura, evidently the name given by the old Indian 
settlers. 1 

'Pahang is situated to the west of Siam. In the year 
1378 the king Maharaja Tadjau sent envoys with a letter, 
written on a golden leaf, and bringing as tribute six foreign 
slaves and products of the country. They were received 
according to the established rules. 

'In the year 1411 the king Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni 
( Paramefivara Darsana ? ) sent envoys carrying tribute. In 
1412 Cheng Ho went as an envoy to their country, and in the 
year 1414 they sent tribute again. (The name of the envoy 
sent in 1411 is rendered by Schlegel as Somaka Mantri). 

'In the year 1416 they sent tribute and Cheng Ho was 
again ordered to go there/ 8 

Later, Pahang became a vassal of Siam, and its ruler 
Maharaja Deva Sura was defeated and captured by Sultan 
Mansur Shah of Malacca, and thus ended the Hindu royal 
line of Pahang. 3 

I. J. Str. Br. R. A. S,, No. 81, p. 30. 

a. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 137. Schlegel-Toung Pao, Ser. F, 
Vpl. X, pp. 4iff. 3. Winstedt-History of Malaya, p. 47. 


As regards Kelantan we read iu the same Chinese History : 
"In the year 1411 the king Maharaja K'u-ma-r sent envoys 
to bring tribute, and in 1412 Cheng Ho got orders to bring 
him an imperial letter praising his conduct and to present 
him with different kinds of silk." 1 

2. Rise and fall of Malacca. 

Of the independent states in Malay Peninsula that rise 
into prominence about the beginning of the fifteenth century 
A.D., the most important was undoubtedly that of Malacca, 
which rapidly grew to be the leading commercial centre in 
that region. The early history of this kingdom is involved 
in obscurity, 8 as we have to depend mainly upon indigenous 
traditions, either recorded in native chronicles or handed 
down by Portuguese writers. Ferrand has collected together 
all these traditions which seek to trace the history of the 
kingdom since its foundation 3 . It is needless for our present 
purpose to examine all these in detail. Leaving aside the 
incredible accounts of Gaspar Corrca who places the foundation 
of Malacca in the eighth century A. D., the remaining authori- 
ties date the event in the thirteenth, fourteenth, or the beginning 
of the fifteenth century A.D. As to the details, those given 
in 'Commentaires d' Albuquerque' are supported in a general 
way, and particularly as to the names of kings, by Jean de 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 139, 

2. This is, of course, on the assumption that Malaiyur or Malayu 
is the same as the old state of that name in Sumatra, viz. Jambi. The 
contrary view is maintained by Ferrand (J. A. n -XI, pp. 39 iff. XII, 
pp. 5 iff) who holds that from I3th century onward Malayu denotes 
Malacca, and who, therefore, ascribes to Malacca what has been said 
in the last chapter regarding Malayu from 1281 A. D. Ferrand's view 
has been challenged by Rouffaer (B. K. I. Vol. 77, PP- iff, 359*? ; Vol. 86, 
pp. I39ff., I93ff.). I have followed Rouflfaer's view which is generally held. 

3. Ferrand J. A., ii-XI (1918), pp. 407-467. For a critical 
interpretation of indigenous sources, cf. Blagden Notes on Malay History 
(J. Str. Br, R. A. S,, No. 53, pp. I39ff.). 


Barros and Godinho de Eredia. They are also confirmed to a 
certain extent by the Chinese Annals. 1 We may, therefore, 
begin with the version of Albuquerque 8 regarding the 
history of the kingdom of Malacca. 

"There reigned a king Bataratamurel ( Bhatara Tumapcl ) 
in Java, and a king ParimiSura ( ParameSvara ) in Palembang. 
As there were frequent fights between the two they came to 
an agreement. Parimisura married the daughter of the king 
of Java, called ParimiSuri (ParamcSvarl), and agreed to pay 
tribute to his father-in-law. He, however, soon repented of 
his decision, and refused to pay either homage or tribute to 
the king of Java. The king of Java thereupon invaded 
Palembang, and ParimiSura, being defeated, fled with the 
wife, children and some escorts to Singapura ( Singapore ). 
It was then a large and wealthy city under Siam and its 
governor hospitably received the royal fugitive. ParimiSura, 
however, killed his host and made himself master of the 
city. On hearing this news his former subjects of Palembang, 
numbering 3000, came to Singapore. Parimisura welcomed 
them and lived there for five years, pillaging, with his fleet, 
the ships that passed through the Strait of Singapore. 3 

i. J. A. n-XI (1918), pp. 393-405. Groeneveldt Notes, 
pp. 123-134. 2. Ferrand, op. cit., p. 411. 

3. There has been much speculation about the early history 
of Singapore. Scholars have sought to identify it with Mo-ho-sin of 
I-tsing, Salahat of Ibn Khordadzbeh, Malayur of Marco Polo, and 
Ma-li-yu-eul of the History of the Yuan Dynasty ; but these are all 
very problematical, The account given in Malay Annals is a curious 
jumble of myths and traditions. The identity of Tumasik and Singapore 
is universally accepted, and as such we find a reference to it in Tao-i Chih 
lio of Wang Ta-yuan. Reference has already been made above to the 
conquest of Tumasik by the Javanese about the middle of the fourteenth 
century A,D. Reference may be made in this connection to the 
famous 'inscription at the mouth of the Singapore river* which was 
destroyed by the Public Works Department about a century ago. 

For a brief account of the old history of Singapore, cf. Winstedt 
A History of Malaya (i935>i PP* 31-3& 


'Then ParimiSura was attacked by the chief of Patani, 
brother of the governor of Singapore whom he had so foully 
murdered. Being defeated, Parimigura fled with his people 
to the mouth of the Muar river inhabited only by a few 
fishermen. About this time 20 or 30 fishermen invited him 
to settle in their village, which was very fertile and yielded 
all necessaries of life. Parimiura, being satisfied by an 
examination of the locality, removed there with his family. 
The pirates in the sea touched at this port to take water, 
and being aided and encouraged by ParimiSura they came 
there to sell their stolen goods. Thus it grew to be a 
commercial centre, and in two years the population rose to 
2000. ParimiSura named the settlement Malacca. Gradually 
merchants from Fuse (in Sumatra) and Bengal came to trade 
there, and its importance rapidly increased. Purimisura died 
seven years after his settlement at Malacca, leaving a son 
called Xaquondarxa (Sekandar Shah). Although the prince was 
a Hindu, he had married the daughter of the king of Pase who 
had adopted the Muhammadan religion a short while ago. 
Either at the request of his wife, or at the instance of his 
father-in-law, it was not long before he himself became a 
convert to Islam. After he had several children, the king, named 
Sekandar Shah, paid a visit to the Chinese emperor. He 
became the vassal of China, brought home a seal as a token 
of his vassalage, and obtained permission to coin tin money. 
He died shortly after his return and was succeeded by 
Modafaixa (Muzafar Shah). He conquered Kainpar ( in E. 
Sumatra ), Pam (Pahang), Dandargiri (Indragiri), and other 
countries, and converted their kings by force to Islam. He 
raised Malacca to a great power, and under his son 
Sultan Masrusa (Mansur Shah) and grandson Alaoadim 
(Alau d din) the kingdom became one of the richest and most 

'Alau d din's successor Sultan Mahamet (Muhammad) repu- 
diated allegiance to Siam and Java, and declared himself a 
vassal to China. Thereupon, the king of Siam sent a fleet 


against him, but it was completely defeated. This took 
place 22 years before the conquest of Malacca by Albuquerque 
(i.e. in 1489 A.D.) 

'A period of 90 years intervened between the time when 
Malacca became inhabited and its conquest by Albuquerque. 
At that time Malacca and its suburbs had about a hundred 
thousand inhabitants/ 

The account of De Barros varies a little from the above. 
He describes Paramisara as a fugitive noble from Java, instead 
of the deposed king of Palembang, and it was the invasion 
of the king of Siam, and not of the chief of Patani, that 
forced him to leave Singhapnra. With this exception, the 
two accounts generally agree, except that De Barros places 
the foundation of the city 253 years before the arrival of 
the Portuguese in India. He also refers to hostilities between 
Siam and Malacca, and the acceptance of Siamese suzerainty 
by Sekandar Shah. This evidently explains the passage in 
Commentaires d' Albuquerque that Sultan Muhammad repu- 
diated allegiance to Siam. 

The Chinese accounts corroborate the above version, at 
least in its general outline. Thus, Ma Huan, writing in 
1416, observes that the king and people of Malacca are 
Muhammadans 1 , and as we shall see later, this refers to the 
reign of Sekandar Shah. 

The most comprehensive account is given in the History 
of the Ming Dynasty from which we quote the following 
extracts. 9 

'In 1403 the emperor sent the eunuch Yin Ch'ing as 
envoy to this country with presents. There was no king in 
the country, and it was not called a kingdom, but it belonged 
to Siam, to which it paid an annual tribute of forty taels 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p 123. T'oung Pao (igi5)> P- 115. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes., pp. I29ff. The account is supplemented 
by other sources, to which references will be made in the footnotes. 


of gold. The chief, called Pai-li-mi-su-ra l , sent envoys to the 
imperial court along with Yin Ch'ing. 

'In 1405 these envoys arrived at the imperial court. The 
Emperor praised their master and appointed him king of 
the country of Malacca. The envoys said that their king 
wished his country to be a district of the empire, bringing 
tribute every year. The emperor gave his assent. 

'The king of Malacca sent envoys with tribute in 1407 
and 1408. In 1411 he came to the court with his wife, his son 
and his ministers. 2 His nephew visited the imperial court 
in 1412. 

'In 1414, the king's son Mu-kan-sa-u-ti-r-sha came to court 
and said that his father had died. He was appointed to 

1. The name is transcribed as Pai-li-su-ra by Groeneveldt, but 
it has been corrected as Pai-li-mi su-la by Pelliot (T'oung Pao, Vol. XXX, 
I933 P- 389). 

2. Rockhill has referred to slightly differing Chinese accounts 
of this event. He notes that Hsmg Cha Sheng Lan places the voyage in 
1415, but this is evidently an error according to Pelliot (T'oung Pao, 
I933>P- 398). 

"Tung hsi yang Kao says that in 1405, the ruler of Malacca, 
Si-li-pa-erh-su-la, sent a petition to the Ming Court asking to become 
a feudatory. It was in response to this request that Cheng Ho was 
sent in 1409. The king, his successor, who went to China in 1411, was 
called, the same work says, Pa-li-tieh-su-la p . 

In this connection Ma Huan gives the following account : 
"In A. D. 1409 the eunuch Cheng- Ho notified the imperial 
command that Malacca was raised to the rank of a (Feudatory) kingdom 
and presented, in the name of the Emperor, to its head chief a silver 
seal, a cap and official robes and declared him king ; on this it 
ceased to be a dependency of Siam. The king, taking with him his 
wife and son, proceeded to the capital (of China) to express his thanks 
for being allowed to offer tribute. The emperor granted him a ship 
to return to his country". (Rockhill- T'oung Pao, Serie II, Vol. XVI, 
p. 114 and fn. i) 

Pelliot places the mission of Cheng Ho in 1408 A. D. (T'oung Pao, 


succeed him and presented with gold and silks. After this 
time they brought tribute every year or every two years. 

'In 1419 the king came to court with his wife, his son 
and his ministers. He reported that Siam seemed inclined to 
attack his country and the emperor accordingly sent an 
order to Siam which that country obeyed. 

'In 1424 Sri ma-ha-la succeeded after the death of his 
father, and came to court with his wife, his son and his 

'In the year 1431 three envoys arrived, who said that Siam 
was planning an attack on their country. The emperor sent 
a decree to the king of Siam, ordering him to live in good 
harmony with his neighbours, and not to act against the 
orders of the court. 

'In 1433 the king came to court with his wife, his son 
and his ministers. In 1435 he sent his younger brother to 
court with tributes. 

'In 1445 envoys arrived who asked that the king Sri 
Pa-mi-si-wa-r-tiii-pa-sha might obtain a commission for ruling 
the country. 

'In 1456 Sulthan Wu-ta-fu-na-sha sent tribute and asked 
to be invested as king. 

'In 1459 this king's son Su-tan Wang-su-sha sent envoys 
to bring tribute. 

'In 1481 envoys reported to the emperor that the Annamese 
who had occupied Champa meditated the conquest of Malacca. 

'Some time afterwards the emperor sent two officers with 
a commission to invest the son of the late king Ma-ha-mu-sa 
as king of the country. 

'In 1508 an envoy came to present tribute. 
'Afterwards the Franks (Portuguese) came with soldiers 
and conquered the country. The king Sultan Mam at ran away 
and sent envoys to inform the imperial government of this 
disaster. The Emperor issued a decree upbraiding the Franks, 
told them to go back to their own country and ordered the 
kings of Siam and other countries to assist their neighbour 


in this need ; none of these obeyed, however, and so the 
kingdom of Malacca was destroyed/ 

If we now compare the Chinese account with the native 
tradition handed down by the Portuguese, a great deal of 
general agreement is easily perceived. First, as to the names 
of kings which we place below side by side. 

Portuguese Account. Chinese Account. 

1. ParimiSura (ParameSvara) 1. Pai-li-mi-su-ra (1403-1414). 

2. Sekandar Shah. 2. Mu-kan-sa-u-tir-sha (1414- 


3. Sri Ma-ha-la (1424^.1445). 

4. Sri Pa-mi-si-wa-r-tiu-pa- 

sha. (1445). 

3. Muzafar Shah. 5. Sulthan Wu-ta-fu-na-sha 


4. Mansur Shah. (d. 1477), 6. Su-tan Wang-su-sha (1459) 

5. Alau d din 

6. Mahmud(1489) 7. Ma-ha-mu-sa or 

Sultan Mamat 1 (1508). 

Now, the name of the second king in the Chinese list has 
been corrected by Blagden as Mou-Kan-sa-kan-ti-eul-cha or 
Muhammad Sekandar Shah 2 . In the name of the first we 

1. As noticed above, the name of this king is written in Chinese 
annals as Ma-ha-mu-sa and Sultan Mamat. Both are here taken as 
Chinese renderings of the name Sultan Muhammad Shah. Blagden, 
however, takes the first name as Muhammad, and the second as 
Sultan Ahmad, his successor (Actes du XI e congres International des 
orientalistes 2 e section, pp. 239-253.)- 

The dates of the kings put within bracket are those obtained 
from Chinese sources. The grave-stone of Mansur Shah gives the 
date 1477 as the date of his death. The date 1489 is given in the 
Commentaries of Albuquerque as that of the defeat of Siamese army 
by Muhammad. Sultan Alau d din's reign is to be placed between 1477 
and 1489 A.D. 

2. Op. cit., pp. 245 ff. Cf. Pelliot T'oung Pao, Vol. XXX 
(I933)> P- 397, to. 2. 


can easily discern ParameSvara. The third and fourth Chinese 

x . x 

names are Sri Maharaja and Sri Paramesvaradeva Saha. The 

fifth and sixth names can be equated without difficulty to 
Muzafar Shah and Mansur Shah. The seventh king is 
obviously Mahmud Shah. 

Thus the Chinese account adds two Hindu names after the 
second king, and omits the name of Alau d din. The explanation 
is not far to seek. Now we have seen above, that Sekandar 
Shah was the first ruler of Malacca to be converted to Islam 
by marrying a Muhammadan wife. It is apparent that he was 
succeeded by two Hindu kings, either his brothers, or sons by a 
Hindu wife, before his Muhammadan son Muzafar Shah 
ascended the throne. Their names were obviously omitted in 
the later Muhammadan tradition because they were Hindus. 1 

The explanation of the omission of the name of Alau d din 
is also furnished by the Chinese account. After the embassy 
sent by Su-tan Wang-su-sha ( Sultan Mansur Shah ) in 1459 
A.D., there is a long gap before the next embassy was sent 
in 1481. The name of the king who sent this embassy is not 
mentioned, and there is no necessity to assume that he was 
Su-tan Wang-su-shah. The next king Ma-ha-mu-sa, is also 
simply referred to as the son of the late king. This explains the 
absence of the name of king Alau d din in the Chinese annals. 

We may thus draw up the following list of kings of 
Malacca : 

1. ParameSvara (1403-1414 A.D.) 

2. Sekandar Shah (1414-1424 A.D.) 

3. SriMa-ha-la (1424-c. 1445) 

I. Blagden ( op. cit. ) thinks that the two Hindu names were 
those of Muzafar Shah ; but the Chinese annals say that in 1445 king 
Sri Pa-mi-si-wa-r-tiu-pa*sha asked for a commission to rule the 
country, while eleven years later, Sulthan Wu-ta-fu-na-sha asked to be 
invested as king. It is, therefore, difficult to identify these two kings. 
The native chronicles, consulted by Yalentyn, also put some Hindu 
kings between the reigns of Sekandar Shah and Muzafar Shah 
( Ferrand, op. cit,, p. 462 ), 


4. Sri Pa-mi-si-wa-r-tiu-pa-sha (c. 1445-c. 1456) 

5. Sultan Muzafar Shah (ace. c. 1456 A.D.) 

6. Sultan Mansiir Shah (c. 1459 to 1477 A.D.) 

7. Sultan Alau d din. 

8. Sultan Mahmud (was reigning in 1489 

A. D., and ruled till 
1511 A. D.) 

Having thus established a general agreement between 
the Chinese and native sources (handed down by Albuquerque) 
regarding the succession of kings, we may next proceed to 
discuss the date of the foundation of the kingdom of Malacca. 
The History of the Ming Dynasty makes it quite clear that 
Pai-li-mi-su-ra founded the town towards the beginning of the 
fifteenth or end of the fourteenth century A.D. It is expressly 
stated that in 1403 A.D. Pai-li-mi-su-ra had not yet obtained 
the rank of king, and he was a mere tributary chief under 
Siam. This is confirmed by two other Chinese accounts, 
Ying Yai Sheng Lan of Ma Huan (1425-1432 A.D.) and 
Hsing Cha Sheng Lan (1436) which state that Malacca was 
raised to the rank of a kingdom in 1409 A.D. 1 by imperial 

The date given in 'Commentaires d 'Albuquerque' is in entire 
agreement with this. It says that the country formerly 
belonged to Siam, and Malacca became a kingdom about 90 
years before the arrival of Alfonso d'Albuquerque. As 
this latter event took place in 1511 A.D., the foundation of 
the kingdom goes back to about 1421 A.D. As 90 years are 
put as merely a round number with an express qualification 
'more or less', the agreement between the two sources may 
be regarded as complete. 

Now both the sources also agree in stating that previous 
to this the region belonged to Siam. This is confirmed by the 
fact, noted above, that the Palatine Law of Siam, enacted 
in 1360 A.D., included Malacca among the dependencies of the 

i. T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XVI (1915), pp. H4i n8. 


country. If we believe in this, we have to dismiss the native 
legends concerning the origin of the name Malacca, as have been 
handed down by the Portuguese authorities. Thus we read in 
the Commentaries of Albuquerque : 

"This Parimilura gave the name of Malacca to the new 
colony because, in the language of Jaoa (Java), when a man of 
Palimbao flees away, they call him Malayo ; and since 
he had come to that place fleeing from the kingdom of 
Palimbao, of which indeed he once was king, he gave the place 
the name of Malacca. Others say that it was called Malacca 
because of the numbers of people who came there from one 
part and the other in so short a space of time, for the word 
Malacca also signifies 'to meet', and therefore they gave it 
the name of city (of Malacca) in contradiction (to the other 
meaning of 'fugitive')- Of these two opinions let each one 
accept that which he thinks to be the best, for this is the 
truth of the matter." 

Nobody need take seriously this kind of popular explanation 
of the origin of the name of a city which afterwards became 
so distinguished 1 . We must also take due note of the mass 
psychology which seeks to ascribe the foundation of a city 
to the ruler under whom or whose family it came to achieve 
greatness or distinction. The case of Lengkasuka furnishes 
an exact analogy in both these respects. Here, again, the 
native Malay tradition, recorded in the Hikayat Maron 
MahavamSa, ascribes to him the foundation of the city, and 
gives a popular etymology of the name. As Ccedfcs has 
pointed out, the inscription of Rajendra Cola and the discovery 
of the old ruins in the neighbourhood, reaching back 
to the fifth century A.D., completely falsify the popular 
legends 8 . 

1. Valentyn, who dereved his information from native chronicles, 
states that Malacca was named after a tree ( Mirobolan ) ( Ferrand, 
op. cit., p. 461 ). 

2. B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XVIII, No. 6, pp. 12-13. 


In respect of Malacca, too, while we may assign the growth 
of an important kingdom on that site to early fifteenth 
century A.D., we need not date the foundation of a city under 
that name also to the same period. According to the popular 
version, there was only a village of twenty or thirty fishermen 
at the time when ParameSvara laid on it the foundations of 
the city of Malacca, and he survived it only for seven years. 
His death took place, according to the reliable Chinese version, 
some time between 1412 and 1414 A.D. Thus the future 
Malacca must have been, according to popular legends, merely 
a fishing village at least as late as 1405 A.D. Yet, in 1403 A.D., 
the Chinese emperor regarded Malacca as a port or a capital 
of sufficient importance to send his envoy there with presents. 
On the other hand, Ma Huan expressly says that the name 
Malacca came into use after 1409 A.D., though it was formerly 
called 'five islands' and was a tributary state under Siam 1 . 
According to a Chinese map of the time of Cheng Ho, probably 
prepared by Ms companion Pei Hsin, one of these five islands, 
called Yiu-men, was a flourishing centre of trade before the 
rise of Malacca 2 . 

The popular version about the origin of the city of Malacca 
cannot thus be accepted in minor details, and there is no reason 
to discredit the Siamese source according to which Malacca 
existed in 1360 A.D. It may be noted that Jean De Barros 
places the foundation of the city about 1250 A.D., and Valentyn, 
following Malay traditions, refers it to about the same period 8 . 

While, therefore, we are unable to state when exactly 
the city of Malacca came into existence, there is no reason 
to reject the broad facts whose authenticity is proved by a 
general agreement of Chinese history and native traditions. 
We may thus accept the view, that Malacca was raised to an 
important kingdom early in the fifteenth century A.D. by a 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 123. 

2. Journ, China Br. R.A.S., Vol. 21 ( 1887 ), p. 38. Rouffaer, 
op. cit., p. 164. 

3. Ferrand, op. cit., pp. 432, 461. 


chief called Paramesvara. That he was a Javanese Hindu, 
belonging either to Java itself or its colony Palembang, 
may also be provisionally accepted. The story of emigration, 
on a large scale, which followed the flight of king ParameSvara, 
from Palembang to Singapore, and Singapore to Malacca, 
may or may not be true, but the rise and fall of the Majapahit 
empire during 1360 to 1410 A.D., involving important changes 
in the political condition both of Palembang and 
Malay Peninsula, may easily account for, and may even be 
held as conducive to similar migrations of people. According 
to some native traditions Singapore was cruelly sacked by 
the king of Majapahit, and that caused the flight of Paramesvara 
to Malacca 1 . 

With Paramesvara began a glorious period in the history 
of Malacca. For nearly a century it enjoyed three-fold 
distinctions as a great political power, an important commercial 
centre, and the stronghold of Islam in the Far East. We shall 
separately review these three aspects of the kingdom of 

According to the Commentaries of Albuquerque the 
kingdom of Malacca was bounded by the kingdom of Keddah 
on one side and Pahang on the other. It extended into the 
interior as far as the central chain of hills which divided it 
from Siam. All these territories formerly belonged to the 
kingdom of Siam. 8 

Malacca shook off the yoke of Siam as early as 1403 or 
1409. Though the Chinese authorities represent it almost as 
a vassal state of China, paying tribute to and seeking 
investiture from the emperor, it does not denote anything 
more than a nominal allegiance or even ordinary diplomatic 
compliments paid by the ruler of Malacca to the Chinese 

1. Malacca Sultanate by R. J. Wilkinson in J. Stf. Br. R.A.S., 
No. 61, p. 67 ; also cf. No. 53, p. 62. 

2. Ferrand, op. cit., pp. 411-12. 


The second king, Sekandar Shah, laid the foundations of 
the greatness of Malacca. He first of all tried to divert the 
trade centre from Singapore to Malacca. With this object he 
guarded the Straits of Malacca and neighbouring sea with a 
strong flotilla, and compelled the ships passing through it 
to take to Malacca instead of to Singapore. As it threatened 
complete ruin to the trade of Singapore, the king of Siam 
made preparations to fight. Sekandar, however, entered into 
an agreement with him. He acknowledged the suzerainty 
of Siara, and agreed to pay as tribute a sum equivalent to 
the revenues derived from Singapore. In return, all the 
islands from Singapore to Pulau Sembilan and the corres- 
ponding coastal region were ceded to Malacca. 1 By this 
master-stroke of policy Sekandar shah laid the foundations 
of the greatness of Malacca on the ruins of Singapore. 

Jean De Barros, to whom we owe this detailed information, 
no doubt derived his facts from indigenous sources, and it is 
impossible not to trace in them the hand of Siamese officials 
who wanted to hide their discomfiture by an alleged acknow- 
ledgment of the suzerainty of Siam on the part of Malacca. 
The History of the Ming Dynasty clearly refers to hostilities 
between Siam and Malacca in 1419 A.D. in the reign of 
Sekandar Shah, and also, after his death, in 1431 A.D. 
From the general nature of the case also it would appear 
more likely that hostilities continued between the two countries, 
rather than that Malacca accepted the suzerainty of Siam. 
In any case the suzerainty of Siam must have been more 
nominal than real, and even that was repudiated, as Barros 
himself affirms, 8 by the successors of Sekandar. 

An idea of the political importance of Malacca may be 
formed from a passage in the History of the Ming Dynasty 
concerning Java, which has been quoted above. It says that 
shortly before 1415 A.D. the king of Malacca claimed 

1. De Barros ; Ferrand, op. cit, p. 437. 

2. Ibid., p. 438. 


possession of Palembang, which was then under Java, falsely 
pretending that he had an order to this effect from the 
Chinese emperor. The emperor informed the king of Java 
that he had issued no such orders. 1 This shows that 
Malacca was now aspiring to occupy the position of supremacy 
which Java lately held in the Archipelago. 

That the apprehensions of China and Java were not 
unfounded is clearly proved by the conquest of Pahang, in 
the Peninsula, and of Kampar and Indragiri in Eastern 
Sumatra by Muzafar Shah. When kings of Pahang and 
Indragiri revolted in the next reign, they were defeated and 
their tribute was doubled." 

According to Sajara Malayu 3 Muzafar defeated the 
Siamese who attacked Malacca both by land and sea. He 
was the first ruler of Malacca who was designated as Sultan 
by the Chinese and the Portuguese. The next king Mansur 
extended the power of Malacca still further, both in the 
Peninsula and in Central Sumatra. In 1489 the fleet of Siam 
was again completely defeated by Sultan Mahmud. 4 

Sultan Mahmud who thus gave promise of a vigorous and 
prosperous reign was destined to bring his kingdom to utter 
ruin. This was mainly due to his personal character, which 
was marked by vanity and cruelty. He killed his own son 
and uncle, and no less than seventeen nobles who were all 
related to him. He then plundered their wealth and took 
their women to his own harem. 

The Sultan was addicted to opium and left the cares of 
government to his 'Bendahara' and maternal uncle Sri 

1. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 37. 

2. Albuquerque. Ferrand, op. cit. pp. 421-2. 

3. Quoted by Rouffaer, B.K.I., Vol. 77. (1921), p. 588. 

4. Albuquerque. Ferrand, op. cit. p. 423. I do not know on 
what authority Krom gives the date as about 1500 A.D. ( Geschiedenis" 
-p. 454* ) 


Maharaja Tun Mutahir. The term Bendahara, perhaps derived 
from Sanskrit Bhandagarika, was the designation of a 
minister who had by this time practically usurped the royal 
power in Malacca. 

The rapid growth of the power of Malacca naturally brought 
it into conflict with Java. In 1509 Malacca was expecting an 
invasion from Java. But before that could materialise, Malacca 
met with a tragic end in an unexpected manner. 

In 1509 a few Portuguese ships arrived at Malacca. At 
first they were well received, but subsequently the Bendahara 
imprisoned twenty Portuguese and refused to set them at 
liberty. After the departure of the Portuguese ships, the king 
quarrelled with the Bendahara and killed him. When the 
country was thus passing through a period of turmoil and 
confusion, Albuquerque reached Malacca with a strong fleet 
(July 1511) to avenge the wrongs done to his countrymen. 
The Sultan conceded most of the demands of Albuquerque. 
He set the Portuguese prisoners at liberty and even granted 
permission to Albuquerque to build a fort. But the latter soon 
came to know of the internal condition of Malacca, and was 
joined by Timutaraja or UtimutarSja, the chief of the Javanese 
settlers in Malacca. Throwing aside all ideas of compromise 
Albuquerque invaded the city which surrendered in August. 
The unfortunate Sultan fled, at first to Pahang and then to 
Bintan. A few years later, he made an attempt to recover 
Malacca, but his efforts proved unsuccessful. 1 

Thus perished a great and flourishing kingdom after a 
glorious career for about a century. As we have said above, 
Malacca was not only the seat of a great political power, but 

i. For a detailed account of the capture of Malacca by 
Albuquerque, cf. J. Str. Br. R.A.S., No. 61, p. 71. A detailed account 
of Malacca and other Malay states under the Muslim Sultans and of 
the commercial importance of Malacca is beyond the scope of the 
present work. For this, readers may consult R.O. Winstedt A History 
of Malaya, chaps. Ill IV, 


also a big centre of trade and commerce. Its commercial 
importance is described in glowing terms by the Portuguese 
writers who saw it in its days of glory. Duarte Barbosa, 
writing in the beginning of the sixteenth century A.D., gives 
the following graphic account of its trade and commerce. 1 
"Many Moorish (Muhammadan) merchants reside in it and also 
Gentiles (Hindu), particularly Chetis who are natives of Choi- 
mendel (Coromandel coast) : and they are all very rich and 
have many large ships, which they call jungos (junks). They 
deal in all sorts of goods in different parts, and many other 
Moorish and Gentile merchants flock thither from other 
countries to trade ; some in ships of two masts from China and 
other places, and they bring thither (here follow a long list of 
articles of merchandise). There also come thither many ships 
from Java which have four rnasts...From this place many ships 
sail to the Molucca islands... They also navigate to Tanasery 
(Tennasserim), Peygu, (Pegu), Bengala (Bengal), Palecate 
(Pulicat), Cholmendel (Coromandel), Malabar, Cambay and 
Aden with all kinds of goods, so that this city of Malacca is 
the richest trading port and possesses the most valuable 
merchandise, and most numerous shipping and extensive traffic, 
that is known in all the world. And it has got such a quantity 
of gold that the great merchants do not estimate their property, 
nor reckon otherwise than by batons of gold, which are four 
quintals each bahar. There are merchants among them who 
will take up three or four ships laden with very valuable goods, 

and will supply them with cargo from their own property 

The king of Malacca has got much treasure, and a large revenue 
from the duties which he collects." 

In the Commentaries of Albuquerque we find a similar 
description of the commercial importance of Malacca as a 
trading centre between the east and the west, where the ships, 
coming from the Eastern countries such as China, Java, 
Formosa, and other islands of Archipelago, exchange cargo with 
i. Hakluyt Society Publications, Vol. XXXV ; Fenand, op. cit., 
pp. 407 ff. 


that coming from Northern Sumatra and different ports in India 
and Arabia on the west. This city contained 100,000 souls and 
extended over a great length along the sea-coast. 1 

There are many other evidences to testify to the commercial 
greatness of Malacca and its untold wealth. But we need not 
pause to refer to them at length. We may next pass on to 
describe the part played by this rich and powerful city as a 
stronghold of Islam, and a centre of propaganda of that faith 
in the Far East. An inscription from Trengganau, dated in 
1326-7 (or 1386-7) A.D., proves that Islam had already obtained 
a footing in that state. 9 But evidently it did not make any 
substantial progress in Malay Peninsula until the kings of 
Malacca took up the cause in right earnest. We have already 
seen how the second king married a Muhammadan lady and 
himself adopted the new faith. Although it is likely, as we 
have seen above, that he was followed by two Hindu kings, 
under his son Muzafar Shah the new faith was rapidly extended, 
partly by force, and partly by persuasion. When he defeated 
the kings of Pahang, Kampar, and Indragiri, he converted them 
to Islam by force arid married them to three daughters of his 
brother. A number of Muhammadan merchants from Gujarat 
and Persia settled in Malacca, and, with the patronage of the 
king, these became powerful instruments of conversion. 
Duarte Barbosa says that 'the Moors of the town and foreign 
Moors established their trade in the city, in which they 
increased so much in wealth, that they revolted with the country 
and caused the neighbouring inhabitants to turn Moors and 
they set up a Moorish king over them'. 8 The last statement 
may refer to the setting up of Muzafar Shah, in preference 
to other Hindu claimants, or it may be a general view, held in 
later days, to explain the conversion of the kings of Malacca 

1. Ferrand, op. cit., pp. 425. ff. 

2. J. Mai. Br. R.A.S. (1924), pp. 252-263, 

3. Ferrand, op. cit., p. 407. 


to the Muhammadan faith. The following passage in the 
account of Jean de Barros clearly indicates that Malacca was 
a strong proselytising centre of the new faith. "At the instiga- 
tion of the Moors of Persia and Gujarat who had settled at 
Malacca for purposes of trade, the people were converted to 
the sect of Muhammad. The conversion rapidly spread among 
different nations, and this infernal pest of Islam began to be 
propagated, not only in the neighbourhood of Malacca, but 
also at Sumatra, Java, and in all the islands situated round 
these countries." 

In other passages also De Barros gives expression to the 
same idea. The merchants from Singapore and Malacca had 
spread Islam to Molucca islands about 80 years before the 
arrival of the Portuguese i. e. about 1430 A, D. "The pest 
of Islam, following by way of commerce," had also reached 
the ports of Java and the island of Banda. 

There is thus no doubt that the wealth and the commercial 
importance of Malacca gave a great impetus to the cause of 
Islam in Malayasia, and must be regarded as the deciding 
factor in the almost complete triumph of that faith in Malaya 

The last Malay ruler of Malacca became the first ruler of 
Johor. By him and his descendants Islam was introduced into 
Johor, Riau, and Lengga. It is to be noted that almost all the 
present Sultans of Malaya (outside Selangor) claim descent from 
ParameSvara, and they are all followers of Islam. 

Even as late as 1537 A. D. vestiges of Hindu culture 
still remained at Malacca ; for Hai-yu tells us that 'the people 
write with Indian letters/ 8 As Wilkinson observes, "to this 
day, when the casual visitor walks from the landing steps to 
the Stadt-house, he can sec on the slopes of the hill a weird 
image of a Makara, the sole surviving relic of the time when 
the ruler of Malacca was still a Hindu." 3 

i. Ferrand, op. cit., p. 438. 2. Ibid , p. 428. 

3. Wilkinson, J. Str. Br. R.A.S., No, 61, p. 68, 

Chapter III. 


We have seen above how Islam had obtained a footing in 
the northern coast of Sumatra and the kingdom of Malacca, and 
how from these centres it gradually spread all over Malayasia. 
The new faith also penetrated into Java, following mainly 
the line of trade mid commerce. The accounts of the Chinese 
traveller Ma Huan (1416 A. D.) clearly indicate that while 
the Muhammadans formed an important colony in Java, mainly 
composed of foreign traders, permanently settled there, they 
had not as yet acquired any political power in the country. 1 

The spread of Islam in Java is also indicated by a few 
inscriptions on grave-stones. The earliest one at Leran, dated 
A. D. 1102 or 1082% is that of a daughter of Meiniun. It has 
been suggested that the inscribed stone was brought from outside 
to Java at a later date. Even if that were not the case, this 
isolated instance does not enable us to form any general 
conclusion, as it merely refers to a private individual, perhaps 
a relation of a Muhammadan merchant trading in Java. The 
grave-stone of Malik Ibrahim at Gresik is dated in 1419 A. D.* 
The popular tradition regards him as a preacher of Islam, 
and this may well be the case. The grave-stone of Majapahit, 
traditionally ascribed to Putri Champa, a Cham princess and a 
queen of Majapahit, is dated in 1448.* As we shall see later, 
she plays an important part in the traditional account of the 

1. Groeneveldt -Notes, P. 49; Rockhill, Toung Pao, Serie II., 
Vol. XVI (191 5)> P- 242. 

2. Moquette in Congres I, pp. 391-399. T.B.G. Vol. 65 (1925), 
pp, 668 ff. 

3. Schrieke Het Boek Van Bonang, p. 28. 

4. Rapporten, 1907, pp. 42 ff, 


downfall of Majapahit, though her date is given therein as 
1398. But there is no certainty that the grave is really that 
of the queen. 

It appears, however, from the Portuguese accounts 1 that 
towards the close of the fifteenth century some of the 
harbours of Java were in the hands of Muhammadans, most 
probably Javanese converts. But they still recognised the 
authority of the Hindu king, and there is no reason to suppose 
that the latter had suffered much in power or prestige. 
In 1509 the great Sultan of Malacca was afraid of an invasion 
by the king of Java, a fact which testifies to the latter's power 
and command over the sea 3 . Apart from the political rivalry 
referred to before, the immediate cause of the dispute between 
Malacca and Java is not known from the Portuguese accounts. 
There was an intimate intercourse by way of trade between 
the two countries, and a large number of Javanese lived in 
Malacca. It was the head of the Javanese colony in Malacca 
that treacherously helped Albuquerque in conquering that 
kingdom from Sultan Mahnmd. When Albuquerque was 
returning from Malacca (1512 A.D.), the king of Java sent an 
envoy with presents, and promised him assistance in his wars 
against the Sultan on the ground that the latter subjected the 
Javanese subjects in Malacca to heavy extortion. The Javanese 
king always acted in a friendly manner towards the Portuguese 
and sought to establish an alliance with them. In this connection 
Castanheda has made the following remarks about the king 
of Java : "The king of Java is a heathen (i.e. neither Christian 
nor a Moor ; in other words, a Hindu). Ho lives inland, is 
a great king, master of large territory and people. On the 
sea-coast arc Moorish (Muhammadan) kings, subject to the 

1. The accounts of the Portuguese and other European writers 
have been taken from the summary given by Krom ( Geschiedenis, pp. 
449 ff.); cf. also Tiele in B.K.I , 1878, pp. 321-420. Rouffaer in B.K.I,, 

1899, PP- U 9 ff - 

2. Journ. Str. Br. R.A.S., Vol. 17 (1886), p. 130, T.B.G., Vol. 58 

(1919)* P- 426. 


authority of the king. They some time rebel against the king, 
but are again subdued by him." 

The Portuguese have preserved some detailed accounts of 
one of these Javanese sea-lords on the coast. After the 
departure of Albuquerque, the Portuguese Admiral Perez 
d'Andrade had driven Pati Katir, a Javanese sea-lord, from 
the neighbourhood of Malacca, and forced him to proceed to 
Java. Pati Unus, chief of Japara, in Java, was an ally of 
Pati Katir, and, unaware of the defeat of the latter, he proceeded 
against Malacca with hundred ships mostly manned by Javanese 
from Palembang. Poroz d'Aiidrade defeated this Javanese 
fleet after a heavy fight, but Pati Unus broke through the 
Portuguese line and safely reached his own country. He placed 
his ships on the sea-beach as a memorial to that fight. His 
brave deeds were talked about for long and he later became 
king of Demak. 

A few months later, a Portuguese ship, returning from 
Moluccas islands, was stranded on the Javanese coast near 
Tuban. A ship was sent out from Malacca to bring the goods, 
and its captain Joao Lopez Alvim was received in a friendly 
manner by Pati Unus at Sidayu. Probably Pati Unus dared 
not act in a hostile manner as the Javanese king was a friend 
to the Portuguese . After the return of this ship, Ruy de 
Brito, the Portuguese governor of Malacca, wrote as follows to 
king Manuel in January, 1514 : "Java is a great island. It has 
two Kafir kings ; one, the king of Sunda, the other the king of 
Java. The sea-coast belongs to Moors, who are very powerful. 
Great merchants and nobles call themselves governors of these 
places. They are very rich and possess many ships. They 
always carry on trade with Malacca. Some of them are our 
friends, others very hostile." This is the last definite mention 
of a Hindu king in Java. 

In 1515 the new Portuguese Governor of Malacca planned a 
punitive expedition against the Muhammadan chiefs of Javanese 
coast, vix. Pati Katir, Pati Unus, and Pati Rodien, but nothing 
is mentioned in this connection about the Hindu king in Java, 


But Barbosa, who wrote between 1516 and 1518 A.D., refers 
to the great Hindu king of Java, named Pate Udra, who was 
yet recognised as suzerain by the Muhammadaii chiefs on the 
sea-coast. Barbosa expressly states that when any of these 
chiefs revolts, the king forcibly subdues him. It must be 
noted, however, that of late, great doubts have arisen regarding 
the authenticity of Barbosa's account, and it is doubted whether 
his account is not merely borrowed from older books. 

The next account of Java we get from the writings of 
Pigafctta, an Italian sailor, who accompanied the Spanish 
captain Pcrnao de Magalhoes in his famous voyage of 
exploration in 1519 A.D. Pigafetta's ship lay before the port 
of Timor from the end of January to the beginning of February, 
1522, and we find the following entry in his journal : "The 
greatest cities in Java arc these : Majapahit, whose king, when 
he lived, was the greatest of all these islands and was called 
Eaja Pati Unus, Sunda, in this grows much pepper, Daha, 
Demak, Gajahmada, Mentaraman, Japara, Sidayu, Tuban, 
Gresik, Surabaya, and Bali." 

Kouffaer concludes from the above account that Majapahit 
was till the last the centre of Hindu power in Java, and 
was conquered by the Muslim chief, Pati Unus, some time 
before 1522 A,D. There is, however, one difficulty. Barros 
says, in connection with the invasion of Malacca by Pati 
Unus, that this chief later became king of Sunda. Now, 
Henrique Leme found a Hindu chief in Surida in 1522. 
It is, therefore, exceedingly improbable that Pati Unus, who 
died in the beginning of 1522, should have brought both 
Majapahit and Sunda under his control before his death. 
Rouffaer thinks that Barros wrongly wrote Sunda instead 
of Majapahit, and he therefore takes Pigafetta's account 

as true. 

Krom, on the other hand, thinks that there is no reason 
to conclude that the mistake was necessarily on the part of 
Barros, and not of Pigafetta. He rather thinks that Barros, 
to whom historical documents were available, is 


reliable than Pigafetta, who wrote his diary in a sea-port 
town, mainly from the oral evidence. All that we can 
definitely infer from Pigafetta's statement is that there was 
no longer a king in Majapahit, but the existence of a Hindu 
king at some other place is not incompatible with Pigafetta's 

The terminus ante quern for the downfall of the Hindu 
kingdom of Java has been fixed by Krom at A.D. 1528, as 
in that year one Hindu chief Panarukan sent an agent on 
his own account to Malacca to establish friendly relations 
with that state. Krom thinks that this fact is incompatible 
with the existence of a central Hindu ruling authority in 
Java. Thus the fall of Majapahit, or rather of the Hindu 
authority in Java, may be dated between 1513, or 1515 (if we 
may believe in Barbosa's account), and 1528 A.D. 

The Portuguese and other European accounts mentioned 
above thus give us a general outline of the course of 
events leading to the downfall of Majapahit. It appears that 
Islam at first made converts of the coastal chiefs, and these 
ultimately overthrew the central authority at Majapahit. If 
Rouffaer's theory is provisionally accepted, as it appears to 
us very reasonable, we may conclude that this overthrow 
took place before 1522 A.D., and was mainly the work of 
Pati Unus, chief of Japara, evidently a Javanese coastal 
chief converted to Islam, who had already distinguished 
himself in daring naval fights against the Portuguese. 

From Java itself we possess no trustworthy records for 
the history of this period. There are only some native 
traditions which profess to give a detailed account of the 
Muslim conquest of Majapahit. While there is no doubt that 
they possess a kernel of historical truth, they are so full 
of improbable legends and fancies of supernatural charac- 
ter, that it is absolutely impossible to rely upon them as 
historical sources, except in a very general way. We give 
below a summary of these accounts, 


1. Babad Tanah Javi. 1 

'Bravijaya, the last king of Majapahit, married a princess 
of Cempa. A sister of the queen was married to a Muslim and 
had two sons, Rahmat and Santri. Now this Muslim converted 
the queen to Islamic faith and sent his two sons to her. 
Rahmat married the daughter of a chief (Tumenggung) of 
Vilvatikta, while his brother Santri married the daughter of 
Arya Teja, the chief of Tuban. The two brothers settled 
respectively at Ngampel (Surabaya) and Gresik. Rahmat 
became afterwards celebrated as the first apostle of Islam 
in Java, made many proselytes, and constructed the first 
mosque ever built in Java.* 

'King Bravijaya had a second queen, a raksasl (monster), 
by whom he had a son Arya Damar. Arya Damar was sent 
by his father to govern Palembang and was accompanied 
there by the third queen, a Chinese. This Chinese queen 
bore a son, Raden Patah, to king Bravijaya, and another, Raden 
Usen, to Arya Damar. Raden Patah and Raden Usen went 
to Java. Patah married the granddaughter of Rahmat and 
settled at Bintara (Demak). Raden Usen went to the king 
of Majapahit, who made him the chief of Terung, and 
appointed him as commander of his forces. The king also 
sent for his son Raden Patah and made him governor of 

'In the meanwhile came a certain Seh Walilanang to 
Surabaya, and a princess of Balambangan bore him a son, 
known later as Sunan Oiri. Suiian Giri became a pupil of 
Rahmat and married his daughter. 

'By the patronage of these and other chiefs, related to them, 
the new faith spread rapidly. Now king Bravijaya sent his 
minister (pati) Gajah Mada against Sunan Giri. The latter 

1. A summary is given by Brandes (Par., pp. 211 ff.) 

2. Crawfurd History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol, II, 
p. 309. 


frightened away his enemy by a show of miraculous power. 
After the death of Giri royal forces came again and dug up 
his tomb. But a swarm of bees arising therefrom drove back 
the royal force. Raden Patah, instead of joining his father, 
now formed a coalition with the other Muhammadan chiefs, 
and proceeded against Majapahit. King Bravijaya died, and the 
suzerainty of Majapahit passed over to Demak after a rule of 
forty days by Giri. Thus Raden Patah became the first Sultan 
of Demak/ 

II. Serat Kanda. 1 

'It names Angkavijaya as the last king of Majapahit, and 
refers to his family relations, as in Babad Taiiah Javi, with 
some modifications. Rahinat came to Java with a son, married 
a Javanese lady at Kudus, and had by her a son named Undung, 
later known as Sunan Kudus. Stories are told of a large 
number of Arabs who settled and married in Java, and thus 
propagated the Muslim faith. Angkavijaya's queen, the 
princess of Cempa, named Daravati, died in 1398, and was 
buried in Citravulan according to Muslim rites. Raden Patah 
was installed as chief of Demak in 1405. Sunan Kudus organised 
a Muslim coalition against Majapahit, and tried to make converts 
and secure allies all over the kingdom. G a jah Mada defeated 
the rebels at Tuban. A now expedition against Majapahit was 
organised by Sunan Kudus, and he was joined by sons of other 
Sunans. The result was at first indecisive, but ultimately the 
royal force led by the Muhammadan chief of Tcrung, i.c. Raden 
Usen, brother of Raden Patah, defeated Sunan Kudus. The 
king sent reinforcements under Kalungkung, his son by a 
Balinese princess, but his other sons, including the chief of 
Demak, who had become Muslims, now joined the enemy. The 
son of Sunan Kudus now became the head of the Muhammadan 
coalition. Aided by all sorts of supernatural means, the 
Muhammadan army captured and destroyed Majapahit, in 1476 

i. Brandes Par., pp. 223 ff. 


A. D. The king took shelter in Sengguruh in 1477 A. D. 
Kalungkung made a last stand there, but was defeated. The 
king fled to Bali, followed by Kalungkung and Gajah Mada, 
and Sengguruh was destroyed in 1478 A.D. Patah, who took 
the title of Panembahan, returned to Demak and became the 
chief of Java, and the faith of Islam was established 

While there is no doubt that the details given in the 
above traditions, specially the dates 1 , are untrustworthy, 
we may nevertheless trace some historical basis, so far as 
the general picture is concerned. Properly analysed, and 
divested of all unnecessary details, the two stories lead to 
the presumption that Islam was spreading, at first in the 
coastland, by way of commerce, and gradually in the 
interior, by marriage relations and other peaceful means. 
Thus we find that the dethroned Muslim chief of Pase, Zain- 
ul-Abedin, took refuge with the king of Java who was 
related to him. The royal family apparently also contained 
some converts to the new faith, and the story of the Cein 
queen may be a fact. By these means Islam got a firm hold 
on a number of chiefs, as well as members of royal family 
and high officials at court. When they felt themselves power- 
ful enough, the members of the new faith naturally tried to 
oust the king as he steadily refused to give up his own 
religion. It seems to be almost certain, that the Hindu 
kingdom fell as a result of internal disruption brought on by 
the clash of religious beliefs, and not by any organised 
Muslim invasion from outside. The traditions even connect 
the new Muslim ruling dynasty with the old (for Raden Patah 
was the son of the king of Majapahit), but this may or may 
not be true. The episode of Girlndravardhana also makes 
it extremely doubtful if Majapahit was still the chief seat of 
Hindu authority. Even if it were so, it is by no means certain 

i, The dates of Putri Cam pa and the downfall of Majapahit are 
palpably wrong ; see ante. 


that the fall of Majapahit meant the downfall of the Hindu 
authority in Java. The Sengguruh episode seems to show that 
even after the Hindu king had lost Majapahit, he held out 
for some time in the eastern part of Java, and only a second 
defeat compelled him to leave Java and seek shelter in Bali. 
The story of the destruction of Majapahit is also not borne 
out by facts. A copperplate, dated 1541 A. D., is expressly 
said to be written at Vilvatikta. 1 There is no valid reason 
to suppose that it refers to any place other than the famous 
city of that name, which, therefore, existed till at least the 
middle of the sixteenth century A. D. Of course, there is no 
doubt that having lost its political and commercial supremacy 
it gradually dwindled in importance. 

The Muhammadan conquest of Majapahit was followed 
shortly by that of Sunda. It is clear from the Portuguese 
accounts that by Sunda they meant the kingdom of Pajajaran. 
As would appear from the Portuguese accounts, quoted above, 
the cause and process of Islamic conquest were nearly the 
same in both Majapahit and Sunda (Pajajaran). In the case 
of Sunda, however, we can more definitely ascertain the date 
of the overthrow of the Hindu kingdom. 

As noted before, in A. D. 1522 Henrique Lcme visited the 
Hindu king of Sunda, called Samian (i.e. Sanghyang), who was 
friendly to the Portuguese merchants coming to his harbours. 
As a result of this visit, the Portuguese obtained the right of 
building a fort at Kalapa (near modern Batavia), The 
Portuguese could not carry this project into execution for four 
years, and when at last in 1520 they came back to Sunda, 
they found it under a Muhammad an ruler, named Falatehan, 
who had come from Pase in Sumatra, and conquered the 
kingdom with the help of the king of Japara. The Portuguese 
had to return without accomplishing anything. Thus Sunda 
must have passed into the hands of Muhammadan rulers 
some time between 1522 and 1526 A. D. Whether Pati Unus, 

i. T.B.G., Vol. 55. (1913), PP. 257 ff. 


chief of Japara, was its conqueror, as Barros states, has been, 
as noted above, doubted by Rouffaer. But even according to 
the later Portuguese accounts, the chief of Japara L e. Pati 
Unus, who died in 1522, or his son, had some hand in the 
conquest. There is nothing improbable in the assumption that 
Pati Unus, aided by other Muslim chiefs, overthrew Sunda 
and Majapahit about the same time, and in that case Falatehan, 
one of the confederate chiefs, might have been ruling in 
Sunda, while Pati Unus was ruling in Majapahit. In any case 
it is certain that the Hindu kingdom of Sunda was overthrown 
by the coastal Muhammadan chiefs between 1522 and 1526 A.D. 

The overthrow of Majapahit and Sunda dealt a death-blow 
to the Hindu culture and civilisation which had flourished 
in Java for well-nigh fifteen hundred years. 

Hindu civilisation, and even Hindu rule, however, did not 
vanish altogether, but maintained a desperate struggle for 
existence in the outlying regions, in the east as well as in tho 
west. The archaeological remains on mounts Willis, Lavu, 
and Merbabu indicate clearly that Hinduism found a last 
refuge in these highlands, but were gradually being transformed 
by the growing indigenous influence. A detailed study of 
the ruined structures and images of these hilly regions to the 
west of Majapahit unfolds the steadily declining stages of 
Hindu art and religion, leading to the supreme but inevitable 
tragedy of their ultimate annihilation by the rising forces of 
primitive barbarism 1 . 

In the east, the regions around and beyond mount Smeroe 
(Sumeru) offered the Hindus a safe retreating place. According 
to a Portuguese account, the Muhammadan besiegers of 
Pasuruhan were forced to retreat in the middle of the 
sixteenth century. Even as late as 1600 A.D. Balambangan 
was an independent Hindu State, and remained as such for 
nearly two hundred years more. 

But although these petty states kept alive the traditions 
of Hindu rule in Java, the main currents of that culture now 

i. This point has been further discussed in connection with Art. 


shifted to the east, and flowed freely only in the island of Bali, 
where the royal family and the aristocracy fled with a 
considerable element of the well-to-do people in Java. That 
island now possesses the unique distinction of preserving 
the old Hindu culture and civilisation, while in Java the old 
monuments alone remain to tell the tale of its past glory and 

The Islamic conquest of Java was followed by the 
introduction of that faith in Madura. The king of Arosbaya, 
named Panembahan Siti Luhur, and other members of the 
nobility voluntarily accepted the new faith, and thus the 
conversion of the whole people took place in a comparatively 
short time. This also explains the almost complete destruction 
of Hindu temples in that island 1 . 

i r Congres I, pp. 264-5. 

Chapter IV 


We have already seen how Borneo formed one of the 
earliest seats of Hindu civilisation. Unfortunately we do not 
possess anything like a continuous history of the Hindu 
colonisation in Borneo. After the archaeological remains 
described above in Book I, Chapter VIII, there is a pretty 
long gap of many centuries for which we possess no internal 
evidence regarding the Hindu colonists. Only the Chinese 
annals throw some light on the obscure period, and we can do 
no more than summarise these accounts and draw such scanty 
conclusions from them as we reasonably may. 

1. Speaking of Po-lo, the History of the T'ang Dynasty 
(018-906 A.D.) says that in the year 069 the king of this 
country sent an envoy who came to court together with the 
envoy of Huan-wang (Siam). 

Groenc veldt, who has translated this passage, supplements 
the information by the following remarks 1 : "There is of course 
not the slightest internal evidence that this passage relates 
to Borneo, but all Chinese geographers agreo in assigning it 
to this island, which is designated by it to the present day. 
We have further no means of ascertaining which part of the 
island was meant, and here again the Chinese say it was the 
northern coast, from which they have derived their name for 
the whole island, just as we have taken Bruni or Brunei for 
the same purpose". 

Another Chinese history 'Tung Ilsi Yang K'au 2 (1618 A.D.) 
refers to the embassy of 669 A.D., but adds that the intercourse 
with the land then ceased for a long time. As a matter of fact 
the next embassy it mentions is that of 1406 A.D. The king 

I. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 101. ?. Ibid, pp, 101-2, 


at that period was originally an inhabitant of Fu-Kien, and 
thus evidently a Chinese. 

2. The History of the Ming Dynasty (13684643 A.D.) 
gives a short account of Bandjermasin, on the south coast of 
Borneo. It chiefly describes some of the peculiar manners 
and customs of the place. 

3. The earliest definite reference to Borneo in the Chinese 
annals is contained in Man-Shu, composed in the second half 
of the ninth century A.D., which refers to Po-ni having trade 
intercourse with Indo-China 1 . The History of the 
Sung Dynasty gives a more detailed account of Pu-ni a which 
undoubtedly refers to the west coast of Borneo. The fact 
that their king bore the title Maharaja proves the Indian 
origin of their civilisation. Some of their customs strikingly 
resemble those of India, e.g. they used cotton cloth, and for 
their marriage presents they first sent the cocoa-tree wine, 
then areca nuts, next a finger ring, and lastly cotton cloth or 
some gold and silver. 

This kingdom came into contact with China for the first 
time in 977 A.D., when its king Hiang-ta sent three envoys 
to the imperial court. The occasion of this embassy is thus 
explained by the king himself in a letter which he sent with 
the envoys to the emperor. 

"I knew before that there was an emperor, but I had no 
means of communication. Recently there was a merchant, 
called P'u Lu-hsieh, whose ship arrived at the mouth of my 
river. I sent a man to invite him to my place and then he 
told me that he came from China. The people of my country 
were much delighted at this, and preparing a ship, asked 
this stranger to guide them to the court". 

The king added in the letter that he intended to send 
tribute every year. But the next reference that we come 

1. Pelliot, B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, p. 287, f.n. 2. 

2. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 108-110, 


across is about hundred years later. In the year 1082 their 
king Sri Ma-dja ( Sri Mah&rfija ) sent again an envoy to 
bring as tribute products of the country. 

It is evident, however, that the first embassy of 977 A.D. 
led to the opening up of a regular trade between Pu-ni and 
China. For the History of the Sung Dynasty includes it 
among the list of countries whose ships frequented the ports 
of China. 1 

We next hear of Pu-ni in the thirteenth century A.D. from the 
accounts of Chau Ju-kua*. He describes in greater detail the 
manners and customs of the people, which show an undoubted 
Hindu element. Chau Ju-kua expressly states that the people 
worshipped Buddha. According to Chau Ju-kua it was an 
independent kingdom. 

More than hundred years later, Wang Ta-Yuen 8 (1349 A.D.,) 
writes about Pu-ni, that its people worship Buddha images 
and possess unusual skill in arithmetic and book-keeping. 
This is an unmistakable evidence that at least a part of the 
people of Borneo possessed some amount of culture and 
civilisation, and that of Hindu origin. 

But Pu-ni could not long maintain its independence, and 
was conquered by Java some time before 1370 A,D. We learn 
from Chau Ju-kua, that Tafijungpura in south-west Borneo, 
was already a dependency of Java. The same place occurs 
in the list of territories conquered by Krtanagara and Gajah 
Mada, as we have seen above. It was evidently from this 
base that Java extended her influence over the rest of the 
island, till by 1365 A. D. a considerable portion of Borneo 
was included in the empire of Majapahit (see Bk. Ill, ch. VI). 
But in A.D. 1371 the king of Pu-ni, Ma-Mo-sha, sent a high 
official to the court of the emperor with a memorial and 
presents.* The facts supplied by the History of the Ming 

1. T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XV (1914), P- 420. 

2. Chau Ju-kua, pp. I55-I57* 

3. T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XVI. (1915), p. 265. 4. Ibid. 


Dynasty regarding the allegiance of Pu-ni, at first to Java, 
and then, from the beginning of the fifteenth century, to China, 
have already been referred to above ( Bk. Ill, ch. VI ). 
We shall now quote from the History of the Ming Dynasty 
further details regarding the intimate intercourse between 
Pu-ni and China during the fifteenth century A.D. 1 

"In the winter of the year 1405 the king Maradja (Maharaja) 
Ka-la sent envoys to bring tribute and the Emperor sent 
functionaries to invest him as king of the country and gave 
him a seal, a commission, and silks of various colours. The 
king was greatly delighted, and embarking with his wife, 
his younger brothers and sisters, his sons, daughters and 
functionaries went to court". 

The king was received with great honour, and feasted at 
every place through which he passed, till he reached the capital 
in the eighth month in A.D. 1408. During his audience with 
the emperor he knelt down and pronounced a most flattering 
address to the suzerain. The king was received with usual 
ceremonies and ho and his attendants got suitable presents. 

In the 10th month the king died in tho Chinese capital. 
The emperor was very much grieved, closed his court for three 
days, and sent an officer to perform sacrifices and to give tho 
silk required for the funeral. A temple was erected at the side 
of the grave, where every spring and autumn an officer sacrificed 
a goat. 

'The emperor issued an edict to console his son Hia-wang 
who was ordered to succeed his father and appointed king of 
the country. Hia-wang and his uncle reported that their 
country had to give Java a quantity of camphor every year and 
begged for an imperial order to Java that this annual tribute 
should be stopped, in order that it might be sent instead to the 
imperial court. They further said that as they were going home 
now, they asked for the Emperor's orders and for permission to 
remain at homo a year in order to satisfy the wishes of the 

i. Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 110-115. 


people ; at last they requested that the time for bringing tribute 
and the number of persons who were to accompany it, might 
be fixed/ 

"The emperor acceded to all these wishes. He ordered that 
tribute should be sent once in three years, and that the number 
of persons coming with it should depend upon the kin^s 
pleasure. He also gave an order to Java telling them not to 
ask any more the annual tribute of this country." 

'At the time of taking leave the king and his party got very 
valuable presents from the emperor. The eunuch Chang Ch'ieu 
and the messenger Chau Hang were sent to escort him. In 1410 
the king sent envoys to carry tribute and present thanks for 
the imperial favour. The next year Chang Ch'ien was sent 
again with rich presents for the king. In 1412 Hia-wang came 
to court with his mother. They were entertained with great 
honour and received valuable presents. From the year 1415 
to the year 1425 they brought tribute four times, but after that 
time their tribute-bearers became more rare/ 

'During the period Wan-li (1573-1619) the king of Pu-ni 
died without any male issue. His relatives fought for the 
throne, and there was a great war in the country ; at last all 
competitors were killed, and then a daughter of the late king 
was put on the throne. Since this time, though they did not 
bring any more tribute, the intercourse by traders was uninter- 

This extensive summary of the Chinese history gives us 
a very interesting account of the friendly intercourse between 
Borneo and China, but it adds but little to our knowledge of 
its history and civilisation. There is no doubt that the Chinese 
official writer has spared no pains to exaggerate the power and 
prestige of the emperor, and to paint him in a too dazzling 
light. But all the same he has left the impression that Pu-ni 
was a fairly civilised country, and enjoyed some amount of 
political authority and prestige. 

We may now conclude our account of Borneo with a few 
general remarks. It is clear that the Indians had colonised 


different parts of the island during the early centuries of the 
Christian era. By 400 A. D. several Hindu states had been 
established there, and Hindu religion and culture made their 
influence felt. But the history of the progress and development 
of the Hindu states and Hindu culture cannot be traced any 
further in the absence of positive information on the point. 
It is certain that Hindu culture survived to some extent for 
more than a thousand years. It seems to be, however, 
equally certain, that the stream of Hindu colonisation was 
not fed here for a long time from the parent source, and 
hence it decayed and was ultimately almost dried up. In other 
words, Hinduism 111 Borneo did not possess sufficient vitality to 
subdue the native elements for a pretty long time, and so 
ultimately the indigenous element prevailed upon the super- 
imposed layer of Hindu culture. 

It is not absolutely certain that the later Hindu civilisation 
in Borneo, as depicted in the Chinese history, was an uninter- 
rupted continuation of the early Hindu culture which is 
indicated by the archaeological remains. But this seems to 
be a more reasonable view than to suppose that there were 
fresh streams of Hindu migration at a later period. 

An alternative supposition would be to trace the later Hindu 
civilisation in Borneo to Java. That Java exercised political 
authority in some parts of Borneo as early as the thirteenth 
century A.D. is definitely known, and it is easy to conjecture 
that Indo-Javanese culture and civilisation should find its way 
to Borneo, and influence it to a certain extent. This influence 
is quite apparent in the art of later Borneo, and nobody can 
possibly mistake it. But it is equally impossible to deny that 
some elements even of later civilisation in Borneo are not 
Indo-Javanese, and must be traced ultimately to India. Nor 
is it necessary to assume, with Krom, that Javanese political 
authority extended to Borneo even earlier than the thirteenth 
century A. D., in order to explain the traces of Hinduism 
noticed in Pu-ni in the tenth and eleventh centuries A. D. 1 
I. Krom Geschiedenis, p, 229. 


Before closing the account of Borneo we may briefly refer 
to another country named Sulu which was situated in or near 
Borneo. Shortly after the year 1368 the people of Sulu 
attacked Pu-ni, where they made a large booty and only 
retired when Java came with soldiers to assist this country. 

In the year 1417 the eastern king of this country Paduka 
Pa-ha-la, the western king Ma-ha-la-ch'ih (Maharaja), and 
the king of the mountain of Ka-la-ba-ting, called Paduka 
Prabu ( Prabhu ), all went with their families to China to pay 
homage and tribute. They* presented a letter of gold, with the 
characters engraved upon it, and offered pearls, precious stones, 
tortoise-shell and other articles. 

Embassies were again sent, in 1420 by the western king, 
and in 1421 and 1424, by the eastern king. 1 

I. The above account is based on the History of the Ming Dynasty ; 
cf. Groeneveldt Notes, pp, 103-5. 

Groeneveldt identifies Ka-la-ba-ting with the mountain Klaiba- 
tangan on the north-eastern coast of Borneo. In that case Sulu or a 
part of it must be located in the island of Borneo itself. 

Chapter V. 

We have already discussed the few data regarding the early 
history of Bali that can be gathered from the Chinese sources. 1 
This brings us down to the end of the seventh century A. D. 
For the next century we possess no definite historical informa- 
tion regarding the island. According to a somewhat vague 
tradition preserved in Carita Parahyangan, the island was 
conquered by the Javanese king SaSjaya. 2 This may possibly 
be true. Recent investigations 8 in Bali have yielded quite a 
large number of inscriptions on stone and copperplates, and 
other antiquities, some of them reaching as far back as eighth 
century A. D. Apart from their great importance from the 
point of view of political and cultural history, to which we 
shall refer below, the inscriptions clearly prove, both by their 
language and subject matter, that Bali was a Hindu colony with 
distinct characteristics of its own, derived directly from India, 
and it was in no way a product of or influenced by the Indo- 
Javanese colony or civilisation. The fact that the language of 
these inscriptions is old-Balinese and not old- Javanese is enough 
to discredit the generally accepted view that Bali derived its 
Hindu culture through Java, and we must regard the Hindu 
colony in that island as developing independently, and side 
by side, with that of Java and other islands in the archipelago. 
The most reasonable conclusion, therefore, would be to 
regard the Hindu culture and society in Bali, which we find 
reflected in these records from the eighth to the tenth 

i. Book I. Chap. IX. 2. Book III. Chap. I. 

3. Stutterheim Oudheden Van Bali (1929). Epigraphia Balica 
Vol. I ( 1926 ). O.V 1934, pp. 28-35. Unless otherwise stated, the 
inscriptions mentioned below are to be looked for in these authorities. 


century A.D., as a direct development of the old Hindu 
colony and civilisation referred to in the Chinese annals. 

The inscriptions, particularly the series of copperplate 
Grants, have yielded very interesting information regarding 
the political history of Bali. The oldest of them, dated 896 
A.D., and found at Bebetin, does not refer to the name of any 
king. But two inscriptions discovered at Babahan and 
Sembiran, and dated respectively in 915 and 933 A.D., were 
issued in the reign of king Ugrasena, who may thus be regarded 
as the first historical king of Bali, definitely known to us. 
Then follow king Tabanendravarmadeva and Candrabhaya- 
singhavannmadeva with dates 955 and 962 A.D. respectively. 

We next hear of king Janasadhuvarmadeva, ruling in 
A.D. 975, and queen 8ri-Vijayamahadevl ruling in 983. No 
particulars are known about any of these. An inscription 
recently discovered near Sanoor 1 refers to Sri Kelarivarms, 
lord over all neighbouring princes, who overcame Gurun and 
other localities. He probably ruled in the tenth century A.D. 

Not long after this, the island of Bali was conquered by the 
Javanese king DharmavamSa, and was ruled on his behalf by 
his predecessor's daughter Mahendradatta alias Gunapriya- 
dharmapatnf, along with her husband Dharmodftyanavarmadeva 
(or in its shorter form, Udayana), the parents of the famous king 

Stutterhcim 8 holds the view that Dharmodayanavarmadeva 
was a Balinese, who afterwards became a member of the royal 
family of Java by his marriage with the daughter of Makuta- 
vamgavardhana, and ruled over Bali as Prince-consort of 

1. The inscription has been edited by Dr. Stutterheim in Acta 
Orientalia, Vol. XII, Pars II ( IQ34 ) PP- 126-132. 

The inscription, incised on the upper part of a round monolith 
pillar, consists of six lines written in an eastern variety of north-Indian 
alphabet of about the tenth century A. D., and of thirteen lines in 
Kavi alphabet. According to Dr. Stutterheim the latter belongs probably 
to ninth or tenth century A.D. 

2. See above, Bk. Ill, Ch, II. 3. B.K.I., Vol. 85 (i99), p. 483. 


Gunapriyadharmapatni. This view mainly rests upon the fact 
that the last three (now four) Balinese kings, mentioned above, 
had all of them names ending in Varmadeva. It has been 
argued on the other hand, that he was a Javanese chief, who, 
on being appointed to rule over Bali, assumed a name in 
conformity with the Balinese royal custom. 1 

Whatever that may be, there is no doubt that the rule of 
Udayana and Mahendradatta introduces a new epoch in the 
cultural history of Bali. Henceforth Indo-Javanese culture 
makes a deep impress upon that of Bali, so much so that 
the culture and civilisation of Bali after 1022 has been regarded 
as old-Javanese in character. 

The Balinese records from 989 to 1001 A. D. refer to 
both Gunapriyadharmapatni and her husband Dharmo- 
dayanavarman, but the name of the latter alone appears 
in two records, dated 1011 and 1022 A. D. The natural 
presumption, therefore, is that the queen died some time 
between 1001 and 1011 A.D., and since then her husband alone 
ruled in Bali. 8 But a Sembiran copperplate, dated 1016 A.D., 
refers to a queen (ratu) Sang Ajfiadevl. It has been suggested 
that 5jSadevl was but another name of Gunapriyadharmapatni. * 
But, then, it is difficult to explain why she alone is mentioned, 
under a different name and with a lower title 'ratu/ An 
alternative suggestion would be to regard Sang Ajnadevl as a 
vassal chief, or one ruling independently in some parts of the 
island. 4 In any case Udayana must have regained his authority 
before 1022 A.D. He evidently died in that year, some time 
between the months of Caitra, when he issued the edict, and 
Paua, when a record was issued by Sri DharmavamSavardhana 

1. Krom*-Geschiedenis 2 , p. 232, fn. 4. 

2. Cf. Bk. Ill, Ch. II. p. 263 above. 

3. O.V. 1920, p. 132. Stutterheim reads the name as Sang 
Ajfiadevi, while Krom gives it as Sangajftadevi ( Geschiedenis 8 pp. 233, 
245 ) on the authority of O.V. 

4. Korn Het Adat-recht Van Bali (1924), p. 547. 


Marakatapangkaja-SthSnottunggadeva. This king ruled at least 
till 1025 A.D. His name indicates that he belonged to the 
family of DharmavamSa and was thus a member of the Javanese 
royal family. It is, of course, equally possible to hold that 
Dharmavaiha was originally a ruler of Bali and then obtained 
the throne of Java, possibly by marrying the daughter of king 
MakutavamSavardhana. The relationship between Udayana 
and his successor Marakatapangkaja-Sthanottunggadeva is not 
known, nor is it possible to decide if the latter ruled as an 
independent king, or acknowledged the suzerainty of Airlangga, 
the Javanese king. 1 The absence of any royal title lends 
support to the latter view, and in that case we may hold that 
in spite of the catastrophe which overwhelmed the kingdom 
of Java about this time, she still maintained her hold over the 
island of Bali. In any case, Airlangga ultimately asserted his 
full suzerainty over Bali ; so much so, that once he even planned 
to divide his kingdom among his two sons by giving Java to 
one and Bali to another. This, however, did not take place, 
and instead Java itself was divided into two kingdoms, Janggala 
and Kadiri, as we have seen above. 

Bali, as usual, had its own ruler, but how far it acknow- 
ledged the authority of Janggala, it is difficult to say. Ten 
copperplate records, bearing dates between 1049 and 1077 A.D., 
refer to a king who was "the youngest child of the goddess, who 
is cremated at Burvan, and of the god who is cremated at 
BaSuveka". The phrase most probably alludes to Udayana 
and his wife Gunapriyadharmapatnl. If this view be correct, 

the ruler of Bali between 1049 and 1077 A. D. was a younger 

brother of Airlangga. He evidently ruled over the whole 
island, as his records are found both in north and south Bali, 
from Sangsit to Klungkung. 

i. In a recent article Dr, Stutterheim has suggested that ri 
Dharmavaihsavardhana, who succeeded Udayana in Bali, is no other 
than Airlangga himself, who died in 1049 A.D., and was succeeded in 
Bali by his younger brother (B.K.I., Vol. 92, pp. 19$ *?) 


The next ruler of Bali, known from a record of 1098 A.D., 
is named Sri Sakalendaki ring Esana Gunadharma-laksmidhara 
Vijayottunggadevi. In this name we have a reminiscence of 
that of Gunapriyadharmapatni, the mother of Airlangga, and of 
Kana, the reputed founder of the royal family to which 
Airlangga belonged. If it were safe to presume anything from 
these factors, this ruler of Bali may be regarded as belonging to 
that royal house. The same, however, cannot be said of the 
two rulers who followed, vix., Sri Suradhipa, with dates 1115 and 
1119 A.D., and Sri Jayalakti, with dates 1133 and 1150 A.D. It 
is possible that Bali was now altogether independent of Java. 

A king Paduka Sri Maharaja Haji Jaya Pangus is known 
from thirteen records. One of these is dated in the year 1177 
A.D., while the remaining were issued on one and the same day 
in the year 1181. In these he appears as the suzerain king, 
ruling over a circle of seven states in Bali (Balidvipamandala). 
But the genuineness of these records has been justly doubted, 
and so no sure conclusion can be based upon them. Next we 
hear of two other kings, Sakalendu with a date 1201 A. D., 
and Bhatara ParameSvara and Bhatara Guru Sri Adhikunti 
(ja)ketana of 1204 A.D. Shortly after this Bali must have 
been conquered by Java. Chau Ju-kua, describing the state 
of things in the first part of the thirteenth century A.D., includes 
Bali among the fifteen vassal states of Java, though he expressly 
adds that Bali and Tanjungpura (South- West Borneo) were the 
most important among them. 

The internal conflict in Java which ultimately led to the 
fall of Kadiri in 1222, and the palace intrigues and revolutions 
in the newly established kingdom of Singhasari, gave a good 
opportunity to Bali to free itself from the yoke of Java. Of 
this period only one king is known to us, Paramesvara Sri 
Hyang ning hyang Adilaiicana, ruling in 1250 A.D. But during 
the reign of Kftanagara Java again found means to subdue the 
neighbouring island. A military expedition was sent to Bali 

i. O.V. 1929, pp. 73-78. 


in 1284 A.D., and its king was brought a prisoner before 

Kptanagara's success was, however, a short-lived one. In 

1292 he met with a tragic end, and his kingdom was overthrown 
by the chief of Kadiri. Bali must have profited by this respite, 
and an indication of this is furnished by the fact that when 
the Chinese army returned from its expedition against Java in 

1293 A.D., they brought to the emperor, among other things, 
a letter in golden characters from the kingdom of Bali, with 
rich presents. 1 As we have seen above, it was a deliberate 
policy of the Chinese emperor on that occasion to detach the 
smaller states from Java and make them transfer their allegiance 
to China. With this view envoys were sent to these smaller 
states, and there is no doubt that Bali took advantage of it to 
substitute a nominal allegiance to China in place of a real 
control exercised by Java, 

For nearly half a century Bali remained an independent 
state. The earliest document for this period, a record of 1304 
A.D., is issued by one Bhatara Guru together with his grand- 
child Sri Mahaguru. The latter alone issues a charter in 
1324. The next charter was issued by Sri Valajayakjtaningrat 
with his mother Paduka (Bha)tara Sri Mahaguru in 1328 A.D. 
This lady is evidently the same person who is referred to simply 
as Sri Mahaguru in 1304 and 1324 A.D. Lastly, we find the 
record of Asjiasuraratnabumibanten dated 1337 A.D. 

With the growth of the empire of Majapahit attempt was 
made to re-establish the supremacy of Java over Bali. Accord- 
ing to a tradition preserved in PamaScangah, the struggle had 
begun in Jayanagara's reign. The first fruits of this struggle are 
to be seen in 1338 A.D., when the Regent Tribhuvanottunggadevl 
founded a Buddhist sanctuary in that island. But the battle 
was indecisive for a long time. The king of Bali strove hard 
to maintain his independence. At last a powerful military 
expedition was sent against him in 1343 A.D. According to 

i. Groeneveldt Notes, p. 27. 


Nfigara-Kptagama, Gajah Mada distinguished himself in this 
expedition. Several historical traditions refer to the details 
of the severely fought battle. 1 Ultimately the king of Bali 
was totally routed, and his kingdom was added to the growing 
empire of Majapahit. 

Henceforth Bali formed an integral part of the empire. 
Two records of Bali, dated 1384 and 1386 A.D., are issued by 
Sri Vijayarajasa, prince of Vengker, and the maternal uncle of 
the Javanese king. A third, dated 1398 A.D., refers to him as 
Sri ParamesVara who died at Visnubhavana. It is likely, 
therefore, that Vijayarajasa represented the Javanese authority 
in Bali as a governor or viceroy. The residence of the viceroy 
was fixed first at Samprangan and thereafter at Gelgel. The 
Majapahit conquest of Bali carried still further the process of 
Javanisation of that island which had already begun in the 
llth century A.D. Henceforth the two islands are very closely 
associated both in politics and culture. This state of things 
is clearly reflected in Nag. Kr. Berg has shown how Bali 
formed a centre of Javanese literary life, which grew in 
importance in the same proportion in which it declined in 
Java itself. Bali carried on and developed the traditions of 
Java, first as a dependency of Majapahit, and then as an 
independent Javanese kingdom. 

For, as we have seen above, the king of Majapahit, unable 
to withstand the onrush of Islam, took refuge in Bali with 

I. In addition to Pamaftcangah ( edited by Berg, 1929 ) the details 
of the expedition are referred to in Usana Jawa (pp. 159-162) and Kidung 
Sunda. Cf. Berg Mid. Jav. Trad., pp. 103-121 ; Inleidung, pp. 157-9. 

According to Pamancangah the Javanese first conquered Bedahulu, 
and installed there a chief named Kapakisan. But it taxed all his 
strength to bring the rest of the island under his control. The Usana 
Jawa refers to simultaneous fighting in North and South Bali, the 
latter under the personal supervision of Gajah Mada. According to 
Kidung Sunda the fall of Bali became inevitable only when the 
auxiliary forces from Sun^a and Madura conquered respectively the 
western and eastern forts. 


his followers. His example was followed by a large number 
of Javanese who found in migration to Bali the only means to 
save their religion and culture. Bali thus received a strong 
influx of Javanese element, and became the last stronghold of 
Indo-Javanese culture and civilisation, a position which it 
still happily maintains. It has not only contributed to the 
further development of Indo-Javanese culture, but has also 
preserved from oblivion much of it which Java herself lost as 
a result of the Muhammadan domination. 

The subsequent history of Bali may thus be regarded as 
merely a continuation of Majapahit. Indeed, the popular 
notion in this respect is so strong, that most of the inhabitants 
of Bali style themselves, with pride, as Wong Majapahit 
or men of Majapahit. Only a few primitive tribes, scattered 
in hilly regions, are called by way of contrast 'Bali aga' or 
indigenous people of Bali. 1 

The later history of the island may be briefly told. 2 A 
prince of the royal family of Majapahit made himself overlord 
of the island. He assumed the title Dcva-agung Ketut, and 
restored peace and order in the country. lie chose Gelgel as 
his capital, and there his successors ruled till the end of the 
seventeenth century A. D., when the town was destroyed by 
the people of Karangasem, and the capital was removed to 

1. These people live in the neighbourhood of Sangsit, in 
Krobokan and Sembiran, in the villages of Chempaga, Sidatopa, 
Padava, and Tigavasa, to the west of Buleleng, and at Tenangan in 
Karangasem. Their religion, though old-Polynesian in character, is 
strongly marked by a veneer of Hinduism. 

2. For the later history of Bali, cf. Encycl. Ned. Ind. s.v. Bali 
and the nine states that arose in the eighteenth century. The literary 
traditions about the history of Bali, since the Javanese conquest of 
1343, have been discussed by Berg ( Mid. Jav. Trad., pp. 121-175. ) 
How far these traditions can be relied upon as historical facts is very 
doubtful. Some kings like Batu-Renggong undoubtedly played a 
prominent part. 


Among the kings of Gelgel, Batu-Renggong occupies a 
prominent place. He ruled in the third quarter of the sixteenth 
century A.D. In addition to the whole of Bali, he ruled over 
Sasak and Sambawa, and a considerable part of Balambangan. 
He also proved a formidable enemy of the kings of Pasuruhan 
and Mataram, and maintained peace in his kingdom. He 
was considered by later generations as the incarnation of 
Visnu. He was a patron of letters, and it was during his 
reign that the great Javanese scholar Nirartha was settled in 
Bali, and there was a great outburst of literary activity among 
the Javanese settlers in that island. 

The death of Batu-Renggong was followed by a period of 
unrest and revolutions in course of which Bali lost all her 
foreign possessions. Balambangan proved the bone of 
contention between Bali and Mataram, and in 1639 the king 
of Mataram invaded Bali. The invasion proved unsuccessful, 
and Bali retained its hold upon Balambangan until it passed 
into the hands of the Dutch towards the close of the eighteenth 

From the very beginning of this period the kingdom of Bali 
was divided into several districts, each being placed under a 
governor. These governors gradually assumed an independent 
position, so that in the eighteenth century Bali was practically 
divided into nine autonomous states, #&., Klungkung, 
Karangasem, Mengui, Badong, Bangli, Tabanan, Gianjar, 
Buleleng, and Jembrana. 

The history of Bali during the two following centuries is 
merely one of interminable wars among these states. Jembrana 
soon ceased to be a separate state, being conquered successively 
by Buleleng and Badong. The remaining eight states continued 
their inglorious existence till the Dutch conquered them all 
and established their supremacy over the whole island. This 
conquest of Bali did not, however, prove to be an easy task. 
The Dutch suzerainty was first acknowledged by the Balinese in 
1839, but many expeditions were necessary before the Dutch 
could finally curb the independent spirit of the ruling chiefs. 


In 1908, the Deva-agung of Klungkung, the last heir of the 
Emperors of Majapahit, made a final effort to free himself 
from the foreign yoke. Even when his palace was besieged 
by the Dutch, and there was no hope of success, he refused 
with scorn the offer of his enemy to save his life and family 
by an unconditional surrender. Remembering the proud 
examples of his Ksatriya forefathers, he seized the sacred 
sword, and boldly rushed out with his nobles, wives, and 
children to meet with an end worthy of his race. Klungkung 
fell, and the remaining warlike elements of the place were 
interned at Lombok. In 1911 Klungkung was formally 
incorporated in the Dutch empire, and with that the Hindu 
rule in Bali came to an end. 

Chapter VI. 


The Javanese Law-books do not contain anything about 
administrative law such as we have in Chapter VII of 
Manu-Samhita. Consequently the system of administration in 
Java is but little known. There are three old-Javanese prose 
texts on the political theory and public administration, but 
their value as a practical guide to this subject is difficult to 
determine. We may begin with a brief reference to them. 

1. Kamandaka 1 . An old- Javanese text, in which Bhagavan 
Kamandaka explains to his pupils the duties of the king. 
The book was also known as Rajanlti. The characters from 
the H&mayana and the Mahabharata are cited as illustrations 
of the political principles. Yudhisthira, for example, is held 
up as an ideal. 

2. Indraloka*. In this book BhagavSn Indraloka gives 
lessons on politics to his pupil KumarayajSa. 

3. Nitipraya 8 . This book describes the duties of a 
king towards his enemy. It was communicated by Visnu to 
Vy&sa. But there is an introductory episode which runs as 
follows : 

'King Suparkadeva of Ayodhya was attacked by Aji 
Wangbang, whereupon Bhagavan Ratnabhumi gave him the 
Nitipraya. In consequence of this Wangbang was defeated, 
and his daughter YajSavati was taken prisoner. Ratnabhumi's 
son Rfiveya went to heaven, where, through mistake, he 
threw a Nagasari flower at Indra, and was changed to a 

1. Cat I., Vol. II, pp. 240-43. 

2. Ibid., pp. 238-40. 3. Ibid., pp. 243-246. 


parrot. In this shape he gave many lessons to Suparka- 

The language of the book is now and then very modern. 
According to Raffles, this book is held in very high esteem, 
and constantly referred to by the Javanese. Raffles has quoted 
a few passages from this work, some of which are given 
below 1 . 

"A good prince must protect his subjects against all 
unjust persecutions and oppressions, and should be the 
light of his subjects, even as the Sun is the light of the 

"It is above all the duty of a prince to take notice 
of every thing going on in his country and among his 

"It is a disgrace to a prime-minister for any hostile attack 
to be made on the country entrusted to his charge without 
his knowledge. 

"But a good prime-minister is he who is upright in his 
heart, moderate in his fear of the prince, faithfully obedient 
to all his orders, kind-hearted, not oppressive to the people, 
and always exerting himself to the utmost for the happiness 
of the people and the welfare of the country. 

"And a prime-minister is good beyond measure, who 
knows everything that is going on in the country and takes 
proper measures accordingly ; who always exerts himself to 
avert whatever is likely to be injurious ; who heeds not his 
own life in effecting what is right ; who considers neither 
friends, family, nor enemies, but does justice alike to all ; 
who consults much with his brother officers with whom he 
ought always to advise on affairs of business. 

"A prince, a prime-minister and the chief officers of the 
court should direct the administration of the country with 
such propriety that the people may attach themselves to 
them ; they must see that the guilty are punished, that the 

i. Raffles Java, Vol. I. pp. 305-8- 


innocent be not persecuted, and that all persons falsely 
accused be immediately released, and remunerated for the 
sufferings they have endured/' 

While these texts certainly hold up a high and noble 
political ideal they do not throw much light on the actual 
system of administration. For this we have to rely upon 
the data furnished by the inscriptions, and the following 
sketch embodies the result of a study of the available 

The absolute power of the king formed the basis of a 
state. No form of government other than an absolute monarchy 
is ever referred to, and there was never any idea, far less 
an attempt, to put any check upon the unrestrained power 
of the king. Indeed the king was often conceived as the 
incarnation of God, 1 and thus the theory of divine right, 
which we find in a fully developed form in Manu-Samhita, 1 
had a complete sway in Java. This is further exemplified by 
the deification of kings after death. This is accomplished 
by making divine images on the model of the king's person, 
and always referring to the dead king as god (Bhatara) of such 
and such a place, meaning thereby the place of his cremation. 

The framework of administration followed the Indian model 
to a certain extent. The king was at the head of a state, 
but all large kingdoms were divided into smaller units, each 
under a governor appointed by the king, and the smallest 
unit was formed by a village which had some form of local 
self-government under a headman. 

The king was surrounded by a large group of officials 
whose names occur in inscriptions, specially land-grants, as 

1. King Krtanagara is described as a part of divinity and an 
incarnation of dharma (Penampihan grant, J.G.I.S., Vol. II. pp. 55 ff). 
King Jayanagara is referred to as an incarnation of Visnu (Sidoteka 
Grant, J.G.I.S., Vol. II, p. 145). 

2. According to Carita Parahyangan, king Niskalavastu Kaficana 
scrupulously followed the laws of Manu. 


is the case with similar records from ancient India. But in 
both cases it is difficult to determine the exact nature and 
duties of these various officers. 1 

The leading part in the bureacracy was played by certain 
high officials, whose number and designation varied at 
different periods. 

The inscriptions of Central Java refer to two classes of high 
officials charged respectively with religious and secular matters. 
In Kalasan inscription the former are called AdeSalastrins, also 
known by three Javanese designations, viz., Pangkur, Tavan, 
and Tirip. In other inscriptions we hear of Pitamahas, who 
obviously occupied similar positions. 

The civil officials are designated with the title raka 
(rakryan), usually in the form raka i (or rake) followed by 
a local name.* The exact connection of the official with the 
place so named is not clear ; perhaps it denotes in most, if not 
in all, cases, his administrative jurisdiction. 

The dignity and honour of the title clearly appears from 
the fact that even the king and a number of members of the 
royal family bore the same title at one and the same time. 

1. Readers, unacquainted with Javanese or Dutch, may consult 
the English translation of the following inscriptions edited by Mr. H. B. 

(i) An old-Javanese Inscription from Ngabean of the Saka 
year 801. (J.G.I.S., Vol. I, p. 38). 

(ii) An old-Javanese Inscription of the Saka year 841 (Dacca 
University studies, Vol. I, No. i, pp. 102 ff. ). 

(iii) An old-Javanese Prasasti from Surabaya of the Saka year 
956 (I.H.Q. Vol. XI, pp. 487 ff.) 

(iiii) Ten old-Javanese Copper-plates from Sidoteka of the 
Saka year 1245 (J.G.I.S. Vol. II, pp 131 ff.). 

(iv) The Inscription of Trawulan ( 1280) (I.C., Vol. II. pp. 
523 ff). Reference will be made to these in the following pages. 

2. Stutterheim held that the term 'rake' is derived from raka + i, 
but Poerbatjaraka thinks that rake is derived from rakai, and the latter 
from rakryan (T. B. G., IQ33, PP- 162-6). 


In Java it has always been the practice to entrust members 
of the royal family, specially the heir-apparent, with high 
and important civil functions. 

The relation of the king to the place-name following his 
rake title is difficult to define. Certain it is that the same 
place-name is not added to any other rake-title during the 
life-time of the king, though after his death it again forms 
part of the rake-title of an ordinary official. In the case of 
Airlangga we arc definitely told that as he was formally 
consecrated at Halu he got the title rake Halu, and this may 
serve as an explanation of the raka-title of many kings of an 
earlier date also. 

The records of Eastern Java refer to a large number of 
officials. The names are mostly Javanese, but we have, 
besides Mantri, also two other Indian designations, Scnapati 
( conimaiider-iii-chief ) and Senapati Sarva-Jala i.e. admiral. 
These records also introduce a stereotyped form of govern- 
ment which continued, with slight changes and occasional 
modifications, throughout the Hindu period. Next to the king 
were three great Mantrls, called Mantri Hino, Mantri Sirikan, 
and Mantri Halu ; and after them three chief executive 
officers, Eakryan Mapatih, Rakryan Demung, and Rakryan 
Kannruhan. Sometimes the titles of these two groups were 
combined in one person, as for example in Rakryan Mapatih 
Hino, Mahamantrl Sri Ketudhara. Later on, however, the 
two groups became distinct, and the former gradually became 
ornamental figures, while the chief powers passed to the three 
Rakryaiis. During the Majapahit period two more were 
added, vix-. 9 Rakryan Rangga and Rakryan Tumenggung, 
thus increasing the total number of chief executive officers to 
five, known as 'Paficari Vilvatikta' (the five of Majapahit). But 
the record of Krtarajasa, dated 1294 A.D., refers to seven 
chief executive officers with Rakryan Mantri as the highest 
among them. The successive titles of Gajah Mada as Patih 
of Kahuripan, Daha, and Majapahit indicate a new class 
of functionary of high dignity and great power. Indeed the 


position of Gajah Mada as the chief minister of the empire 
almost overshadowed the authority of the king. But the 
danger was averted by the abolition of the post after his 
death. A new experiment was then tried, ri,\., the formation 
of an inner cabinet consisting of the members of the royal family 
(see p. 337 above), which kept the chief direction of affairs in 
their own hands. 

Besides these high executive officials there were two other 
classes of important functionaries, r/*., Dharmadhikaranas 
and Dharmadhyaksas. 

The Dharmadhikaranas, as in India, denoted judicial 
officers. The Sidoteka copper-plate grant of the Saka year 
1245 explains the term as "the distinguisher between righteous 
and evil 'processes," and the Travulan inscription calls them 
'dharmapravakta' and Vyavaharavicchedaka/ i.e. propounders of 
law and judges. The inscriptions refer to the following 
seven classes of them : 

1. Pamget (or Samget) i Tirvan 

2. Do Kandamuhi 

3. Do Mnnghuri 

4. Do Pamvataii 

5. Do Jambi 

6. Do Kandangan atuha 

7. Do Kandangan rare 

Dr. F. H. Van Nacrsscn 1 concluded, after a careful study 
of all relevant documents, that these seven officials formed the 
Sapt-opapatti of Nagara-Krtagama, the first five being Saivitc, 
and the last two, Buddhist. As regards the hierarchy of these 
officials, so far as we can judge from their respective position in 
the list, he observes as follows : 'The Pamget i Tirvan always 
heads the list. The two Pamgets, Pamvatan and Jambi, always 
come under the other two, Kandamuhi and Manghuri, though 
within each group the position of the two officers is sometimes 

i. B. K. I., Vol. 90, pp. 239 ff. 


interchanged. The two Buddhist Upapattis (Nos. 6 and 7) 
stood apart from the others/ 

According to the Travulan inscription, the holder of each 
of these posts had the. title acarya and was versed in a special 
branch of knowledge, such as logic, grammar, or Samkhya 
philosophy ; while all of them were 'proficient in Katarama- 
nava (i.e. the law-book) and other sacred writings with the aim 
of deepening their knowledge regarding the justice or other- 
wise of both the litigant parties/ 

The two Dharmadhyaksas were the Superintendent of the 
Siiiva institutions and the Superintendent of the Buddhist 
institutions. According to the Travulan inscription they were 
charged with the w T ork of supervision for the protection of the 
great Brahmanas and the learned. In the Purvadhigama they 
are also said to have exercised judicial functions, very much in 
the same way as the seven Upapattis, and are named before 
them. Dr. Nacrsscn concludes from this that these two classes 
had to perform judicial duties of a similar nature, though each 
had other additional functions. He also holds that Dharmadhy- 
aksas were probably higher in rank than the Dharmadhikaranas 
or seven Upapattis. 

On the whole, we must conclude that there was a highly 
organised and efficient system of bureaucratic administration 
in Java under an absolute monarch. The following extract 
from the History of the Sung Dynasty (960-1279 A. D.) gives 
a general picture of the form of government, as it struck a 
foreign observer : "Three sons of the king are viceroys and 
there are four functionaries, called Lo-ki-lien ( Rakryan ), who 
manage together the affairs of the state, just as the ministers 
in China ; these have no fixed pay, but they get from time 
to time products of the soil and other things of this kind. 
Next there are more than three hundred civil employees, who 
are considered equal to siu-tsai (graduates of the lowest degree) 
in China ; they keep the books in which the revenue is put 
down. They have also about a thousand functionaries of lower 
yank, who attend to the walls and the moat of the town, the 


treasury, the granaries and to the soldiers. The general of the 
army gets every half year ten taels (Chinese ounces) of gold 
(between six and seven hundred guilders) ; there are thirty 
thousand soldiers who, every half year, arc paid according to 
their rank 1 /' 

According to Nagara-Krtagama, the relations of the king 
took a prominent part in the administration. The country 
was regularly surveyed, and the titles of lands correctly 
determined with reference to documents. Proper care was 
taken of the temples, roads, and waterways, and there was 
proper arrangement for regular inspection. 

Finally, a word may be said regarding the administration of 
the empire. It appears that nowhere except in Bali was there 
any idea of direct administration from the capital city of Java. 
The dependent states were left free in respect of their own 
internal administration so long as they acknowledged the 
suzerainty of Majapahit and paid their taxes and other dues. 
The Bhujanggas and Mantrls from Majapahit visited these 
states to collect these dues, and the former possibly took 
advantage of this opportunity to make a supervision of religious 

i f Groeneveldt Notes, pp. 16-17. 


Abhimanottunga Samanta 182 

Abiasa (Vyasa) 95 

Abulfida 209-212, 

Abu Zayd Hasan 156, 161, 210, 217 

Accra 58, 59 

Achinese 10, 118 

Adesasastrins 432 

Adhamapanuda 269 

Adhimukti 150 

Aditya 73 

Adityavarmadeva 365-368 

Airlangga 258-279, 433 

Aiyangar Prof. S. K. 179, 186 

Ajapatha 56, 59 

Aji Ma-ra-ya (Maharaja) 265 

Aji Saka 94-97 

Aji Wangbang 429 

Alauddin (Alaoadim) 385 

Alberuni 21, 40, 45 47 '64, 212 

Albuquerque 383, 386, 397, 4* 

Alexander 20 

Allahabad Pillar Ins. 107 

Allasanda 56 

Anengah (Anusapti) 293. 

Anga-dvipa 52, 53 

Anganeka 56 

Angkavijaya 407 

Angrok (Rajasa, Amurvvabhumi) 


Anuapati (Anuanatha) 294 
A-pu-sai 375 
Aragani 301 
Arddharaja 302, 308 
Argapura 238 

Argyre 49i 55 

Arjunavijaya 328 

Arjunavivaha 274 

Arthasastra 38, 54, 55, 61 

Aru 374 

Aryabhatiya 119 

Arya Damar 406 

Aryan 18 

Aryyavangsadhiraja 365 

Astaguna 287 

Astina (Hastinapura) 94, 95 

Asvavarman (Asvatthama) 126, 127 

Atwal 212 

Aurousseau 217 

Austro-nesian 12 

Ayodhya 429 

Babad Tanah Javi 406 

Badong 427 

Bagchi, P. C. 16 

Bakulapura 298, 299 

Balambangan 427 

Balaputradeva 152-154, 232 

Bali 1-3, u, 132-137, 261-265,298, 

327, 33 2 -334, 419-428, 436 
Baligami 189 
Banak Wide 301 
Bandar Bapahat 189 
Bandon 83-87 
Bangli 427 
Barabudur 153, 154 
Barawa 53 

Barbosa, Duarte 398, 404 
Barousai 49, 120 


Barus (Karpur Barus) 52 

Basma (Pase) 369 

Batak 10, 118 

Bataratamurel (Bha^ara Tumapel) 


Batik 33-36 
Batu Pahat 130 
Batu Rcnggong 426-7 
Batur Ins. 334 
Batu-Tulis Ins. 358 
Bawang rakryan 259 
Bedahulu 425 
Berg 425, 426 
Bhagadato 73 
Bharada 276 
Bharatavarsa 45, 50, 51 
Bharatayuddha 283 
Bharukaccha 37, 56 
Bhatara Dwaravarman 102 
Bhatara Guru 273 
Bhatara Prabhu (Suraprabhava, 

Singhavikramavardhana) 352 
Bhimaprabhava 269 
Bhra Krtabhumi 351-353 
Bhre Daha 341-343 
Bhre Pamotan (Sri Rajasavardhana 

Sinagara) 351 

Bhre Pandan Salas 351, 354 
Bhre Prabhu istri 342, 343 
Bhre Tumapel 342, 343, 35 1 
Bhre Vengker 351 
Bhujangga 436 
Bhumicandra 215 
Blagden 26, 52, 72-75, 39O 
Bloch. J 16 
Borneo 2, 3, 10, n, 22, 29, 135-131, 

138, 165, 299, 325. 333> 334 345, 

Bosch 234, 303, 365 

Brahmaraja Ganggadhara 355 
Brandes 33-35, 3<>7> 3", 341 
Bravijaya 406 
Brhatkatha-mafijari 37 
Brhatkatha-Sloka-Sarhgraha 37, 58, 


Hrhat-Samhita 41, 75 
Brumbung 281 

Budhagupta 48, 82, 83, 89, 90 
Bugis ii 
Buleleng 427 
Burma 46-50, 186, 187 
Buzurg bin Sahriyar 41 

Caiya (Chaiya) 81-86, 90, 195-1 97, 


Cakradhara (or Cakresvara) 327 
Calcutta Stone Ins. 272 
Cambodia 159, 160, 225,336 
Candi Kalasan 1 53 
Candrabhanu 197-200, 216 


Candrasvamin 51 
Cangal Ins. 99, 229, 234, 243, 249 
Canggu 297 
Canton 165, 349 

Carita Parahyangan 230, 360, 419 
C'ayaraja (or Bhayaraja) 300 
Celebes 2, 10, u, 29, 333 
Ceylon 56, 57, 63, I97'i99i 216, 271 
Champa 63, 7o, 79. I QI IIO 12 7, 

155* ! 57> 165, 166, 271, 336 
Cham record 158 
Ch'a-ri-ya-ka (Hu-lan-na-po) 135 
Chattapatha 56, 60 
Chaudhury, S, B. 50 
Chau Hang 416 


Chau Ju-Kua 71, 134, 176-178, 192- 

200,218,288-291, 357, 380,414 
Chavannes 205 
Che eul yeou king (Buddhist Sutra) 

Che-li-fo-che (or ri-Vijaya, Fo-che) 

41, 120, 204, 209, 217-220 
Che-li-p'o-ta-t'o-a-la-pa-mo, King 

of Cho-p'o 102 
Che-li t'o-lo-pa-mo (Srindravarman), 

King of Sri-Vijaya 124 
Che-li Wou-ye 165 
Chen dynasty, History of 80, 220 
Cheng Ho 344, 374, 3^2 
Che-pi 3*3-3i5 3*7 
Che-p'o-lo-na-lien-to (Snvaranaren- 

dra) 79 
Chhabra, B. C. 81, 89, 114, 122, 

126, 130 

China 184, 382,416, 418 
Cho-p'o (Cho-p'o-p'o-ta) 101-102, 

104, 119, 157, 166 
ChS-ye 121 

Chryse 4-6, 39, 42-$o, 55 
Chryse Ohersonesus 40, 42, 46-49, 69 
Chryse Chora 40, 42, 46 
Ch'uan-chou 192, 314 
Chu-fan-chi 192 
Ci-aruton 106, 107 
Cibadak 356 
Cina 38, 56 
Clifford 5 
Coedes7i,72, 120, 122, 155, 170. 

175, 193-198, 204-207, 221, 227, 


Cola 5, 167 ff 
Co-Ion (Kuen-Luen) 157 
('ommentaires d' Albuquerque 383 

386, 392, 398 

Cordier 79 

Culamanivarman (Cu^amanivarman) 

168, 196, 207, 218, 220 
Culamanivarma-Vihara 168, 182 
Cullavarhsa 197, 216 

Daba 157 

Dagroian 369 

Daha 278, 316, 324, 327. 339, 349 

Daksottama 242-246, 259 

Da Napati, historian 77 

Dangdang Gendis 287, 292 

Dantapura 6, 7 

Dara Jingga 320, 364 

Dara-Petak (Indrcsvaii) 320, 364 

Daripatha 56, 60 

Das Gupta 18 

Da Sura wan, historian 77 

Dayaks 10 

De Barros 384, 386, 393, 395, 400 

Dedes 292-294 

Deva-agung 428 

Deva-agung Ketut 426 

Devaniskala 358, 360 

Devapala 152 

Devasimha 249 

Devasmita 51 

Dtva Sura, Maharaja 382 

Devavarman 100 

Devendra, Linuis Sii 240 

Dharmadhikaranas 434 

Dharmadhyakas 435 

Dharmapala 39, 144^ 232 

DharmaprasadottungadevI 272 

Dharmasetu 153, 232-3 

Dliarmavarfisa 166, 362, 264-269, 

279. 420 

Dharmaya 258, 282 
Dhaimesvara Digjaya 284 


Dharmodaya Mahasambhu (Balitung) 

241, 2 42 
Dharmodayanavarmadeva 420 

Dimaski 53, 192, 209 

Dinaya Ins, 248 

Dionysius Periegetes 39, 42, 44 

Dipankara A lisa 39, 75 

Divyavadana 45 

Dixon, Roland B, II 

Djaba (Djawaga) 213-215, 224 

Dompo 327, 329 

Douglas 19 

Dravidian 14 

Dusun 10 

Dutch 427-8 

Dva-pa-tan 137 

Edrisi 53, 192, 196, 213 
Elavaddhana 56 
Etienna 40 
Eustathios 40 
Evans 80 

Fa-hien 103, 105, 119, 140 

Fah-yu 379 

Fa-lang 143 

Fan-Chan 62 

Fancur 214 

Fanur (Pansur or Baros) 41, 369 

Fei Hsin 393 

Ferlec (Perlak) 3<>9-37i 374 

Ferrand 14, 16, 47, $2, 53, 7*. 78, 

79, loo, 102, 119-122, 192, 210, 

217, 237, 363, 372 
Fo-lo-an 194 
Foucher 75 

Fou-nan 55, 62, 70, 86, 101 
Founan t'ou Sou tchouan 101 
Fruin-Mees 31 

Gajah Enggon 338 

Gajah Mada 323-327, 337, 406-408, 

425, 433 

Gajah Manguri 340 
Gajayana 249 
Galanai, Mahasenapati 195 
Galuh 359, 360 
Ganapatha 60 
Gahga 226 
Gahgana 56 

Gange (Gangai) 173, 174 
Ganter 293 
Garuda Purana 51 
Gaspar Correa 383 
Gata Ins. 243 
Gauda 336 
Gavampati 39 
Gayatri 320 
Gayo 10, 118 
Gelgt-1 425, 426 
Gemelan 33-36 
Gentayu 273 
Gerini 25, 42, 43, 69, 78, 81, 175, 

205, 220 

Ghatotkacasraya 284 

Gianj^r 427 

Gulndravardhana 408 

Godinho de Eredia 384 

Goris 238, 243-245 

Grahi 195, 197, 380 

Grierson 21 

Gromeveldt 76, 78, 97, 101, 102, 

in, 113, 114, >33-'37, M5-U7, 

Guhasena 51 
Gujrat 94-96 
Gumba 56 
Guijavarman (K'ieou-na-pa-mo) 104, 



Gupta Inscriptions 107 

Gurun (Gorong or Goram) 298, 327 

Ha-ch'i-su-wu-ch'a-p'u-mi 182 

Haji-SumatrabhQmi 183, 185 

Han dynasty 97, 380 

Hangchu 165 

Han-yti 221 

Haraki 41, 45, 210 

Harikela 74 

Harivarhsa 54, 55, 284 

Harladj (Haridj) 213 

Harsacarita of Hana 74 

Hawiya of Ibn Majid 79 

Hayam Wuruk 274, 286, 294,306,328 

Henrique Leme 404 

Heu-Han-Shu 100 

Hiang-ta 413 

Hia-tche 165 

Hia-wang 416 

Hia-Wu, Emperor 79 

Hikayat Maroh Mahawarisa 72, 203, 


Hikayat Rajaraja Pasay 333 
Hi-ning-Kuan 315 
Hippalus 6 
Hirth 193 
Hiuen Tsang 21, 52, 71-73, 82, 112, 


Ho-ling 112 
Ho-lo-tan, Kingdom of 102, 103, 

III, 112 

Hornell, J. 18-23 
Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan of Fei Hsin 

Huang-tche 70 
Huber 71 
Hui-ning 143 

Hujung Galuh 272 

Hultzsch 172 

Hutton. J. H. 19-23 

Hyang Visesa (Yang Wi-si-sa) 341- 

343 348 
Hyang Wekasing Sukha 340 

labadios 49 

Ibadiou (=Yavadvipa) 98-100, 119 

Ibn al-Fakih 161, 214 

Ibn Battita 371-373 

Ibn Khordadzbeh 160, 208, 213 

Ibn Majid 221 

Ibn Rosteh 161, 213 

Jbn Said 14, 47, 52, 53, 192, 210, 212 

Ibn Serapion 161 

Ibrahim bin Waif Sab 52, 163, 210 

Idangai 189 

Ijzerman 256 

llamurides'am 174, 177 

Ilangasogam 173, 176 

Indradvipa 50 

Indraloka 429 

Indrapura 157 

Indravarman I 158 

Tsanabajra 269 

Isanadharma 282 

Isanatunggavijaya 261 

Isana-Vikrama Dharmottungadeva 


Ishak bin 'Imran 161 
Isidore of Seville 40 
Isvaravarma 38, 45 
I-tsing 26, 41, 71, 120-123, 137, 142- 

144, 175 

Jaka-Dolok Ins. 302 
Jakun 10, 12 



Jambudvipa 336 

Janasadhuvarmadeva 420 

Janggala 276-280, 289, 293, 422 

Jannupatha 56, 60 

Jataka 37, 60, 61 

Jatakamala 37 

Jajavarman Vira Pancjya 198, 216 

Java 2,3, ii, 32-34, 91-H5, 138, 
153-160, 200-206, 233-275, 298- 
307, 3 1 3-355, 373 378, 401-411 

Javaka (Savaka, Davaka) 198, 199, 

Jaya Baya (Jayabhaya) 95, 281, 

Jayakatvang 301, 308, 311, 315- 


Jayakirtivardhana Gvvas Sri 240 
Jayakrta 284 
Jayanagara 320-326 
Jayanta 150 

Jayantakatunggadeva 279 
Jayasabha 293 
Jayasimhavarman IV 300 
Jayavarman II 157, 159 
Jayavarsa Digjaya 280 
Jembrana 427 
Jiianabhadra 143 
Joao Lopez Alvin 403 
Jogyakerta 93, 151, 236 
Julien 83 

Kadambari (of Bana) 45 

Katfaram (Kidaram) 168, 173, 178, 

184-188, I99 216, 380 
Ka<Jiri (Kediri) 93, 276-293* 3 OI > 

305> 309-318, 353 
Kajunan Ins. 284 
Kala or Kora (Kora Fu-Sa-ra) 7, 

76, 170, (See Kalah) 

Kala Gemet 320 

Kalah 162, 196, 212-214 (See Kala) 

Kalamukha 56 

Kalang 314, 3*6 

Kalasa (Var. Kalasavarapura, 

Kalasapura), 74-76, 151 
Kalasan Ins. 150, 153, 205, 232, 

Kalinga 6, 7, 95, 96, 112, 153, 179- 

181, 226, 271, 379 
Kalungkung 407 
Kalyani Inscriptions 46 
Kama-lahka (see Lang-ya-su),7i-75, 


Kamandaka 429 
Kamarnava 226 
Kamboja (Cambodia) 155 
Kamesvara (Bamesvara) 281-287 
Kanaka 350 
Kanakavarman 51 
Kancanapura 45 
Kandari (Kadara) 79 
K'ang T'ai 62, 101 
Kan-to-li or Kin-to-li (San-bo-tsai, 

Khanthuli or Kanturi, Kandari, 

Kadara) 78-80, 218, 220 
Kan>akumari Ins, 174 
Kaosen tchouan (or Biography of 

famous monks) 104 
Kapakisan 425 
Kapulungan 309 
Karangasem 426-7 
Karangtengah Ins. 238 
Kariyana Panamkarana 232 
Karmarahga (Carmarahga) 74 
Karpura -dvipa 52 
Kaserumat 50 

Ka^aha 38, 51, 168, 170, 172, 178, 
196, 207, 298, 380 


Kataha-dvipa 51, 52* ^9 
Kathakosa 37, 38 
Kathasarit-Sagara 37, 45> 51* 52, 75> 

76, 222 

Katyayana 60 
Kau Hsing 313, 316-318 
Kaundinya 126, 134 
Kavali Ins. 359 
Kayan 10 
Kayuwangi, Sri Maharaja rakai 


Kazwini 192 

Kebantenan Copperplates 359 
Kebon Kopi 356 
Kebo Tengah 308 
Keddah 9, 51, 71, 80, 81, 89, 170, 


Kedu Ins. 160, 223, 231-238, 244 
Kedung Pluk 309 
Kelagen Ins. 272 
Kelurak Ins. 151, 153; 205, 233 
Kenyah 10 
Kern 13, 30, 82, 89, 106, 114. 126, 

127, 365 

Kesarivarma 420 
Ke{a 327 
Ketudhara 433 
Khasi 14 

Khau Phra Narai 81 
Khersonese (Golden) 25, 42 
Khmer 156 

Khryse or Chryse Insula 42 
Kia-Siang-li 62 
Kidung Rangga Lawe 322 
Kidung Sunda 329, 425 
Kien-pi 194 
Ki-lan-tan 194 
Kill Suci 273 
King liu yi Siang 121 

Kin-tcheu 41 

Kirana 283 

Kiratas45, 55 

K 4 iu-t'an-sieou-pa-to-lo (Gautama 

Subhadra) 79 
Ki-yen 236 
Kling 7, 95 
Klungkung 426-8 
Ko-ku-la 379 
Ko-lo-cho-fen (Kia-lo-cho-fou, Kia- 

lo-cho-fo) 75. 76 
Kombeng 128, 129 
Koppam 181 
Korinchis n8 
Kota Kapur 122 
Kot. Monthieraban 381 
Krom 7, 18, 26, 28, 36. 79> 8 2, 98, 

in, 112, 114, i*5 120, 122, 

127-128, 155, 203, 205, 230, 235, 

257, 261-263, 281, 285, 289, 294. 

3<>3-3o7> 3H. 340, 352, 365, 404 
Krsnayana 280 
Krtajaya 286-288, 292 
Krtanagara 200, 260, 297 - 36 
Krtarajasa (Vijaya) 319-321, 433 
Krtavijaya 351 
Kublai Khan 300, 312 
Kudamrta (Vijayarajasa) 327 
Ku-Kang 202, 216 
Kulottunga 181, 184-188 
Kumara, book of (Skanda or 

Karttikeya) 282 
Kumarayajfia 429 
K'u-ma-r Maharaja 383 
Kun^uhga (Kaundinya) 126-128 
Kusa-dvipa 52 
Kusumavarddhani 339 
Kutaraja 293 
Kutaramanava 435 



Kutei Ins. 126, 139 
Kuti 323 

Lacote 37, 58 

Laidlay 88-90 

Lajonquiere 83 

Lambri ( Lamuri or Great Atjeh ) 

369-371, 374 
Lam pongs 10, 118 
Langkawi 65 

Lang-ya-su 70-75, 145, 146, 194 
Lankadvlpa 62 
Lankavatara Sutra 21 
Lan-wu-li 194 
Lara-Jongrang 235 
Lebongs 118 

Leiden Grant 168, 170, 182,208 
Lembu Ampal 295 
Lenkasuka 53 
L6vi. S 6, 16-24, 53, 5* 69, 73-75, 

Liang Dynasty, History of, 70, 72, 

78, 134, 220 
Liang-Shu 86 
Liang Tau-ming 203 
Ligor 81, 82, 90, 122, 149, 153, 

205-209, 219, 225 
Linggapati 297 
Ling-wai-tai-ta 193 
Li-si-lin-nan-mi-je-lai 165 
Li-tai 374 
Li-tche-ti 164 
Lobu Tua 188 

Lo-cha-lo-cha (Rajaraja) 184 
Lokanatha (Avalokitesvara) 45 
L ok a pa la 261 
Lombok i, ii, 333428 
Low, Col. 89 
Lvaram 266 

Madagascar 2, 19, 22, 23 
Madamalingam 174, 177 
Madhura (Madura) 298, 299, 310, 

Madura 91, 93, 97, 298, 299i 3*o, 


Mahabharata 17, 20, 94-96, 429 
Mahajanaka 37 
Mahakarma-Vibhanga 39 
Ma-ha-la 388 

Ma-ha-la-Ch'ih (Maharaja) 418 
Mahapati 321-324 
Maharaja 155, 160-163 
Maharaja Prabu 202 
Maharasa 376 
Mahavarhsa 21, 39, 63, 176 
Mahendradatta (Gunapriyadharma- 

patni) 262, 420-423 
Mahenjo-daro 19, 22 
Mahisa Campaka 295, 296 
Mahia Walungan 293 
Mahisa Wong Ateleng 294 
Mahmud (Muhammad, Ma-ha-mu-sa, 

Mamat) 385-391, 396 
Ma-Huan 218, 374-376, 386, 393, 401 
Majapahit 297, 308-318, 339-344, 

Majumdar, N. G. 153 
Majumdar, S. N. 50 
MakutavarhSavardhana 261 
Malacca 7, 347, 348, 379, 383-405 
Ma-la-cha Wu-li 202 
Malaiyur 173, 175 
Malang 93, 297 

Malay (Malaya, Malava) 19-25 
Malaya-dvipa 52, 53, 69 
Malay Archipelago 1-3, 46, 333>33&, 

345 382 
Malayas (Proto- Malay as) 10, 23-25 


Malayasia i, 4-8, 19, 24, 26-36, 

138-145.149, i53-'55 
Malay Peninsula i, 7, 29, 41-43, 

65-90, 138, 149, 153-' 55, 165, 

178, 191-201, 204-227, 299, 333, 

33 6 , 345. 347, 378-400 
Malayu 22, 120, 121, 123, 175, 195- 

201, 298, 305, 3 20 33, 363-368 
Maleou Kolon 25, 26 
Mali ioi, 134) 136 
Malik al-Saleh 370 
Malik az-Zahir 371 
Malik Ibrahim 401 
Malur Ins. 173 
Malurpatna 171 
Ma-Mo-Sha 414 
Ma-na-ha-pau-lin-pang 202 
Manakkavaram 174, 177 
Mandikere Ins. 174 
Mangalore 23 
Manimekhalai 215 
MafijugrimQlakalpa 74, 75 
Mankir 41 
Man-Shu 413 

Mansur Shah 382, 385-391, 396 
Mantri 433, 436 
Manuel 403 

Manu-Smrti 107, 429, 431 
Mapafiji Alafijung Ahyes 279 
Mappappalam 173, 176 
Maraja 264 
Maranapara 56-7 
Marcien 40 

Marco Polo 177, 307, 365, 3 6 9, 374 
Marines of Tyre 40 
Martianus Capella 40, 48 
Marukantara 56 
Maspero 157 
Mas'udI 156, 162, 198, 210 

Mataram 229-257, 427 
Matsya-purana 20, 60 
Ma-Twan-Lin 165, 182, 184, 192, 221 
Ma-wou (Ma-li) ioi 
Mayiruqlihgam 173, 176 
Mazafar Shah (Modafaixa) 386- 

39^ 396 

M'c. Crindle 6, 21, 25 
Mendhapatha 56, 59 
Mengui 427 

Mevilimbahgam 72-75, i74> *77 
Milindapafiha 38, 56, 60, 6 1, 177 
Ming-Chu 165 
Ming dynasty, History of 78, 97, 

201-203, 218, 336, 337, 341-348. 

374, 382, 386-395; 4*3 
Ming-ti 77 
Minto-Stone 247 
Mi-Si-Po-ra 76 
Mitra, R. L. 89 
Moens 304-307 
Mo-lo-yeu 120 
Mon-Khmer 14, 19 
Muara Kaman 126-129 
Mudra-Raks.asa 20 
Mulavarman 126, 127, 140 
Munda 14-16 
Mundarang Kebo 310 
Murut 10 

Musikapatha 56, 60 
Muusses, Dr. M. A. 352, 354 

Nadikera, Island 74, 75 

Nagadatta 38 

Nagapattana 168 

Nagara-Krtagama 71, 97, 175, 178, 
269, 274, 276-279, 292-299, 302- 
307, 3i3 318-336, 357/ 368, 373 
425, 434/ 435 


Nagaravarddhani 339 

Nagarl Inscriptions 86 

Nagipattana 168 

Nakhon Sri Dhammarat (Ligor) 

81, 83-86 
Na-Ku-erh 374 
Nakur 376 
Nalanda Copper-plate Ins. of 

Devapala 152, 154, 160, 169, 

221-223, 232 
Nambi 310, 322 
Nanadesi 188 
Nandin (Nan-t'i) 105 
Nan-Shi 77 

Narendra (Tsvara Narendra) 79 
Narikela-dvipa 52, 74 
Narottama 273 
Nasik Ins. 20 
Ngabean Ins. 238, 432 
Nicephorus 40 
Niddesa 39 5 6 -58> 61, 69 
Nirartha 427 

Niskalavastu Kancana 358-361 
Nitipraya 4 2 9 
Norman, Sir Henry 68 
Nusa Kendeng 32, 95 
Nuwayri4i, 53 

Oman 162 

Padang Rocho, 196, 200, 299 

Paduka Pa-ha-la 418 

Paduka Prabu (Prabhu) 418 

Pagan 189 

Pahang (Pa-hoang or Po-houang) 9* 

66, 68, 77, 193, 200, 327, 33*> 


Pakwan Pajajaran 358-362 
Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni 382 

Palembang 122, 154, I95 205, 

217-220, 327, 384, 394 
Palian 67 
Paloura 6, 7, 226 
Pamaficangah 425 
Pamget 434 

Pa-mi-si-wa-r-tiu-pa-sha 388 
Pamotan Ins. 272 
Panamkarana (Paficapana, Kariyana) 

I5L 223 
Panangkaran Sri Maharaja rakai 


Panataran 286 
Pandangkrayan Ins 272 
Pandu Deva Natha (Pantfu) 95 
Panembahan Siti Luhur 411 
Pangkur 432 
Panini 20 
Pafijalu 276-278 
Pafiji Patipati 295 
Pafiji Tohjaya 294 
Pafiji Vijayakrama 310-313, 320 
Pannai 173, 175 
P'an-p'an 76, 86 
Panuluh 284 
Parakramabahu II 197 
Paramagangana 56 
Paramayona 56 

Paramesvara (Parimisura) 384-394 
Paramesvari (SusumnadevI) 329 
Paramesvari dyah Kebi, rakryan 

binihaj Sri 259 
Parantaka I 167 

Pararaton 287, 292-295, 3i"37; 
310-318, 320-328, 340-344, 35 1 ' 

Para-Samudra 55, 56 

Pasa (Pase) 56 
Pasuruhan 427 


Pataftjali 60 

Patapan rakai 238 

Pate Udra 404 

Pati Katir 403 

Pati Rodien 403 

Pati Unus 403, 409 

Pelliot 71-73, 77-80, 100, 102, Hi, 

113, 114, 133-136, 193. 349, 363, 

372, 387 

Penang 65. 68, 88 
Perak 9, 66, 68, 81 
Perak, A History of 81 
Perez d' Andrade 403 
Periplus 4-6, 39, 44, 46, 48, 56, 

58, 69 

Perot Ins. 238 
Perumber Ins. 181, 187 
Pigafetta 404 

Pikatan rakai (pu Manku) 238 
Pin-Ka 135 
Pitamahas 432 
P'i-ye-pa-mo ( Vijaya Varman or 

Priyavarman ?) 79 
Pi-yuan-pa-mo 79 
Plaosan 235 
Pleyte 357 

Pliny 39, 44. 48, 50, 58. 6 9 
Poerbatjaraka 259, 262, 268, 281, 

296, 322, 359* 432 
P'o-li 133-U7 

Pomponius Mela 39, 42, 44, 48 
Po-Nagar 157 
Pong-fong 194 
Pordenon, Odoric Van 325 
Porlak Dolok 189 
Po-to-Kia, King of Java 105 
Po-U-Daung Ins. 47 
Prakrtivirya 287 
Prambanan 235, 240, 243-245 

Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in 

India 73 
Prinsep 89 
Prtuvijaya 287 
Przyluski, L 16, 24, 99, 227 
Ptolemy 6, 21, 25, 40, 42, 49, 69, 74 

83, 98-100 
Pucangan 273 
Puket 67, 84 
Pula Sara (Parasara) 95 
Pulaw Emas 47 
P'u Lu-hsieh 413 
Pu-ni 334, 345, 414 
Punyaraja 215 
Purnavarman 106-114, 140 

Quaritch Wales. H. G. 84-87, 153, 

Raden Patah 406 

Haden Usen 406 

Raffles, Sir Stamford 94, 235, 430 

Raganatha 301 

Rahma 214 

Rahmat 406 

Kajadhiraja 181 

Kajanlti 429 

Rajapatigundala 303 

Rajaraja 167-171 

Rajasanagara (Hayam Wuruk) 328- 


Paja Suran 188 
Kajavidyadhara Samanta 182 
Rajendra Cola 71, 74, 167, 172-175, 

Rakryan 433 
Rakta-mrttika 82, 83 
Kama Garhheng 201 
Ramafifiadesa 46, 176 



Ramayaga 20, 42, 53, 54, 9 8 "9, 

222, 429 
Ramayaga-mafijari (of Kemendra) 

Kami (Ramni) 162, 163, 271 

Ragavijaya 354 

Ranggah Rajasa 292 

Rangga Lawe 310, 322 

Rangga Wuni 295-297 

Ranong 67 

Rasid-ad-DIn 370 

Ratnabhumi 429 

Raveya 429 

Ray Chaudhury. H. C. 56 

Rejangs 118 

Ricci 221 

Rockhill 193, 387 

Rouffaer 102, 176, 2 3 1,2 60, 268,274* 

290, 372, 378, 404, 4io 
Rudra 38 
RupyakadvH>a 62 

Sabadios 49, 120 

Saddhammappajotika 58 

Saddhai ma-Smrtyupasthana-Sutra 54 

Sadeng 327 

Saila 226 

Sailendra 86, 121, 138, 149-227, 236 

Sailodbhava 226 

Sajara Malayu 396 

Sajivan 235 

Sajjanotsavatungga (Svami Kayu- 

wangi, Sukri) 239 
Sakai 10, 12 
Sakunapatha 56, 59 
Salahit (Salahat) 213 
Samara (Samudra) 369-376 
Samaragravira 153, 160, 223, 232 


Samarottunga 160, 223, 238 

Sambawa 427 

Sambharasuryavarana 260 

Sarfikhya 435 

Sampit 130 

Samprangan 425 

Samudra-dvipa 55 

Samudragupta 215 

Samudrasura 38, 76 

San-fo-tsi (San-fo-tsai) 78-9, 164- 

166, 193-197) 200-205, 217-222, 

265, 334, 346 
Sang belirang 130 
Sanggau 130 

Sang hyang Kamahayanikan 260 
Sang hyang Tapak 357 
Sangrama-Vijayottungavarman 173- 


Safijaya 229 239 
ankha-dvipa 52 
Sahkupatha 56, 60 
Sannaha 229,234 
Santri 406 
Sanudasa 37, 58, 59 
Saptopapatti 434 
Sari-Pala-Varma, King of Pahang 


Sarkar. H. B. 96 
Sasak 427 
Sasanavarhsa 39 
astrajaya 293 
Sastri, Mr. Krishna 367 
Sastri, Pandit H. 153, 222 
Sastri, Prof. K. A. N. 167, 187, 227 
Satul 67 

Satyavarman 158 
Schlegel 77, 102, I33"I3^ 176, 374 

Schmidt 14-16, 19-23 



Schnitger 106, 295 

Sdok Kak Thorn Ins. 157 

Sedan 282 

Seh Walilanang 406 

Sekandar Shah (Xaquendarxa) 385- 

39i, 395 
Selinsing 8l, 84 

Semang (Semang Negritos) 9, 12 
Sendang Kamal Ins. 264 
Sending Sedati 352, 354 
Sengguruh 409 
Seng-Ka-liet-yu-lan 202 
Sepauk 130 
Serat Kanda 407 
Shau-Sheng 184 

(ii Rajendra) 184 
Sho-po 288-290 
Siam 201, 336, 364, 3 8l -3$7> 3<>o, 


Sidoteka Ins. 432 
Sien-lieou 165 
Si-Ian 194 

Si-li hou-ta Hia-li-tan 104 
Silingkia (ringa) 145 
Si-li-tieh-hwa (rl Deva) 183, 185 
Si-ma, Queen of Java 113 
Sindok (Sri Isanadharma) 248, 258- 


Singapore 7, 65, 335, 384 
Singhasari 243, 258,292-311, 319 
Sin-to 194, 288, 290 
SIraf 163 
Siiahketing 280 
Sirandib 163 
Sirazl 41 
Siva-sasana 264 

Smaradahana-Kavya, 258, 282, 285 
Solinus 39 

Sora 310, 322 

Sorandaka 322 

Srihuza 47, 120, 162-164, 210, 217 

ii-Dharmaraja 201 

ii-Jayanasa (Jayanasa Jayanaga, 

Jayawaga) 123, 143 
rl Mahaiaja 150, 191 
Jii-Mara-Vijayottuhgavarman 168- 

170. 207, 218, 220 
ii-pada-dhara ( or dhara ) Varmari 


Srl-pacia Purnavarman 102 

Sii-Vijaya (Sri Visaya, Sribuza) 8, 
41,45-47, 7*1 78, 120-124, M2- 
44, I53-I55, 162-164, 168, 170, 
204-211, 217-223 

SiI-Vi$aya (See ri-Vijaya) 168, 170 

Srngga 286 

Stutterheim 206, 223, 230-235, 244, 
259, 261, 263, 268, 306, 420, 43 2 

Subhuti-tantra 260 

Suhica 340, 341, 35 

Sui (period) in, 135, 13* 

Su-kan-la (Sekander) 375 

Sukhodaya 201 

Su-ki-tan 288-290 

Sulayman 156-161, 213, 216 

Sumanasantaka 281 

Sumatra 2, 3, 10, 18, 22, 28, 43, 47, 
116-124, 149. 153, i?Si 178, 
188-200, 205, 271, 299, 333, 347, 


Sumbawa 332, 335 
Sunan Giri 406 
Sunan Kudus 407 
Suntfa 93 94, 298, 299, 327-329. 

356-362, 409 
Sundara 38 
Sungai Batu Estate 80 


Sung dynasty, History of 77, 78, 
102, 103, 166, i6g, 182, 220, 253, 
264, 288, 413, 435 

Sung-Shih 184 

Suparkadeva 429-30 

Suppara 56 

Supparaka-Jataka 37 

Surabaya 93, 241, 242, 260, 269, 272, 

303. 432 

Surakarta 92, 237i 254 
Suratjha 56 
SQryasiddhanta 119 
Susumnadevi 329 
Sutasoma 328 
Suvannabhumi 56 
Suvannakuta 56 

Suvarnadvipa 37-64, 69, 138-147 
Suvarnnapura 45 

Tabanan 427 

Tabanendravarmadeva 420 

Tadjau, Maharaja 382 

Tagalas u 

Takakusu 165 

Takkasila 56 

Takkola 7, 38, 56, 70, 81 

Takua Pa 67, 81, 82, 84-86, 90 

Takuatung 67 

Talaittakkolam 174, 177 

Tamali 56 

Tambapanni $6 

Tamil Inscriptions 71 

Tarn r ad vi pa 62 

Tamralipti 51 

Tanah Malayti 65 

Taftca 326 

Tang dynasty, History of 43, 75, 

76, 78, 111-113, I33-I37, 236, 

250-252, 379, 412 

Tanjore Ins. 173, 174, 179 

Taftjungpura 325, 327, 33* 

Tan-ma-ling 194 

Tan-ma-sa-na-ho 202 

Tao-hong 143 

Tapasi 300 

Tara 151-153, 233 

Taruma (Taruma, Tarumapur) 106, 

Ta-tsin 143 
Tavan 432 
Tazi 113, 114 
Tcheng-Kou 143 

Tchou-Lieou-to (Rudra,the Indian) 7 
Tchou-po 101, 119 
Tchou Ying 101 
Temo 9 

Tenasserim (Nankasi) 71 
Tengaran Ins. 259 
Ternate 10 
Thai 201 
'J'hera Son^ 39 
Thera Uttara 39 
Thomson 16 

Thousand and One Nights 52 
Tiao-Pien ioo 
Tidore 10 

Ti-hwa-ka-la 183-186 
Tiimitaraja (Utimutaraja) 397 
Tirip 432 

Tirumalai Ins. 179 
Tiruvalangadu plates 171 
Tittirajataka 60 
Ti-wa-kalo 184-186 
Tohjaya 294-296 
Tokoon 82, 88 
To-1ang-p'o-houang (Tulangbawang) 



Tflng-ya-n&ng 194 

T'oung Pao 22, 26, 70, 73, 7% 78, 

79, 97. 10*. 133, 134, 142, 145 
Tou-po in, 119 

deva 195 

Trawulan Ins. 432, 435 

196, 200, 299 
Tribhuvanottunggadevi Jayavinu- 

vardhani (GUarjja) 326 
Triguna 280 
Iritresta 95 
Truneng Ins. 271 
Tsai-nu-li-a-pi-ting-ki 375 
Tsien-han shu 70 
Tuhan Janaka (ri Maradeva, Haji 

Montrolot) 320 
Tuk Mas 114, 115, 140 
Tuloclong 246, 258 
Tumapel 288-290, 293, 351 
Tung Hsi yang K'au 412 
Tung Tuk 8 1 

Tun Mutahir Sri Maharaja 397 
Tun-Sun 145 

Udayana 262 

Ugrasena 420 

U ndung (Sunan Kudus) 407 

Usana Jawa 425 

Uttungadeva 273 

Vailavarman 103 
Vajadrava 283 
Vajrabodhi 21, 144 
Valaippanduru 174, 177 
Valangai 188 
Vamana Purana 51 
Vaihsapatha 56 

Van der Lith 372 

Vanga 56 

Van Naerssen 434-5 

Van Stein Callenfels 14 

Vaprakesvara (rakryan Kanuruhan) 


Varaha-dvipa 52, 53 
Varingin Sapta (Vringin pitu) 272 
Varmasetu (Dharmasetuj 153, 232-3 
Varsajaya 280 
Varusaka (Haros, Sumatra) Island, 


Vat Sema Murong Ins, 123 
Vayu Purana 52, 53, 60, 
Vengi 1 86 

Vengker, king of 270 
Venkayya 176 
Verapatha 56 
Vesun^a 56 

Vettadhara (or Vettacara) 56, 59 
Vijaya 270, 

Vijaya (Krtarajasa) 301, 308-321 
Vijayabahu 198 

Vijayade\ i (Rajadevf Manarajasa) 327 
Vijayaditya VII 186 
Vijayamahadevi 420 
Vijayarajasa 425 

Vikramavarddhana 339-343, 348-350 
Vimanavatthu 60, 61 
Virabahu 197 

Virabhflmi 339, 343'345i 35O 
Viraraja 301, 311, 322 
Virarajendra 181, 184-187 
Vira-vairi-mathana 233 
Visnugupta, book of, 270 
Vi^nuvarman 8l, 150 
Vogel 150, 107-110, 126, 127, 150, 

Vuatan Mas 271 


Vuravari 266, 270 
Vy5sa 429 

Wai kouo tchouan 101 

Wajang 33-36 ^ 

Waleri (Meleri) 297 

Wallace 2, IT 

Wang Ta-yuen 201, 373, 414 

Wan-li 416 

Wassaf-i-Hadrat 372 

Wates-Kulen 287 

Watuhumalang rakai 240 

Watuku'a rakai 233-235 

Wawa 246-248, 258 

Wellesley Province 80-82, 88, 89 

Wilkinson, R. J. 155, 188, 224, 400 

Wong Majapait 426 

Wu-pin 3 45, 347 

Yajfiavati 429 
Yakut 41, 45, 210 
Yama-chipa (Yamako^i) 52, 53 

Yang Tikuh i 58 
Yalaljketu 3? 
Yavabhumi 152, 154 
Yavabhumi-pala 152, 155 
Yavad\Ipa 32, 49* 54, 75, 98-100 

103, 109 
Yen-mo-na 112 
Ye-p'o-t'i 103, 1 19 
Ye-Tiao 100, 119 
Yi-U'o-mu-su 313, 316-318 
Yin-Ch'ing 386 
Yona 56 

Yuan dynasty, History of 313 
Yuan-fung 183 
Yu<ihishthira 429 
Yun-ki 143 

Zabag ( or Zabaj ) 40, 44, 47, 155, 

158-164, 192, 196, 208-225 
Zain-ul-Abedin 408 
Zaman 32